No More Learning

When you give a command, leave nothing to
be brought home by your generals: confer an air
of superiority always on the Profession of Arms.
But always attribute to your generals the disaster
of a battle, or the disastrous result of a campaign.
You have seen how I punished Le Kizel^ and
Fink^ for the surrender at Maxin, Zartroit^ for the
surrender at Schweidnitz, and Roule"* for having
advised the surrender of the citadel of Gratz. ^
In point of fact, none of these were their fault:
they were mine.
You are not, my dear nephew, in a position to
exercise a very rigorous discipline, and you are
obliged to avoid increasing the yoke; real men
are rare in your dominions, and foreigners cost too
much for you to take them. You need not alter
the administration of justice in your regiments,
but you should make the death penalty very rare.
Make your surgeons observe the same principles
as I have impressed upon them, with regard to
the arms and legs of your soldiers and your officers.
Do not demand from a subaltern anything more
than good routine, because you have no need for
^ A misspelling which cannot be identified. * Should be
FiNCK. 3 Should be Zastrow. * Should be Fouquet. s Should
be Glatz.
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? Frederick the Great 83
him to know anything more. But demand from
a higher officer genius and theory; and, above all,
make a point of not confusing details with great
principles, and especially make a great difference
between a good quartermaster and a great general,
because you can be one without being the other.
I am now coming to the point of my theories
about common soldiers and subaltern officers. It
is a question now of laying before your eyes the
ideas I have maintained in my recent campaigns.
When I saw that France, the Queen of Hungary
(Maria Theresa) and Russia were against me, I
abandoned half my dominions in order to concen-
trate and put myself in a condition to be able
to invade Saxony.
This manoeuvre was universally attributed to a
fine stroke of politics. It was really due to neces-
sity, because I should none the less have lost all
my dominions if I have been crushed in defending
them.
Before the commencement of the war I laid down
a system which I have never abandoned: I have
always hung on with the greatest obstinacy to
part of Saxony: and though I have been sur-
rounded on all sides, I have never been willing to
retire from this country, and I was well advised,
for I should have been lost without power of
recovery.
I know well that it is considered extraordinary
that I have allowed Berlin to be laid under contri-
bution twice, and that all the towns in my kingdom,
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? 84 The Confessions of
except five or six, have been taken. But every-
thing has been given back to me, as the price of
retiring from Saxony.
If you were to consult my subjects at the present
moment, I believe that you would find that the
enthusiasm is a little dwindled. I am persuaded
myself that they have long ago begun to reckon the
obligations of a prince to his subjects.
I had made the late war as a pupil. Marshal
d'Anhalt^ and Marshal de Schwerin gave battle;
I only figured in the battles. In this campaign
my amour propre had desired to play the leading
part. I had need of Marshal Schwerin ; I felt that
he was necessary; but I was jealous of his glory.
It is certain that if he had not been killed, I should
have been ungrateful.
People pay me, my dear nephew, a little more
honour than I deserve. For since his death I
have made several bad mistakes. I lost the battle
of Kollin and raised the siege of Prague quite un-
necessarily; I made a false move when I arrived
in Moravia, and Marshal Daun, like a good Gen-
eral, had secured Olmiitz before he left Vienna.
At Maxin I lost fifteen thousand men by pig-
headedness, and ignorance, because I did not see
that Marshal Daun had advanced with his army.
General Laudon profited by a false move which
I made to take me in the- flank at Schweidnitz;
I let him crush poor Fouquet before Glatz.
I should have lost the battle of Torgau if Mar-
* Leopold of Anhalt-Dessau -- the old Dessauer.
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? Frederick the Great 85
shal Daun had not been wounded, and the Russians
have beaten me three times out of four; I have
never been able to retake Dresden; and I have
been fifty-nine days in the open trenches before
Schweidnitz.
For all that, I am a general, and no one could
dispute that I have great abilities, for, if I have
lost battles, I have won them also, and I have
niade retreats which have won me infinite honour ;
I have discovered admirable expedients for extri-
cating myself from the most cruel embarrassments.
But, my dear nephew, what has saved me is my
desperateness and my vanity. I have preferred
to be buried under the ruins of my kingdom to
yielding, and it is my obstinacy which has worn
everyone out. A man can try this once, but if he
is wise he does not expose himself to it a second
time.
At present, while I am in cold blood, I see all my
glory vanishing in smoke; I have made a noise,
but what have I gained? Nothing! On the con-
trary, I have lost much since the election of the
King of the Romans has taken place.
You know the ambition of our house, and I
assure you that I shall die of grief if I do not
make the Empire pass to some Protestant Prince.
But what afflicts me most is the state of affairs
in my own dominions. When I compare the situa-
tion of my kingdom in '56 with its situation to-
day, I am confounded. I must lay it before you
in order that, in advance, you may come to the
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? 86 The Confessions of
resolution of sacrificing everything to re-establish
it.
Since '56 I have lost by fighting more than three
hundred thousand men. The population is de-
creased by more than one third, the number of
horses and other animals by more than a half;
the treasure accumulated by my father has been
consumed, and my coinage is debased by one
tenth. All the Provinces pay twice as heavily as
they did in '56, by the interest of the money which
they have been obliged to borrow for the contribu-
tions of which it is impossible for me to keep count.
I have no commerce outside of my kingdom,
because my money loses too much in exchange
abroad, and the bankruptcy of M. Donenville has
made me lose all my credit.
The majority of my magazines are empty, my
artillery is very bad, and I have very few muni-
tions of war left; it is this which determines me
to demolish most of my fortifications: for I am
no longer in a condition to put the places which
I have abandoned in a state of defence.
Otherwise, in a moment, if I were to come to
have war, it would be absolutely impossible for
me to guard them.
You see by this that you have no more than one
step to take to be ruined, and that would be to
undertake a new war, for however glorious it might
be for you, it would crush you.
The only way of re-establishing yourself is to
make an alliance with England to pay you heavy
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? Frederick the Great 87
subsidies to conduct the campaign, and to keep
within your borders as long as possible.
It would not be a question of waging an offensive
war; you would no longer be in a condition to
reassemble large armies, because you could not
supply them either with provisions or with muni-
tions of war. It would only, therefore, be in the
last extremity that you ought to advance.
In what situation would you find yourself, if
your dominions were once more the prey of the
enemy? How would your dominions pay in the
future the interest on the contributions they had
borrowed? To what extent would your people
not suffer, and how far would the deficiency in
animals not go?
As for me, I cannot resist the sad ideas which
this picture presents to me. I know the reputa-
tion which I bear throughout Europe, of loving
war, and I confess that it is my passion, but I
know its calamities, and I yield to the evidence.
It is not possible to do this, because I should risk
the entire ruin of my dominions.
I pretend to be wicked, but I do it to impose
on others. One is not lucky twice, or, to put it
better, fortune becomes greedy when one demands
too much. She would certainly not be sufficiently
generous to rescue our house a second time from
the abyss in which it found itself in '57 and '61.
In '57, in the month of October, the French
were at the gates of Magdeburg; the Austrians
had Schweidnitz and Breslau, the Russians had
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? 88 The Confessions of
all Prussia, and part of Brandenburg, and the
Swedes had nearly all Pomerania. Berlin had
been made to pay a ransom, and all my allies were
prisoners.
Rossbach saved me at the edge of the precipice,
and the affair of Breslau removed me further back
from it for a year.
In '58 the Russians had my kingdom in their
hands for three days: if I had unluckily yielded,
I should have been lost irretrievably.
At the end of '61, in the month of November,
Colberg being taken, the Russians were masters
of the road to Berlin; the Austrians with the
possession of Schweidnitz and Glatz could dispose
of Silesia; the French, with the occupation of
Hesse, shut me in on the side of Franconia; and
Marshal Daun had more than half of Saxony; I
scarcely had enough room for quartering my
troops.
Add to this situation the lack of money and
clothing for my troops, and, what is worse, the lack
of provisions. At this critical moment the Em-
press of Russia came to die. ^ If it had been I who
had frightened her into it, the thing could not have
happened more opportunely.
At the peace, like everyone, I made reforms,
but I did not follow the order of seniority. I dis-
missed all the officers whom I suspected of being
bad -- I have already told you that I had over-
' Peter III, an admirer of Frederick's, recalled the Russian
army directly the Empress Elizabeth died.
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? Frederick the Great 89
looked man^ things while campaigning, but I had
recorded on my tablets all their bad actions, and
when I no longer had any need of them, I made a
crime for them out of that which I had appeared to
treat as a petty trouble.
That is, approximately, my way of thinking
about the military, and the way in which I have
treated it. Now let us talk a little about pro-
visioning armies.
Provisioning is so legitimate, or, rather, so
necessary for an army, that it is impossible for the
latter to exist without the former, but it is a great
question how far one ought to occupy oneself
with it.
After mature reflection upon the subject, I have
made the following system. I have accustomed
my soldiers to do without bread, meat, and wine,
and I have allowed them to get their subsistence
from the peasants, and I have made no commis-
sariat except when I could not do otherwise.
Since everything was under the Administration,
every economy was to my profit. When a regi-
ment arrived at a town, the citizens were obliged
to support it for several days. I divided the
profits with my soldiers. I gave them three sous
and I kept back two, for the bread which they
had to take from my magazines.
When an army was advancing and it did with-
out bread for a day, it was so much profit to me.
By this arrangement I gained not only sometimes
as much as six weeks' provisions in a year, but
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? 90 The Confessions of
I could also risk forced marches, because I need
not fear that doing without bread for one or two
days would make the army complain.
When you raise the provisioning to a certain
level, you cannot move one step without great
difficulty, because, before making a move, you
have to think of provisioning. Whereas, when
the soldier is properly broken in, he himself be-
comes careful; he does not eat all he has, except
when he is sure of being newly provided for, and
by this means the general is much less harassed in
his operations.
I should never have been able to make the forced
marches which I have made, if I had not risked
one or two days' provisioning, and if my soldiers
had not been persuaded that one can live without
bread and meat.
You would not believe, my dear nephew, the
advantage which you have when an army is accus-
tomed to this uncertainty. The general need not
abuse it, but he can profit by it at moments which
are decisive.
In not paying serious attention, except in neces-
sary cases, to the provisioning of the soldier, the
air of importance which makes it so expensive is
eliminated.
I do not say, however, my dear nephew, that
you ought not to regard this matter as one of the
essentials, but you ought to know how to profit
by the moment for treating it with a sort of in-
difference.
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? Frederick the Great 91
I do not speak to you of Engineering or Artillery,
because, unfortunately, these two branches are
still in their infancy with us. We have not suf-
ficient resources to put them on a good footing.
You cannot, under any pretext whatever, dispense
with your presence at the head of your troops,
because two thirds of your soldiers could not be
inspired by any other influence except your
presence. Since your situation does not permit
you to have a well supplied army, you ought to be
present to profit by everything. It is following
out this principle that as soon as I have entered
any country I treat it as if I had conquered it.
I went through Franconia and the Cote de
Neuberg; in the contributions^ which I levied I
often took, in place of money, cloth, or shoes,
leather, flour, everything, down to peas and beans.
Everything is good, my dear nephew, when you
have a use to make of it. You ought not to be
under any illusion as to the past. Events have
made me great, more than my talents or my
forces.
The faults of the French founded my glory:
the corruption of the Russian generals kept it
up for some time, and the divisions between the
Austrian generals have nourished it to the end.
When you are lucky, the arms which are opposed
to you turn to your profit.
Without the armies of the Empire and Sweden
' The German army still levies contributions in kind as at
Ghent.
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? 92 Confessions of Frederick the Great
I should never have been able to shew mine. It
was a real God-send for me. I had thrown such
ridicule on these two nations that the soldiers who
had any feeling felt themselves dishonoured by-
serving them.
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? MORNING THE SEVENTH
CONCERNING FINANCE
NOTHING is so easy, my dear nephew, as to
put finance on an honest footing, and no-
thing renders it tolerable, except the tone which one
gives to it.
It is in this that I find that my pre-
decessors have conceived very well in creating
the Land Courts. There you have a jurisdiction
which appears to have no other function than that
of adjusting the interests of the King and of his
subjects, whereas, in reaHty, it thinks only of the
former. For this reason, all the offices in any way
appertaining to it are regarded as necessary, and
it appears as if the financier had been overlooked
in favour of the man who is useful to the King.
My kingdom pays as much, in proportion, as
any other, and the taxes on it are very numerous,
since my revenues are derived from Crown Lands,
Woods, Mills, Subsidies, Tithes, Ferry-dues, Tolls,
Salt, Fisheries, Game-Hcences, Stamped-paper,
Stamp-Office and Registration of Deeds, Great and
Little Seals, Forfeiture of Estate, Taxes on Em-
ployment, Excise -- which includes the rights over
every kind of commodity in general, coming into
the towns, whether necessaries or luxuries, and
93
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? 94 The Confessions of
over all merchandise -- the duty of billeting soldiers,
the money for recruits, and finally, the men and
horses for the artillery.
In spite of this multiplication of taxes, which
are exacted with the utmost rigour, my subjects
do not complain, because everything is done in
my name, and care is taken to give to my repre-
sentatives a certain social position.
There are authors who have advanced the theory
that it is a part of kingly policy to farm out all
sources of revenue, because, by this means, the
hatred of the people is diverted to the collectors
(farmers) alone. But these authors have not
considered that the hatred recoils little by little
upon the protector of these agents.
For a true comprehension of finance, you should
read the Memorial prepared by the Royal Council
of my father, upon the demise of my grandfather.
The Memorial of the Council
The King enquires how, without overburdening his
subjects, he can extinguish a debt of thirty millions?
Finance is the Monster of the fable. In every State
contempt of it is a point of honour, yet in every State
it is the object of the greatest courtship and flattery.
This contradiction inflicts considerable wrong upon
the governing Princes.
We must discover the truth in everything, and to
this end let us examine this Monster.
What is Finance?
It is the collection of the revenues of a State, or else
the expenditure of these same revenues.
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? Frederick the Great 95
In whose name are these revenues collected or ex-
pended?
In the King's name.
Whom does the King employ for the raising or
expending the revenues?
His subjects.
What sort of subjects has the King to choose for this
work?
Honest men.
Are honest men to be despised?
No.
Why then are financiers despised?
Because they are not honest.
Whose fault is this?
That is the great problem which certainly will em-
barrass your Ministers.
What results from all this?
That you have need of revenues and of men to raise
them, and that it behoves Your Majesty to choose
them well.
Two points of view in general regulate the conduct of
men: honour and interest. On all the occasions when
it is possible to pay them with honour, it is so much
gain over interest. This is therefore a coinage of
which a prince should make as much use as possible.
But since in a well-regulated State the different cur-
rencies ought not to be confused, it is essential to give
to this coinage the degrees of valuation proper to it.
For the money of this metal bestowed upon a General
must not be the same in form as that presented to the
premier merchant of the realm.
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? 96 The Confessions of
In order to carry out this project, we have formu-
lated the following plan :
We desire that there shall no longer be any forms of
tax-farming in our kingdom :
(i) Because they are useless to us, and utterly
opposed to our interests.
(2) Because they come with too much authority
between us and our subjects.
(3) Because they prevent us from knowing the true
condition of things with regard to our revenues and to
our subjects themselves.
(4) Because the gains brought about by them in-
crease luxury, and corrupt manners; excite the great
to indignation, and vex the populace.
(5) Finally, because they are opposed to the project
we have formed of imparting a certain lustre to every-
thing connected, directly or indirectly, with our
finances.
In order to prove to you the more completely the
uselessness of these farmers-general, we will show you
that three-fourths of them are not, and never could
be, useful people, not only because they are without
credit of themselves, but also because their funds are
the property of the public. As to their abilities, the
only skill allowed them by their state is that of stoutly
maintaining their rights.
As for scruples, we have not yet been fortunate
enough to find a company which has said to us: "We
were mistaken when we made such and such an
agreement with Your Majesty. We were reckoning
for a gain of 20 per cent. , and we have found that
it amounted to 72 per cent. "
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? Frederick the Great 97
If our farmers-general were only useless to us, it
would yet be possible at a pinch to make use of their
services, but, unfortunately, they are absolutely op-
posed to our interests, not only on account of the gains
they make off us, but chiefly because they are the cause
of our paying a huge interest. We will explain this
to you in a few words.
We have calculated the amount of interest which we
have paid to various companies for the past ten years,
and we have found that the sum total amounts to
sixty millions of livres. These companies were pos-
sessed of little or no capital, in consequence of which
they have been obliged to borrow the funds for the
advances which they have made to us at different
times.
From whom have they borrowed?
From the public.
Why did the public lend to them?
Because they paid five to six per cent.
Why did they pay five to six per cent. ?
Because the King gave ten per cent. , and the same
money brought them in a further fifteen per cent, of
profit.
Why did the King give them ten per cent. ?
Because they came between the King and his sub-
jects, and by this means drew all the money to them-
selves.
Why did they draw all the money to themselves?
Because the public prefers to do business with indi-
viduals who are making big profits rather than with
the King.
It is certain, therefore, that when there is no middle-
man, the King will be the recipient of the interest on
the money?
7
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? 98 The Confessions of
Yes, without doubt, and we may conclude with
certainty that the King has paid at least thirty mil-
lions too much on these sixty millions.
We have no need to strengthen our case with further
arguments; you know its soundness, and you will
admit that the Ministers of the King my father have
been much more than foolish. In effect, they have
not been content with abandoning large profits on the
revenues of the King, but they have further paid
interest as if they had not had the smallest resources.
One might say that they permitted the financiers to
treat their master much in the same way that money-
lenders treat minors of good family, with this difference
only, that the King has been obliged to enrich those
from whom he wished to borrow, whereas the minors
of good family have not altogether the same vigilance
as the usurers.
Here is a scheme for execution in every part of our
revenue, the administration of which has appeared to
us injurious to our interests.
Subsidies
This tax cannot be further extended, since in
reality we take more than a third of the revenue.
Neither could it be assessed with greater justice, since
it has been settled according to the register of the
general survey of lands; the only question, therefore,
is as to its collection.
This impost was originally regarded as a voluntary
contribution, one at the same time necessary for the
maintenance of the State. It was money which was
not destined for the coffers of the King, but only for
those of the Government; for which reason the State
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? Frederick the Great 99
itself had sought the least costly methods of raising
the tax.
Then came the creation of the offices of Receivers-
General and of Local Receivers. These were given
rights of commission on the funds, they were allowed
to charge collection expenses, and in some measure
they received absolute authority over this section.
To remedy the abuses which have followed the
changes, we have enquired of every province what
subsidies and tithes it contributed, including costs,
and we have verified the amounts paid into our trea-
sury. The province of Minden has sent us the sub-
joined Memorandum.
MEMORANDUM
The Province of Minden has paid to the King: --
livres. livres.
In Subsidy 550,000
Expenses 15,000
565,000
Costs to the King upon this: --
Paid to Receiver-General of the Province:
(i) In Appointments 6,000
(2) In Commission at one-half per cent. 8,250*
To four Local Receivers of the Pro-
vince :
(3) In Appointments at 1,500 livres
each 6,000
(4) In Commission at one-half per
cent 8,250*
(5) In Expenses on account of de-
layed payments 15,000
43. 500
Net Remainder for the King 521,500
'The king's arithmetic in this memorandum is absolutely
unintelligible.
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? icx) The Confessions of
Thus far the evil does not appear great, but this is
what renders it considerable. The four Receivers
have a year in which to pay the Receiver-General, and
the Receiver-General has eighteen months in which to
pay the King. During this time they are continuing
to receive, and are putting out their money to interest.
What is the result? We find ourselves always a year
and a half behindhand; we are obliged to borrow at
least a year's amount, in order to meet necessary
expenses. To whom do we apply? To these very
Receivers-General, who lend us our own money at
ten per cent. Therefore,
livres
From the sum of 521,500
we must take further, the sum of 55,000^
You will see that there will finally remain
to us only the sum of 466,500
After very careful consideration, we have proposed
to the Province of Minden that it should raise a mean
amount of 20,000 livres, to be received by us direct at
Berlin, in two equal payments, to be made, the first in
the month of August, and the second in the month of
February of the following year. This proposal the
Province has accepted.
The following are the advantages which will accrue
to the Province and to us.
The Province will gain: --
livres.
Upon the Charges of 15,000 livres, at least 7, 500
Upon the sum of 20,000 livres, a Grant for
Expenses of Collection amounting to 5,ooo
Total Gain for the Province 12,500
' The king's arithmetic in this memorandum is absolutely
unintelligible.
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? Frederick the Great loi
We shall gain : -- livres.
(i) On the Expenses of Collection and of Com-
missions 8,500
(2) Being paid every six months, we shall, at
the lowest calculation, have to borrow half
the amount only. Thus on the 55,000
livres interest formerly paid to the Receivers,
we will gain the half, which leaves to the
King 27,500
Total Gain for the King 36,000
Excise Dues
We have established the general levying of
Excise, and we have found that it amounts to. . . . 4,500,000
On which the Tax-farmers pay out: -- livres.
(1) To the King 1,500,000
(2) On advances of 1,500,000 five
per cent 75iOOO
(3) In Expenses of Administration. . . 2,225,000
3,800,000
Consequently, there remains a net profit to the
Tax-farmers of 700,000
After having established the general system of col-
lection, we have sent to each province the details of its
payments in subsidies, and we have enquired of them
what would be the most certain and the least costly
method of collecting them. We cite you the reply of
the Province of Magdeburg, because it appears to us
to be the clearest and the most satisfactory.
The Reply of the Province of Magdeburg
We have not been surprised by the enormous ex-
penses entailed on the Province by the administration
of the Excise Dues, but we should be much astonished
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? 102 The Confessions of
if the King did not accord us the Hberty of paying him
the subsidies by subscription, and above all, after the
Report which we are about to lay before him.
In the Province of Magdeburg the amount livres,
actually collected comes to 450,000
The Expenses of Administration are
as follows:
livres.
(i) For Four Directors at 6,000 livres. . . 24,000
(2) For Four Travelling Inspectors
at 2,400 livres 9,600
(3) For Twenty Town Receivers at
1,200 livres 24,000
(4) For 120 Travelling Agents at 800
livres 96,000
(5) Compensations and Expenses of
Official Reports 20,000
(6) Expenses and Salaries of the Court
of Excise 30,000
(7) Remittance of monies to the General
Pay-Office 10,000
213,600
Consequently, there remains for the Tax-farmers . . 236,400
of which 236,400 livres the King receives about 120,000
livres. Of what then is it a question ? It is to give to
the King 120,000 Hvres of Excise Dues. But we do far
more than this; we give him 170,000 livres, and this is
how we do so.
We have made two taxes, one for the towns, and the
other for the country, and we have made a general cal-
culation upon the different returns sent in by the
burgomasters of the towns and villages, and we have
found that every year the sales throughout the pro-
vince have been as follows: --
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-05 01:02 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/loc. ark:/13960/t5h99vc8g Public Domain in the United States / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us
? Frederick the Great 103
Flagons Flagons Flagons
of Wine. of Beer, of Spirits.
In the Boroughs and Towns . . 400,000 1,500,000 30,000
In the Villages and Hamlets . .