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CHR. WIE LAND
ارایه


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CHRISTOPHER MARTIN WIELAND
15955
of Things,' written and published several years later, came to him
while he was walking with Sophie.
He went to Tübingen in 1750,- nominally to study law, but gave
his main attention to philology, philosophy, and literature. Wieland
was one of the army of young men in all lands who begin with
the law, and are irresistibly deflected by their taste toward letters.
Bodmer, the Swiss poet, was then a sort of Rhadamanthus in Ger-
man literary affairs, and to him Wieland, fired by ambition, sent his
unfinished manuscript epic 'Hermann”; the result was an invitation
to visit Bodmer at Zürich, and the young aspirant spent a number of
months with the veteran, a cordial friendship being established be-
tween them. Wieland derived much benefit from this association; but
left his friend and patron in 1754, other influences being at work in
him. He lived for some time in Zürich and Bern, supporting him-
self by tutoring. At the University his writings, such as the Moral
Letters and Moral Tales,' had been of a philosophico-ethical and
mystical nature, and under the Swiss influence they continued to be
so for several years.
His Letters from the Dead to Living Friends,'
and other works of this period, are full of spiritual aspiration; and
his tone in rebuking worldly pleasures is austere.
But this was not to be Wieland's typical work. The impulse is
explained by heredity and environment. He went to Biberach in
1760 as Director of Chancery; and as he began to mix in polite soci-
ety, and especially to frequent Count Stadion's house, he developed
into a man of the world, and his writings reflected his experience.
Wit, fancy, satire, and worldly wisdom took the place of pious mystic
imaginings. The romance Don Sylvio von Rosalva' (1764), the cul-
pably free 'Comic Tales? (1766), the romance (Agathon' (1766–67), —
described as the first modern romance of culture, and certainly one of
his most characteristic and able productions,— exhibit this change of
heart; and in the Musarion the next year (1768) a middle ground
is reached, — the author advocating the rational cultivation of the
sensual and spiritual sides of man, avoiding alike the extremes of
the ascetic and the worldling. His study of Shakespeare began at
Biberach; and between 1762 and 1766 he published twenty-two prose
translations of the plays, thus making the English poet an open book
for Germans.
After a three-years' stay in Erfurt as professor of philosophy,
Wieland began in 1772 what was to be a life residence in Weimar.
An interesting feature of this life is his connection with Goethe.
Soon after Wieland's arrival in the city, he listened in an evening
company to the remarkable improvised verses of a young man
known to him, and exclaimed, “That must be either the Devil — or
Goethe! It proved to be the latter. A warm friendship grew up
between the two, in spite of the fact that ethe had
attacked
-
-
un-


## p. 15956 (#302) ##########################################

15956
CHRISTOPHER MARTIN WIELAND
Wieland's writings, and in ‘Gods, Heroes, and Wieland' represented
the other as an object of sport in hell. His literary activity in Wei-
mar was prolific and many-sided;. and here his most famous single
work, the Oberon,' was done. He edited the German Mercury, many
of his writings first appearing in that paper; he began a periodical
called the Attic Museum; wrote some of his best things in the comic
and satiric veins, among them The Inhabitants of Booby-land' (Die
Abderiten: 1774), New Dialogues of the Gods) (1791), and “The
Secret History of the Philosopher Peregrinus Proteus' (1791); and
translated Horace, Lucian, and Cicero, his last labor being expended
on the Letters of the last-named classic.
His masterpiece, Oberon,' was brought out in 1780, and received
with a favor rarely extended to any literary work. It is a romantic
epic, interweaving the love story of the mediaval knight Huon with
an amatory episode in the story of the fairy king and queen, Oberon
and Titania. The poem is written in a skillfully handled stanzaic
form, and in the original possesses vigor, melody, lively invention,
picturesque description, and narrative movement, — qualities some of
which are lost in the English rendering. Its manner and matter now
seem a trifle antiquated. Wieland purchased in 1797 an estate named
Osmannstädt near Weimar, and lived there until 1801; when, his wife
dying, he returned to Weimar, and remained until his own death on
January 20th, 1813. Personally he is drawn as sensitive and vain, but
of pure private life, and of generous impulses. His character may
be studied in his (Selected Letters) (1815-16) and the biographies of
Gruber, Loebell, Ofterdingen, and Pröhle. A most voluminous writer,
his collected works number thirty-six in the edition of 1851-6.
Wieland was not a creative genius, nor a great reformatory force
in literature. He never, in his most representative works, soared
very high nor probed very deep. But he was a gifted writer in
varied fields, whose influence was salutary, and who will always have
a secure place in that particular corner of the Pantheon devoted to
authors just below stellar rank.
MANAGING HUSBANDS
From the Fourth Dialogue,' Volume xxvii. , Collected Works
Jº
UNO O my dear Livia, I am the unhappiest woman in the
world!
Livia - Never had I expected to hear such a word from
-
the lips of the queen of gods and men!
Juno — How, Livia ? Do you too hold the common error that
happiness is the inseparable property of high station ? — when we


## p. 15957 (#303) ##########################################

CHRISTOPHER MARTIN WIELAND
15957
-
should deem ourselves lucky could we exchange our position,
with all its prerogatives, for that of the modest joy of a poor
shepherdess who is reconciled to her lot!
Livia — Since I was first among the mortals, I do not remem-
ber ever to have been so dissatisfied with my lot as to wish to
exchange it for a humbler one.
Juno — Then you must have a tenderer, or at least a more
courteous and agreeable, husband than I have.
Livia - I should be making ridiculous pretensions did I not
count myself happy. In the three-and-fifty years of our union,
Augustus has never given me a single cause to doubt that I hold
the first place in his heart.
Juno — I can't by any means make the same boast with
respect to my husband, Livia. Who doesn't know, since that
gossipy old Homer let out all our marriage secrets so shame-
fully, with how little consideration and delicacy I have been
treated by Jupiter; how rudely he addresses me in the presence
of the other gods; what sort of names I must put up with from
him; and how he appears to take an actual pleasure in remind-
ing me on every occasion of misdeeds concerning which he ought
to feel the greatest shame, if he were still capable of blushing!
-
-
Livia — One cannot deny that men
– with some few excep-
tions, perhaps -- are in comparison with us a rough, untender,
horrid sort of being. Without some tact, it is very difficult even
for a goddess to have as much power over the most ordinary
rude mortal as a wife must have over her husband in order to
be tolerably contented.
Juno — If this be the case, Livia, I should like very much to
know how you managed to have such firm control of a husband
like Augustus, who was so jealous of his privileges, so mistrust-
ful and cautious, and withal so hot and hasty in his passions.
Livia — Nothing can be simpler at bottom. I made him be.
lieve, so long as he lived, that I had no other will than his; and
yet I managed to bring about just the contrary: he thought
he ruled me, and I ruled him. In all matters concerning which
I was indifferent, and that he laid stress upon, I did exactly
according to his taste and whim: I was always just as he wished
and believed the wife of Augustus should be. My obligingness
in such things was boundless. So far from bothering him with
jealousy, I appeared not to have the slightest suspicion of his
love affairs,
and by virtue of a sympathy of which he


## p. 15958 (#304) ##########################################

15958
CHRISTOPHER MARTIN WIELAND
had not the least doubt, brought it about that the ladies who
had the most charm for him were always the very ones whom I
preferred, and with whom I was on the best footing. Through
this utter indifference as to his little secrets, I gained the advan-
tage that he had no others from me; and while I left him in the
delusion that he deceived me on this point, I could be all the
surer that he deceived me in no others, and in everything touch-
ing his rule, his family, and his political relations did naught
without my counsel, and made no decision I had not led him to;
but in such manner that he ever believed he was following his
own head, when really he was the tool of mine. By this craft
(to give it its proper name) I profited, in that he was as little
jealous of my intelligence as I was of his love escapades; and
when I had won this, all was won.
Juno - You are a woman after my own heart, Julia Augusta!
We must get better acquainted with one another. But I doubt
if, with the Titanic blood that runs in my veins, I should ever be
pliant enough to make use of the hint you have given me.
Translated for (A Library of the World's Best Literature) by Richard Burton.
THE DEITIES DEPOSED
The Sixth of “The Dialogues of the Gods, Volume xxvii. of Collected Works)
[The gods, while banqueting in Olympus, are startled by the tidings
brought by Mercury, that they have been deposed as deities by the Romans.
They talk it over in council, and Jupiter points out that their case admits of
consolation.
Characters – Jupiter, Juno, Apollo, Minerva, Venus, Bacchus, Vesta, Ceres,
Victoria, Quirinus, Serapis, Momus, and Mercury.
Jupiter and Juno, with the other dwellers in Olympus, sit in an open hall
of the Olympus Palace, at divers great tables. Ganymede and Antinous serve
nectar to the gods, Hebe to the goddesses. The Muses make table music, the
Graces and the Hours dance pantomimic dances, and Jocus arouses the blessed
gods to loud laughter from time to time by his caricatures and buffooneries.
When the merriment is at its beight, Mercury, in hot haste, comes flying in. )
JT
?
UPITER - You are late, my child, as you see. What news do
you bring us from below there?
l'enus [to Bacchus] – He appears to bring something un-
pleasant. How disturbed he looks!
Mercury — The latest news I bring is not very much calcu-
lated to increase the jollity which I see reigning here.


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CHRISTOPHER MARTIN WIELAND
15959
-
-
Jupiter — At all events, your manner isn't, Mercury. What
can have happened so bad as to have disturbed the gods in their
joy?
Quirinus - Has an earthquake overthrown the Capitol ?
Mercury - That would be a small matter.
a
Ceres — Has a more violent eruption of Ætna devastated my
beautiful Sicily?
Bacchus — Or an untimely frost nipped the vineyards of the
Campagna ?
Mercury - Trifles, trifles!
Jupiter — Now out with your grievous story, then!
Mercury — It is nothing more than — [He pauses. ]
Jupiter — Don't make me impatient, Hermes! What is noth.
ing more than — ?
Mercury — Nothing, Jupiter, except that, upon a motion made
by the Emperor in his own person in the Senate, you have been
formally deposed by a decided majority.
[The gods all arise from the tables in great agitation. ]
Jupiter [who alone remains seated, laughing] – Nothing but
that? I have foreseen it for a long while.
?
All the Gods [together] – Jupiter deposed! Is it possible ?
Jupiter!
Juno-You talk nonsense, Mercury. Æsculapius, feel of his
pulse!
The Gods — Jupiter deposed!
Mercury – Just as I say: formally, and with solemnity, de-
clared by a great majority of votes to be a man of straw -
What do I say? A man of straw is something. Less than a man
of straw, a mere nothing; robbed of your temple, your priests,
your dignities as the highest protector of the Roman realm!
Hercules — It's a mad piece of news, Mercury; but as true as
I am Hercules (he swings his club], they shan't have done it to
me in vain!
Jupiter -- Be quiet, Hercules! So, then, has Jupiter Optimus
Maximus, Capitolinus, Feretrius, Stator, Lapis, etc. , played out
his part ?
Mercury — Your statue is overthrown, and they are in the
very act of destroying your temple. The same tragedy is being
played in all the provinces and corners of the Roman kingdom.


## p. 15960 (#306) ##########################################

15960
CHRISTOPHER MARTIN WIELAND
Everywhere hosts of goat-bearded brutes rush about with torches,
battering-rams, hammers, hatchets, and axes, and in a fanatic
rage lay waste the honored objects of the ancient faith of the
folk.
Serapis — Alas, what will happen to my stately temple at
Alexandria and my splendid colossal statue! If the Theban des-
ert belches forth only half of its holy hermit wood-devils, every-
thing's up.
Momus - Oh, you don't need to worry, Serapis. Who would
undertake to lay hands on your image, when at Alexandria it is
an understood thing that at the least despite offered it by an
impious hand, heaven and earth - would fall in fragments, and all
nature sink back into old chaos ?
Quirinus — But one can't always depend upon stories of that
kind, my good Serapis. It might happen with you as it did with
the massive golden statue of the goddess Anaitis at Zela, concern-
ing which it was believed that the first person who seized on it
would be stricken to the ground by a thunderbolt.
Serapis - And what happened to this statue ?
Quirinus — When the triumvir Antony defeated the Phæni-
cians at Zela, the city together with the temple of Anaitis was
plundered, and nobody could say where the massive golden god-
dess had got to.
It chanced that some years after, Augustus was
passing the night at Bononia with a veteran of Antony's. The
Emperor was sumptuously entertained; and as the talk at table
fell on the battle of Zela and the plundering of the temple of
Anaitis, he asked his host as an eye-witness, whether it was true
that the first who laid a hand on her had been suddenly stricken
dead to the earth. “You see that foolhardy one before you,”
replied the veteran; "and you are in fact eating off the leg of
the goddess. I had the fortune to conquer her first. Anaitis is
a very good sort of person, and I acknowledge gratefully that I
owe to her all my wealth. ”
Serapis - You give me poor consolation, Quirinus. If things
are going in the world as Mercury declares, I can promise my
colossus at Alexandria no better fate. It is simply shocking that
Jupiter can regard such outrageous things so coolly!
Jupiter - You will do well, Serapis, if you can manage to do
the same.
You have enjoyed long enough the honor of being
reverenced from East to West, — you, a mere god from the
Pontus; and you certainly can't desire that it should fare better


## p. 15961 (#307) ##########################################

CHRISTOPHER MARTIN WIELAND
15961
with your temples than with mine, or that your colossus should
last longer than the godlike master-work of Phidias. If we all
topple over, you would not wish to be the only one who remains
upright?
Momus — Ho, ho, Jupiter, where have you left your renowned
thunderbolt, that you take your downfall so mildly?
Jupiter - If I were not what I am, I would answer you with
one of them for this silly question, you noodle!
Quirinus [to Mercury] – You must tell me once more, Mer-
cury, if I am to believe you. My flamen superseded ? my temple
closed ? my feast no longer celebrated ? and the enervated, slav-
ish, heartless Quirites have sunk to this degree of unthankfulness
towards their founder?
Mercury- I should be deceiving you if I gave you any other
information.
Victoria – I don't need to ask what is happening to my altar
and my statue in the Julian Curia. It is so long now since the
Romans have learned the art of conquest, that I find nothing
more natural than that they cannot any longer endure the pres-
ence of my picture. At every glance which they throw upon it,
it must be to them a reproach for their shameful degeneration.
With the Romans, whose name has become a byword among
the barbarians which only blood can wash away, Victoria has
nothing more to do.
Vesta - Under these circumstances they will certainly not
allow the holy fire in my temple to burn any longer! Heavens,
what will be the fate of my poor virgins!
Mercury - Oh, not a hair of their heads will be touched, hon-
ored Vesta! They will be allowed to die of hunger in perfect
peace.
Quirinus - How times change! Once it was a shocking mis-
fortune for the whole Roman world, if the holy fire on the altar
of Vesta went out –
Mercury — And now there would be more to-do made if the
profane fire in some Roman cook-shop went out than if the ves-
tals had allowed theirs to be extinguished twice a week.
Quirinus — But who, then, in the future shall be the patron
of war at Rome in my place ?
Mercury — St. Peter with his double key has assumed to him-
self this duty.
Quirinus — St. Peter with his double key? Who is he?


## p. 15962 (#308) ##########################################

15962
CHRISTOPHER MARTIN WIELAND
Mercury – I don't know myself exactly; ask Apollo, - perhaps
he can give you more points about it.
Apollo — He's a man, Quirinus, who, in his successors, shall
rule half the world eight hundred years on end, although he him-
self was only a poor fisherman.
Quirinus — What?
The world will let itself be ruled by fish-
ermen ?
Apollo — By a certain kind of fishermen, at least: fishers of
men, who, in a very cunning kind of fish-net called decretals,
shall little by little catch all the nations and princes of Europe.
Their commands shall be esteemed as oracles of the gods, and
a piece of sheepskin or paper sealed with St. Peter's fisherman's
ring will have the power to seat and unseat kings.
Quirinus - This St. Peter of the double key must be a mighty
magician!
Apollo — No less than that! As you ought to have known
long ago, all the strange and wonderful things in the world occur
quite naturally in this way. The avalanche which shakes down
a whole village was at first a little snowball, and the flood that
shatters a great ship is at its source a purling mountain spring.
Why should not the successors of the Galilean fishermen in a
few centuries be able to become lords of Rome, and arrange a
new religion, of which they constitute themselves high priests,
and with the aid of brand-new ethics and politics, which they
know how to build upon it, finally be masters for a while of
half the world? Didn't you yourself herd the flocks of the King
of Alba, before you made yourself the head of all the bandits in
Latium, and patched together the little robbers' nest that finally
became the capital city and queen of the world ? St. Peter, to
be sure, in his life cut no great figure; but he shall see the time
when kaisers shall hold the stirrups of his successors, and queens
shall humbly kiss their feet.
Quirinus — What doesn't one go through, when one is im-
mortal!
A pollo — It needs a good deal of time, perhaps, and not a
little craft also, in order to bring fishermen so far; but then
the fish will be stupid enough who let themselves be caught by
them.
Quirinus — In the mean time, here we are all together deposed,
aren't we?
Mercury - That's the way things stand.


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CHRISTOPHER MARTIN WIELAND
15963
Various Gods - Better not be immortal than experience such
things!
Jupiter — My dear sons, uncles, nephews, one and all! I see
that you take this little revolution, which I have quietly seen
coming for a long while, in a more tragic way than the affair is
worth. Take your seats, if you will, and let us speak calmly and
undisturbed of these things, over a glass of nectar. Everything
in nature has its time. Everything changes; and so it is with
the notions of men. They are always changing with their cir-
cumstances; and when we remember what a difference fifty years
make between grandson and grandfather, it will not appear
strange to us that the world seems to acquire within a thousand
years or so, imperceptibly, an entirely new aspect. For at bot-
tom it is only appearance: it remains, under whatever other masks
and names, always the same comedy. The silly people down
there have occupied themselves long enough with superstitions
about us; and if some among you fancied they were advantaged
by it, I must tell them that they were wrong.
Mankind ought
not to be envied if they finally become wiser. By heavens, it is
none too soon!
But that is not to be thought about for the time being. In-
deed, they always flatter themselves that the last foolishness of
which they get knowledge will be the last which they shall com-
mit.
The hope of better times is their eternal chimera, by which
they will ever keep on deceiving themselves again and yet again;
because they will never realize that not the time, but their own
inborn wretched foolishness, is the reason why it will never be
better with them. For it is indeed their lot to get pure enjoy-
ment out of nothing good; and only to exchange one folly with
which they have finally become weary, as children with a worn-
out doll, for another with which for the most part they fare
worse than they did with the former one. This time it actually
seemed as if they were winners by the exchange, but I knew
about it too well not to foresee that they wouldn't get help in
this way; for indeed if Wisdom herself should come down to
them in person, and wish to dwell visibly among them, they
would not stop bedecking her with feathers and furbelows, with
baubles and bells, until they had made a fool out of her.
Believe me, gods, the triumphal song which they at this
moment are raising on account of the famous victory they have
our defenseless statues, is for posterity a raven-cry
won
over


## p. 15964 (#310) ##########################################

15964
CHRISTOPHER MARTIN WIELAND
foreboding ill fortune. They think to better themselves, but they
may go further and fare worse. They are weary of us, they wish
to have nothing more to do with us; but so much the worse for
them! We don't need them. If their priests declare us to be
impure and evil spirits, and assure the simple-minded folk that
our dwelling is an eternally flaming pool of sulphur, what harm
does that do to you or me? What matters it to us what ideas
only half-developed earth-creatures have of us, or in what rela-
tion they stand to us, or whether they smoke us with a loath-
some mixture of sacrificial stink and incense, or with brimstone
of hell ? Neither the one nor the other rises up to us. They
don't know us, you say, now that they wish to withdraw them-
selves from our government. Did they know us any better when
they served us? What the poor people call their religion is only
their affair after all, not ours. They alone have to lose or win
by it, when they direct their manner of life wisely or the re-
verse. And their descendants too, when they once feel the results
of the unwise decrees of their Valentinians, their Gratiani, and
their Theodosii, will find cause enough to rue the rash measures
which have heaped together upon their dizzy heads a flood of
new and unendurable evils, whereof the world, so long as it was
subject to the old belief or superstition, had no conception.
It would be another thing if they actually bettered themselves
by this new arrangement. Who among us could or would take
it evil of them ? But it is just the contrary! They are like a
man who in order to drive away a small trouble with which he
might be able to live as long as Tithonus, endures ten others
which are ten times worse. Thus, for example, they raise a great
outcry against our priests, because they fed the people, that is
everywhere superstitious and will ever so remain, with delusions
from which the State derives just as much profit as do they them-
selves. Will their priests improve matters? At this moment they
are founding a superstition which will avail no one but them-
selves, and instead of strengthening the political situation, will
cast into confusion and destroy all human and civil relations; a
superstition which will lie like lead in their brains, shut out
every sane conception of natural and moral things, and under
the color of a chimerical perfection, will poison in the bud the
humanity in each and every man. When one has said the worst
that can be said with truth concerning the superstition which up
till now has befooled the world, one must at least concede that


## p. 15965 (#311) ##########################################

CHRISTOPHER MARTIN WIELAND
15965
it was far more humane, blameless, and beneficent, than the new
faith which one has put in its stead. Our priests were always
more harmless people than these to whom they must now yield.
Those enjoyed their station and their revenues in peace, were on
good terms with every one, and attacked no man's belief; but
these are arrogant and impatient, persecute each other with the
fiercest anger on account of a mere insignificant play on words,
decide by a majority of votes what one must think of unthink-
able things, how one must speak of unspeakable things, and
reckon all who think and speak otherwise as enemies of God and
man. For the priests of the gods to come into collision with the
civic power or otherwise disturb the peace of the State, before
they were interfered with by these raging iconoclasts, has scarcely
been heard of in a thousand years; the new priesthood, on the
contrary, since its party has been popular, has not ceased to
throw the world into confusion. So far their pontiffs work in
secret; but in a short time they will seize on the sceptres of
kings, set themselves up as viceroys of God, and under this title
assume a hitherto unheard-of power over heaven and earth.
If it be true that our priests were (as was right) no very
zealous patrons of philosophy, yet at least they were not its
declared enemies; for they feared nothing from it, under the
protection of the law. Least of all did they conceive of draw-
ing the thoughts and ideas of men under their jurisdiction, or
wish to hinder their currency in society. Those others, on the
contrary,— who so long as they were the weaker party, made so
much of having reason on their side, and in any attack from
us always placed it to the fore,— since now it would only be a
hindrance to them in their wider operations, say good-by to it,
and will not rest until they make it all dark around them, until
they take away from the people all means of enlightenment,
and have condemned the free use of natural judgment as the
first of all sins. Formerly, when they themselves still depended
upon alms, the well-being and comfortable manner of life of
our priests was an abomination to them; now that they fare with
full sails, the moderate incomes of our temples, which they have
made themselves masters of, are much too small to satisfy the
needs of their pride and their vanity. Already now their pon-
tiffs at Rome — through the liberality of rich and foolish matrons
whose dreamy sentimentality they know very well how to use,
through the most shameless legacy-hunting, and a thousand


## p. 15966 (#312) ##########################################

15966
CHRISTOPHER MARTIN WIELAND
other tricks of this kind - put themselves in a position to surpass
the first persons in the State in pomp, expenditure, and voluptu-
ousness. But all these springs, although grown to streams through
ever new tributaries, will not satisfy these insatiable ones: they
will find a thousand ways never heard of before to levy upon the
simpleness of men untutored and beguiled; even the sins of the
world will they transform through their magic art to golden
fountains; and to make them yield the more, they will think up
a monstrous multitude of new sins, of which the Theophrastuses
and the Epictetuses had never a suspicion.
Wherefore do I say all this? What does it matter to us
what these people do, or don't do, and how well or ill they
shall administer their new government over the sick souls of
men nerveless and stunted through lust and slavery? Even
the deceivers are themselves deceived: they too know not what
they do; but we who see clear in all this— it befits us to treat
them with forbearance as sick and insane, and in the future to
show them as much kindness as their own unreason will give
us opportunity. Poor unfortunates! Whom do they harm but
themselves, when they of their own free will rob themselves of
the beneficent influence whereby Athens has become the school
of wisdom and of art, and Rome the law-bearer and regent of
the earth ? through which influence both cities reach a grade of
culture to which not even the better descendants of these barba-
rians, who now have it in mind to divide among themselves the
lands and riches of these effeminate Greeks and Romans, will
ever be able to raise themselves again. For what shall be the
fate of men from whom the Muses and Graces, philosophy, and
all the beauty-breeding arts of life and of a finer enjoyment of
life, together with the gods their begetters and guardians, have
withdrawn themselves ? I foresee at a glance all the evil that
will come flooding in in the place of the good; all the unformed,
the warped, the monstrous, and the misshapen, that these fanatic
destroyers of beauty will pile up on the ashes and fragments
of the works of genius — and I sicken at the loathsome sight.
Away with it! For so sure as I am Jupiter Olympius it shall
not be so forever, although centuries shall pass by before man-
kind reaches the deepest depths of its downfall, and still more
centuries before, with our help, it shall again rear itself above
the mire. The time shall come when they shall seek us again,
call upon us for aid once more, and confess that without us they


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CHRISTOPHER MARTIN WIELAND
15967
new
have no power; the time shall come, when, with unwearying
labor, they shall once more draw out of the dirt, or dig up from
its deep bed of mold and rubbish, every shattered or disfigured
relic of the works which under our influence sprang from the
soul and the hands of our darlings of art; and shall weary them-
selves in vain by an affected enthusiasm, to imitate those won-
ders of true inspiration and the very afflatus of divine power.
A pollo — Surely shall it come, Jupiter, that time! I see it as
if it stood before me in the full splendor of the present. Again
shall they set up our images, gaze upon them astonished, with a
thrill of feeling and of reverent admiration, take them as models
for their idols, which in those barbaric hands had become ugly,
and — oh what a triumph! their pontiffs shall be proud to build
for us, under another name, the most splendid temple!
Jupiter [with a great beaker full of nectar in his hand] –
Here's to the future! [To Minerva. ] My daughter, here's to
the time when you shall see all Europe changed into a
Athens, filled with academies and lyceums, and shall hear the
voices of Philosophy from the midst of the German forest sound
forth perchance freer and clearer than aforetime from the halls
of Athens and Alexandria.
Minerva (shaking her head a little] - I am glad, Father Jupi-
ter, to see you in such good courage at this present juncture;
but you must pardon me if I believe as little in a new Athens
as I do in a new Olympus.
Quirinus [to Mercury] – That Peter with the double key, who
is to be my successor— I can't get him out of my head, Mer-
cury
How is it with this key? Is it actual or figurative, a
natural or a magic key? Where did he get it, and what will he
open with it?
Mercury - All that I can tell you about it, Quirinus, is, that
with this key he unlocks for whom he will the gates of heaven
or of hell.
Quirinus — He may unlock hell for whom he will, for all me;
but heaven! - that's another story.
Mercury- In fact, they have arranged to people heaven with
such a great multitude of gods of their own coinage that there
won't be any room left for us old ones.
Jupiter - Let me look out for that, Hermes!
Our temples
and landed properties on earth they could very easily get away
from us, but we have been established in Olympus too long to


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15968
CHRISTOPHER MARTIN WIELAND
be supplanted. For the rest, as a proof of our perfect impartial-
ity, we will grant to the new Romans, in spite of their insolence,
the right of apotheosis under the same conditions as before. Ac-
cording to what I hear, most of their candidates who lay claim
to this promotion are not persons of the best society. We will,
therefore, with St. Peter's permission, before we let anybody in,
undertake to give him a little examination. If it turns out that
in respect of his other qualifications and services he can uphold
his place among us, no objection shall be made to him on account
of the golden circle around his head; and Momus himself shall
not reproach him with the miracles which one works with his
bones or his outfit of clothes.
Juno — You can do as you like about the men-persons, but I
shall have the ladies forbidden.
Venus — They say there are some very pretty ones among
them.
Jupiter — We will talk about that when the case comes up.
And now — not a word more of disagreeables! A fresh beaker,
Antinous.
Translated for (A Library of the World's Best Literature)
by Richard Burton


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15969
WILHELMINE VON BAYREUTH
(1709-1758)
TO
a
He memoirs of Wilhelmine of Bayreuth are possessed of a
twofold interest: not only do they throw light upon
st nge period of Prussian history; they reveal the character
of one of the most remarkable women of the eighteenth century,- a
woman of modern intellect, whose warm humanity could not be dis-
guised or suppressed by the artificiality and pettiness of court life.
Her autobiography is less like truth than fiction, in its detailed
account of this environment, so outlandish and inhuman is its central
overshadowing figure, — her father, Frederick William I. of Prussia.
The acts of this half-insane sovereign and of his weak wife, and the
effect which they produced upon the sensitive natures of Wilhelmine
and her brother Frederick, are here told with a vividness which, only
the actual sufferer could infuse into the narrative.
Frederica Sophie Wilhelmine, the eldest daughter of Frederick
William I. of Prussia, and of Sophie Dorothea, daughter of George I.
of England, was born in Berlin on the 3d of July, 1709. Three years
later a brother was born, Frederick the crown prince, known in his-
tory as Frederick the Great. Between Wilhelmine and this brother
there existed the strongest affection; founded upon mutual sympathy
of character, upon community of tastes, and cemented by the suffer-
ing inflicted upon them both by a most unnatural father, who was
incapable of appreciating the fine quality of their temperaments.
Wilhelmine's autobiography is woven about this brother and herself,
as the only two in a numerous family possessing the primal elements
of a family bond, - affection and understanding. Her love for him
was the light of her life. His for her seems to have been no less
real, if more variable. They grew up as they could, sharing a fright-
ful paternal tyranny from which they were never free. Their in-
explicable father did everything but murder them outright; their weak
mother, in whom ambition was the ruling passion, made their lives a
burden to them by her plans for their marriages. The autobiography
is one long record of the sufferings of the royal family through the
conduct of its heads.
It was through her mother's plans for a double marriage, however,
that Wilhelmine's severest trials were brought about. From the
childhood of herself and her brother, schemes had been set afoot for
their marriages with their royal English cousins, the Prince of Wales
and the Princess Amelia. Both marriages were destined never to
XXVII-999


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15970
WILHELMINE VON BAYREUTH
take place; but for years the queen mother carried on plots and
intrigues in the interest of this her pet ambition. These were frus-
trated, however, by the house of Hapsburg, which feared the strength
such a close alliance with England would impart to Prussia. Wilhel-
mine has left a most striking record of this long-drawn-out time of
trouble and of persecution.
She herself was to make a happy marriage, though by it she for-
ever alienated her mother. She became the wife of the Margrave of
Bayreuth: a union which had been urged upon her as a political neces-
sity, but which proved to be fortunate; for her husband was a man of
pleasing character, who at once won her love and esteem. After her
marriage she was comparatively happy; as happy as a person of her
high endowments and strong character could be in a petty German
court, - a hot-bed of jealousies and intrigues. At Bayreuth, however,
she formed a circle of men and women of culture and intellectual
aspirations. Like her brother she was abreast of the most advanced
thought of the time, a disciple of Rousseau and Voltaire, hospitable
to the new forces in religious and social life. She was not des-
tined, however, to wield her beneficial influence long.
Her many
hardships, her many illnesses induced by these hardships, had weak-
ened a naturally strong constitution. She died on the 15th of October,
1758, aged only forty-nine years. The shadow of her death stretched
across the remaining years of her brother Frederick's life.
Her autobiography is one of the most remarkable records of its
kind. It is a succession of pictures from which the colors have not
faded. A wonderful common-sense inspires it from the beginning to
the end, tempered moreover with strong human passions and preju-
dices. By reason of the life which is in it, it is of more value than
many histories, and is valuable most of all as a revelation of char-
acter.
VISIT OF PETER THE GREAT TO FREDERICK WILLIAM THE
FIRST
I
HAVE, in the preceding year, forgotten to mention the arrival
in Berlin of Peter the Great, Emperor of Russia.
This epi-
sode is curious enough to be worthy of a place in my
memoirs. This sovereign, who was very fond of traveling, was
on his way from Holland, and was obliged to make a stay in the
province of Cleves. As he disliked both society and formalities,
he begged the King to let him occupy a villa on the outskirts
of Berlin which belonged to the Queen. This villa was a pretty
little building, and had been beautifully arranged by the Queen.


## p. 15971 (#317) ##########################################

WILHELMINE VON BAYREUTH
15971
It contained a gallery decorated with china; all the rooms had
most beautiful looking-glasses. The house was really a little
gem, and fully deserved its name, "Monbijou. ”
“Monbijou. ” The garden was
lovely; and its beauty was enhanced by its being close to the
river.
To prevent any damage, -as these Russian gentlemen are
noted for not being particular or over-careful, — the Queen had
the whole house cleared out, and removed everything that might
get broken. A few days afterward the Emperor and Empress
and their suite arrived by water at Monbijou.
The King and Queen received them on the banks of the
river. The King gave the Czarina his hand to help her to
land. As soon as the Emperor had landed, he shook hands with
the King and said, “Brother Frederick, I am very pleased to
see you. ” He then approached the Queen, wishing to embrace
her, which she however declined. The Czarina then kissed my
mother's hand repeatedly; afterwards presenting to her the Duke
and Duchess of Mecklenburg, who accompanied them, and four
hundred so-called ladies. These were, for the most part, Ger-
man maids, - ladies'-maids and cooks, who fulfilled the duties
of ladies-in-waiting. The Queen did not feel inclined to bow to
these; and indeed she treated the Czarina and the princesses of
the blood with great coldness and haughtiness, and the King had
a great deal of trouble in persuading her to be civil to them. I
saw this curious court the next day, when the Czar and Czarina
came to visit the Queen. She received them in the state rooms
of the castle, met them at the entrance of these rooms, and led
the Empress to her audience chamber.
The King and the Emperor followed behind. As soon as the
Emperor saw me, he recognized me, - having seen me five years
ago,- took me up in his arms and kissed me all over my face.
I boxed his ears, and made frantic efforts to get away from him,
saying he had insulted me. This delighted him, and made him
laugh heartily. They had told me beforehand what I was to say
to him, so I spoke to him of his feet and his victories.
so pleased that he said he would willingly sacrifice one of his
provinces to have such a child as I was. The Czarina too made
much of me. The Queen and the Czarina sat on arm-chairs under
a canopy, and I stood near my mother, the princesses of the
blood standing opposite.
The Czarina was small, broad, and brown-looking, without the
slightest dignity of appearance. You had only to look at her to
He was


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15972
WILHELMINE VON BAYREUTH
detect her low origin. She might have passed for a German act-
ress, she had decked herself out in such a manner. Her dress
had been bought second-hand, and was trimmed with some dirty-
looking silver embroidery; the bodice was covered with precious
stones, arranged in such a manner as to represent the double
eagle. She wore a dozen orders; and round the bottom of her
dress hung quantities of relics and pictures of saints, which rat-
tled when she walked, and reminded one of a smartly harnessed
mule. The orders too made a great noise, knocking against
each other.
The Czar, on the other hand, was tall and well grown, with a
handsome face; but his expression was coarse, and impressed one
with fear. He wore a simple sailor's dress. His wife, who spoke
German very badly, called her court jester to her aid, and spoke
Russian with her. This poor creature was a Princess Gallizin,
who had been obliged to undertake this sorry office to save her
life; as she had been mixed up in a conspiracy against the Czar,
and had twice been flogged with the knout!
At last we sat down to dinner, the Czar sitting near the
Queen. It is well known that this sovereign had been poisoned
when a young man; and that his nerves had never recovered from
it, so that he was constantly seized with convulsions over which
he had no control. He was suddenly seized with one of these
attacks whilst he was dining, and frightened the Queen so much
that she several times tried to get up and leave the table. After
a while the Czar grew calmer, and begged the Queen to have no
fear, as he would not hurt her. Then taking her hand in his, he
pressed it so tightly that she screamed for mercy; at which he
laughed, saying that she had much more delicate bones than his
Catherine. A ball had been arranged after dinner; but he stole
quietly away, and returned on foot to Monbijou.
The following day he visited all the sights of Berlin, amongst
others the very curious collection of coins and antiques. Among
these last named was a statue representing a heathen god. It
was anything but attractive, but was the most valuable in the
collection. The Czar admired it very much, and insisted on the
Czarina kissing it. On her refusing, he said to her in bad Ger-
man that she should lose her head if she did not at once obey
him. Terrified at the Czar's anger, she immediately complied with
his orders without the least hesitation. The Czar asked the King
to give him this and other statues, a request which he could
not refuse. The same thing happened about a cupboard inlaid


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WILHELMINE VON BAYREUTH
15973
with amber. It was the only one of its kind, and had cost King
Frederick I. an enormous sum; and the consternation was gen-
eral on its having to be sent to Petersburg.
This barbarous court happily left after two days. The Queen
rushed at once to Monbijou, which she found in a state resem-
bling that of the fall of Jerusalem. I never saw such a sight.
Everything was destroyed, so that the Queen was obliged to
rebuild the whole house.
PICTURES OF COURT LIFE
A.
»
New epoch began with the year 1729. M. de Lamotte, an
officer in the Hanoverian service, and a near relation of Von
Sastot, one of my mother's chamberlains, came to Berlin,
He suddenly arrived at Sastot's, quite secretly, one day.
“I am
the bearer of a most important confidential message,” he said.
“You must hide me somewhere in your house, that my arrival
may remain unknown, and you must manage that one of my let-
ters reaches the King. ” Sastot promised him all he asked, and
then inquired if his business were good or evil. “It will be good
if people can hold their tongues, but if they gossip it will be
evil. However, as I know you are discreet, and as I require your
help in obtaining an interview with the Queen, I must confide
all to you. The Prince of Wales intends being here in three
weeks at the latest. He means to escape secretly from Hano-
ver, brave his father's anger, and marry the princess. He has
intrusted me with the whole affair; and has sent me here to find
out if his arrival would be agreeable to the King and Queen,
and if they are still anxious for this marriage. If she is capable
of keeping a secret, and has no suspicious people about her, will
you undertake to speak to the Queen on the subject? Yet before
doing so, and in order to run no risk, you had better first consult
with Mademoiselle von Sonnsfeld, of whose discretion I am sure.
She will be your guide. ”
That very same evening Sastot appeared as usual in the apart-
ments of the Queen, who was not holding receptions. He called
Mademoiselle von Sonnsfeld on one side, and told her all that
had passed between him and Lamotte: and added that he had
not been able to speak unreservedly with him about the affair,
as he was afraid of telling this good news to the Queen; because
he knew quite well that she would at once confide it all to that


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15974
WILHELMINE VON BAYREUTH
wretched Ramen, who would immediately communicate it to
Seckendorf and his creatures.
Mademoiselle von Sonnsfeld was much perturbed; but after
having well considered the question, decided that Sastot should
speak with the Queen. The joy this news caused her is easily to
be imagined. She at once communicated them to Countess Fink-
enstein, and my lady-in-waiting, who both implored her to keep
them secret. I was just then very ill. I had had a bad fainting-
fit, followed by violent fever, which confined me to my bed. The
Queen desired Mademoiselle von Sonnsfeld to prepare me by
degrees for this happy event, of which she then wished to speak
to me herself.
The next morning Mademoiselle von Sonnsfeld came to drink
her tea by my bedside. "I cannot think what has come to Sas-
tot,” she said: “he dances about, sings, and is full of nonsense;
and says it is all because he is so delighted at some good news
he has heard, which he will however tell nobody. ”
« Perhaps he has taken too much,” I said, “and this makes
him so merry. ”
“Oh no," she replied: "he declares the good news concerns
:
you! ”
“Good God!