No More Learning

Here, too, onanism is considered an aid to emancipation. Here, too, it is praised and practiced as a right that one claims for oneself just as much as a joy for which one is not indebted to anyone else.
2. To speak of a female kynicism is methodologically risky because the history
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of "female consciousness" for the whole of ancient times is documented only in- directly, in the medium of male traditions. Nevertheless, some traditional anec- dotes can be examined from a female-kynical perspective. They are, of course, stories told primarily from a male perspective that from the beginning view fe- male images from a master-cynical angle--stories about women as whores and as evil matrimonial dragons. Nevertheless, in some cases a slight displacement of the viewing angle suffices for the same anecdotes to show a pro feminine mean- ing. As a rule, they mirror typical scenes out of the "battle between the sexes," where it happens that the man slips into the weaker position. This happens to him especially in two areas: sexual dependence and household management.
The first example treats Aristotle in the role of a fool in love. One anecdote says that one day he fell so passionately in love with the Athenian courtesan Phyllis that he completely lost his own will and surrendered himself blindly to her whims. The famous whore thus commanded the thinker to crawl on all fours in front of her and he, willingly without will, obeyed and let himself be made a fool of. Humbly he crawled on the ground and served his mistress as a mount.
25
This anecdotal motif was captured by Hans Baldung Grien in 1513-the time
of Eulenspiegel--after the Lai d'Aristote of a French poet of the Middle Ages. The white-bearded philosopher crawls on all fours in a walled garden, while Phyllis, with a broad behind and obtruding belly, sits on his back. In her left hand she holds the reins, which run through the mouth of the thinker with the receding hair- line; in the right hand, with a delicately extended little finger, she holds a dainty riding crop. Unlike the humbled philosopher, who looks urgently toward the viewer, Phyllis looks at the ground, an Old-German bonnet on her tilted head. Her shoulders are rounded, her body corpulent and melancholy. The kynical meaning of the story is clear: Beauty swings its whip over wisdom, the body con- quers reason; passion makes the spirit pliable; the naked woman triumphs over masculine intellect; against the persuasive power of breasts and hips, understand- ing has nothing to offer. Naturally, here the usual cliches about femininity crop up, but the point lies not in them but rather in the fact that an opportunity for fe- male power is depicted. In Grien's picture, the element of reflectiveness has passed from the philosopher to the courtesan. Admittedly she is "only a whore" but nonetheless it is not a "shame that she is a whore. " She seizes thereby a possi- bility for her own sovereignty. Whoever rides on Aristotle may perhaps be a dan- gerous woman, but certainly one who remains above contempt. That a Phyllis wants to ride on the clever man is supposed, on the one hand, to serve him as a warning, but on the other hand, it should also show him where that can lead. She, with her head tilted thoughtfully to one side, sees coming what he, down under, still seems to fear. To her it is clear that this is only the beginning and that Aristotle will probably not be so stupid in the long run. Admittedly, for him it begins on all fours, but if he is as clever as people say, it will end up with him on his back.
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? Hans Baldung Grien, Beauty Swings Her Whip over Wisdom, woodcut, 1513.
The cleverer a man is in his occupation, the greater an idiot he is at home. The more respected he is in society, the more contemptible he appears within his own four walls. This could be the moral of the story of Socrates and Xantippe, if it is tentatively read from a female-kynical perspective. This philosopher has been included in history not only because of his talent for posing questions and leading penetrating dialogues, but also because of his notoriously horrible marriage. Be- cause she is said to have made a domestic hell on earth for her husband, Xantippe is no longer merely a name but has become a generic term for a tyrannical, quar- relsome wife. But a small alteration in point of view suffices to see the relationship between Socrates and Xantippe in another light. Xantippe, the evildoer, then ap- pears rather as the victim of her apparent victim, and the latter becomes recogniz- able in a significant way as the "true" culprit. From today's perspective, every-
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thing speaks for defending Xantippe against her bad reputation. One really has to ask oneself how Socrates managed to maneuver himself into such conjugal mis- ery, and this question can be posed in several variations. If Xantippe really was from the start the kind of woman the legend says she was, we would show very little understanding for our great philosopher because then it was his own care- lessness that led him to choose precisely her and no other woman. Or is he sup- posed to have thought, ironic as he was, that a surly woman is just what a thinker needs? If, from the beginning, he recognized her "true nature" and put up with it, then this indicates deplorable marital behavior on his part because he thus un- reasonably expected a women to spend her whole life with a man who obviously at best endured her but did not appreciate her. Conversely, if Xantippe had be- come as she is described only during her marriage to Socrates, then the philoso- pher would really come into a questionable light because then indisputably he himself must have caused his wife's vexation without having interested himself in it. No matter how the story is turned, Xantippe's moods fall back on Socrates. This is a genuine philosophical problem: How did the thinker and questioner manage not to solve the puzzle of Xantippe's bad temper? This great midwife of truth was obviously unable to let his wife's rage express itself or to help her find a language in which she would have been able to express the grounds and justifica- tions for her behavior. The failure of a philosopher often consists not in false an- swers but in neglecting to pose the right questions --and in denying some ex-
periences the right to become "problems. " His experiences with Xantippe must have been of this kind--a misery that is not given the dignity of obtruding into the male problem-monopoly. Philosphers fail when they endure as a naturally given evil that for which they are to blame; indeed, their capacity for "wisely" enduring it is itself an intellectual scandal, a misuse of wisdom in favor of blind- ness. With Socrates, it seems, this misuse immediately avenged itself. When a thinker cannot refrain from equating humanity with masculinity, reality will strike back in the philosopher's marital hell. The stories about this thus have, I think, also a kynical meaning. They reveal the real reason for philosophical- clerical celibacy in our civilization. A definite dominating kind of idealism, phi- losophy, and grand theory becomes possible only when a certain "other kind" of experience is systematically avoided.
Just as it is impossible to speak of European state-cynicism without dealing with Christian ethics, it is also impossible in our culture to speak of sexual cyni- cism without talking about the Christian way of treating sexuality. The really crass "cynical" gestures can arise only on a foundation of idealism and oppression--the idealism of oppression. Because Christian sexual morality is based on sublime lies, speaking out against it acquires an aggressive, partly satiri- cal, partly blasphemous character. If the Catholic church had not maintained that Mary had brought Jesus into the world while still a virgin, then countless men,
THE CARDINAL CYNICISMS ? 257
furiously satirical, would not have hit on the idea of indulging in whore baiting with this peculiar kind of virgin. Santissima puttana! To get pregnant by the Holy Spirit alone --that really is a bit much! Naturally, one would like to know how the Holy Spirit goes about doing it and how the white dove, the most remarkable of all birds, wriggles out of the affair. Is he not already too spiritualized? In the end, does he not do it with the hand of providence?
Enough of that. Jokes of this kind come from Christian mythology almost with the necessity of a natural law. As soon as idealism has gone too far, realism will strike back blasphemously. The question can even be posed, as some psy- choanalysts have done, whether in the psychostructure of the Western Christian man, particularly the Catholic man, who grows up under the halo of a mother- madonna, a sexual-cynical phase is almost unavoidable, for at some time or an- other, the thought reaches the consciousness of every boy that his mother has been his "father's whore. "
Does Christian, dualistic metaphysics offer any chance at all for the un- qualified affirmation of the sexual-animal side of human beings? Has the cor- poreal and especially the lusty aspect, from the start, fallen on the wrong side? There are two reasons why complaining about the hostility of Christian dualism toward the body does not quite exhaust this subject: First, in this religion there have been remarkable attempts to "Christianize" the body and even the sexual act and thus to draw them onto the side of the "good"; and second, there is obviously an old tradition of cynical double standards in which clerics are particularly noticeable because they, in Heinrich Heine's words, secretly drink wine and pub- licly preach water.
If, in the Christian ritual, there is something like a "weak point" predisposed to the bodily pleasure principle, it is to be found in Holy Communion and the Easter liturgy. In commemorating the bodily resurrection of Christ from the dead, there is a chance for the resurrection of the believing flesh to a holy shame- lessness. Scattered documents from the early Christian period seem to show that in various sects, the agape, as a matter of consistency, was celebrated bodily. A contemporary report describes practices of a Gnostic sect from the Near East in the fourth century. Although Christians, they prayed to a god who had a daughter called Barbelo who in turn gave birth to a son called Sabaoth. When Sabaoth re- belled against the authority of his divine mother and grandfather, in order to cata- pult himself to dominion over the world, Barbelo began to seduce the priests with her sensual charms and, by gathering human semen in her body, began sucking back the scattered life force of the creatures into herself. In an outraged and pre- cise letter to the bishop of Alexandria, the heretic-hunter Epiphanius, a Christian priest who had secretly slipped into a Barbelo feast, recorded what took place in such a liturgy.
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They distribute their women among themselves, and as soon as a stran- ger joins them, the men give the women, and the women give the men a special sign. By extending their hands and stroking their palms, they indicate that the stranger is a member of their religion. As soon as they have identified themselves in this way, they seat themselves at the table. They pass around select dishes, eat meat, and drink wine, even the poor. When they have satiated themselves completely and, if I may say so, have filled their arteries with additional power, they proceed to de- bauchery. The man leaves his place beside his woman and says to her, "Stand up and execute the agape (the communion of love) with your brother! " The misfortunate ones then all begin to indulge in fornication with one another and, although I redden at the mere thought of the description of their impure practices, I am not ashamed to say them out loud, since they are also not ashamed to commit them. Now then, as soon as they have joined again as a group, they elevate their own dis- grace to the heavens, as if this misdeed of prostitution were not
enough: Man and woman take the man's semen in their hands, step forth, their eyes raised to the heavens, and offer the shame on their hands to the Father with the words: "We offer up to you this gift, the body of Christ. " They then eat the sperm and partake of their own se- men, with everyone saying, "This is the body of Christ, this is the Easter feast for which our bodies suffer and for which they confess to Christ's suffering. " They do exactly the same with the women's men- strual flow. They collect the blood of her impurity and partake of it in the same way, saying, "This is the blood of Christ. " In all their numer- ous excesses, however, they teach that one is not allowed to bring any children into the world. Out of pure wantonness, they perform these disgraceful acts. They commit the act of lust to the point of satisfaction but collect their sperm in order to hinder it from penetrating further, and then consume the fruit of their shame. . . . As soon as one of them has by accident let his semen penetrate too far into the woman, and the woman becomes pregnant, then listen to what still greater abomination they then commit. They tear out the embryo as soon as they can grab it with their fingers, take the abortion, grind it in a kind of mortar, mix honey, pepper, and various spices, as well as scents, with it, in order to overcome their repugnance; then they gather--a true congregation of swine and dogs --and each takes communion with his or her finger by eating from this abortion paste. As soon as the "supper" is over, they conclude with the prayer: "We have not allowed the high master of lust to play his game with us, but have taken up the error of our brother into ourselves. " In their eyes, this signifies the consummate Easter feast. Beyond this they practice all kinds of abominations. When they fall into an ecstatic state during their union, they soil their hands with the shame of their semen, distribute it all around, and pray with these soiled hands, the body competely naked, to obtain through this act
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free access to God. (Quoted from J. Attali, L'Ordre cannibale [Paris, 1979], pp. 52-53. )
The witness himself has already provided the key phrase: "true congregation
of swine and dogs. " We are on kynical terrain. This document--even though it
can scarcely be very representative--evidences a radical, Christianized, sexual
kynicism: no longer the initial and simple kynicism of Greek philosophy with its
public onanism and nuptials but already an artificial and religiously involved
kynicism, one that, with its perverse aspects, already makes concessions to the
Christian religion. However, no matter how remarkable these practices may have
been, the main shock that its description conveys lies not in the details but in the
otherwise unthinkable fact that shines through the whole phenomenon: There is
such a thing as Christian orgy, an unrestrained, innocent, indeed, a holy and wild
release and a wallowing in male and female juices that pleases God. At least on
this one occasion, Christianity showed itself as a naked tumult of drunken Chris-
tian bodies that celebrate their lust. This is what makes Epiphanius's face turn
red--of course, it is uncertain whether it is the red of shame or the red of someone
infected by shamelessness. After all, he is infected at least to the extent that he,
as priest, hazards to write these things down, and how he himself behaved in the
middle of this holy group sex remains his secret. The bishop of Alexandria does
not have to know everything. Even more shocking perhaps is that here God's son
is replaced by a daughter who is described as the anti-type of the mother of God,
Mary. Barbelo is the sucking, gathering, and flowing cunt of God, whereas the
Virgin Mary cannot hover over Catholic altars with her belly or anything lower
26
showing.
mythology is reached. And if the blood of the woman is ritually equated with the blood of Christ, then the Gnostic liberation of the female body has ventured fur- ther than modern feminist mysticism has ever dreamed of doing.
In connection with this description of the Barbelo ritual, it is also documented that, upon Epiphanius's denunciation of this sect to the bishop of Alexandria, eighty Gnostics were excommunicated. We may take this as an indication of the historical chances and fates of Gnostic and other groups that tried to realize "psy- chosomatically" the commandment of love in the Christ religion and to overcome dualism with dualist metaphysics. Wherever such phenomena occurred they were in general violently eliminated.
At the height of the Middle Ages --insofar as one can say anything about such mutilated and cabalistic traditions-the possibilities of a Christianized sexuality seem to have been rediscovered. In the language of the mystical "love" (Minne) of God, an erotic metaphorics emerges in which the figurative meaning can be only speculatively distinguished from the literal component of meaning. If the love lyrics in places bordered on blasphemy by comparing the appearance of a
Here, an alternative extreme within the possibilities of Christian
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? Scene from Pasolini's Said, or the 120 Days of Sodom, based on the novel by the Marquis de Sade. "Late-aristocratic pornography lays bare the core of violence in sexuality. In order to develop the connection between disinhibition, terror, and dis- cretion, it banishes loose living to a closed space. De Sade puts an end to the age of aristocratic eroticism, which began with the idealism of chivalrous love, in a materialism of rape. "
lover with the dawn of Easter morning, it is still not known how direct or indirect the connections between such linguistic and possible carnal audacities may have been. We also do not know exactly what sexual consequences the mysticism of the brotherhoods of the Free Spirit had. (See Norman Cohn, Das Ringen um das Tausendjahrige Reich [Bern, 1961]. ) Only when, in the merry tales of the late Middle Ages, women come to the conclusion that the soldier is not as good a lover as the clericus can we be sure that this assertion was supported by diligent obser- vation.
In the bourgeois age, the stage was set for sexual cynicism in a new form. The bourgeoisie did not make claims on cultural hegemony without at the same time setting up its own model of ideal love: marriage for love. Countless novels do their part in stamping the templates of bourgeois erotic idealism indelibly into the minds of the reading public, especially the female public. With this, a cultural languor of unknown extent sets in. For on the one side, the "bourgeois soul" wants to partake of the joys of love and is hungry to experience the adventurous, vitaliz- ing, fantastic, and even sensual-passionate power of love. But the other side, the bourgeois soul must take care that love remains strictly confined to marriage, that the "animal side" plays no role, and that even in the most extreme case, the bodily aspect can be regarded as an "expression" of the passion of the soul. This erotic lay idealism (it is not clerics who preach it) provokes sexual-cynical antitheses
THE CARDINAL CYNICISMS ? 261
in virtually epidemic dimensions. As in many other things, the bourgeois is, in sexual matters, an almost-realist who indeed risks taking a look at the real, with- out, however, forsaking his idealizations and value phantoms. His ideas are therefore continually undermined by realistic premonitions, and it is this tension that makes the bourgeois man particularly receptive to sexual-cynical jokes, to dirty keyhole realism and pornography. For the bourgeois, the crucial point is to "cherish his values" without forgetting how things happen "down there in real- ity. " Hence the cynical smile. One knows all about it. One knows the business. I too was in Arcadia. But this is not "our level. " We will not so easily be made to confuse above and below. Admittedly, the bourgeois does not unwillingly visit the brothel and convince himself there of the common denominator between whores and ladies, but reality remains divided, the differences are defended. It may well be the cultural strategy of bourgeois literature and art to conquer the public sphere with a depiction of private life, but simultaneously, a dividing wall is erected in the private sphere between idealized private life and animal private life. When the bourgeois knows himself to be protected by a curtain, then he is in his animality more cynical than kynical, more swine than dog. He knows how to distinguish the human from the all-too-human. He can, on the one side, cer- tainly confess "human weaknesses," but on the other, ideal side, he is resolute in preserving "composure"; to quote Bismarck; "politeness to the last rung of the gal- lows. " A definition of a lady has even been attempted according to whether she knows how to make the "right face" when a dirty joke (Herrenwitz) is told in her presence. The right face betrays that the person knows what it is about but also that she "stands above it. " To the cultivation of a lady belongs the tolerant-ironical note in dealing with inevitable male cynicism.
Through psychoanalysis, we have become used to connecting psychological enlightenment automatically with sexual enlightenment. In this there is something right and something wrong. The psychoanalytic attempt to overcome bourgeois semirealism in sexual matters and to develop it into a full realism appears to be right. However, the tendency of psychoanalysis to confuse the unconscious with the secretive is wrong. Of course, sexuality is an area in which this confusion al- most inevitably occurs. When psychoanalysis began to interpretatively explore the so-called unconscious, it entered in fact into that area that in bourgeois society was the secret topic par excellence. It took the self-experience and the self- suspicion of the bourgeois as animal seriously. It went on to neutralize the animal- sexual area and to bring it back into the sphere of nonsecret matters. For this rea- son, contemporary readers were able to sometimes ask themselves when studying psychoanalytic publications whether these should be assigned to the genus of science or to that of pornography. Two generations of analysts as well as patients have been plagued by the tendential confusion of the secretive with the uncon- scious. For the airing of sexual secrets in late-bourgeois culture as a whole has in no way led to the elimination of neurosis from society--because pathogenic
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Michael Voltz (? ), Animal Magnetism. A serious preoccupation for thinkers and believing souls. "The suspicion bourgeois individuals have of themselves being animals creates the cultural framework for modern depth psychology. "
sexual secrets constitute only a tiny fraction of the individual as well as of the so-
27
cial unconscious.
Psychoanalysis is a historical hybrid. With its sexual-pathological foundation,
it looks into the past; with its conviction that the unconscious is produced, it looks into the future. In the manner of a cultural detective, it has turned the early- bourgeois suspicion into a certainty: The human being is based on the animal- This suspicion has been, at least since the eighteenth century, with people in bour- geois society, a society that, on the one hand, began with the final taming of the inner animal by reason, enlightenment, and morality, but which saw, as a by-
? THE CARDINAL CYNICISMS D 263
product of this taming, an ever-larger and threatening animal shadow emerge from below. Only the fully civilized, "deanimalized" bourgeois semirealist can have such a persistent and eerie self-suspicion of its interior and its lower parts. This self-suspicion of the bourgeois animal flares up in romantic literature--with all its gloomy, mysterious metaphors of the animal abyss leading inward and downward. The romantics know that two paths are open to the bourgeois, one in the bourgeois light, the other in the unbourgeois depths. The first marries, be- comes a respectable man, begets children and enjoys middle-class peace--but what does he know of life?
To the second sang and lied
The thousand voices in the ground Tempting sirens, and drew
Him into the wanton billows
Of the colorfully ringing chasm.
(Fourth verse of J. v. Eichen- dorff s poem
Die zwei Gesellen [The two bachelors, 1818])
The second is the inner other, the still unchainable animal that risks the descent into its own secrets and the crevices of its soul--in the colorful chasms of animal lust. Only those who try to completely banish the animal element in themselves sense in themselves a growing danger, which should be handled carefully. A vari- ant of such carefulness is encountered in the psychoanalytic vocabulary that designates the area of the "repressed," dangerous, animal element with a true lion tamer's expression: the "unconscious. " Psychoanalysis has a bit of the air of a pseudomedical domesticating science about it--as if it were a matter of chaining the "unconscious" with the fetters of insight.
When Freud speaks of a "sexual chemistry" and treats orgasm as a discharge of tension, it is difficult not to think of men in a brothel who, in "making love," don't even take off their trousers because it is only a "discharge. " This too is a silencing, a disenchanting, an unjustified objectification and neutering of sexual- ity. It constitutes the unarbitrary counterpart to the equally unjustified and un- avoidable demonizing of the inner secret area whose expression we find, almost at the beginnings of bourgeois culture, in the romantics. They created the stage on which the demonology of "sexual unconsciousness" begins its play. The demon is nothing other than the inner animal. What the "unconscious" is in its essence was expressed more clearly by the romantic Eichendorff than by the neoromantic scientist Sigmund Freud: "But take care not to awake the wild animal in your breast, so that it (Es, id) does not suddenly break out and tear your Self apart" (Das Schloss Durande).
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The late-bourgeois cultural situation is markedly different from the nineteenth century, which found its expression in the psychologies of the unconscious. No contemporary still believes in or practices the separation of ideal and animal love. Thus a basic precondition for sexual-kynical attacks has been voided. A "wo/man" does not laugh at "dirty jokes" any more, nor does pornography have an aggressive bite. Today, both are completely backward. However, it would be naive to think that this means the game is over. Whenever kynicism has asserted itself, new cynics can be found who can, as usual, make a dirty business out of the no longer "dirty" truth. Pornographic shock is admittedly over once and for all, but the business of pornography is still flourishing. For a long time now there has not been in late-bourgeois pornography any spark of a personal reckoning with inhibitions, erotic idealisms, and sexual taboos. Rather, it consciously
? ? ? ? "Bourgeois pornography exposes the commodity aspect of sexuality. Out of principled indiscretion, it bursts the closed rooms, makes nakedness and venality into synonyms, and brings visual drugs onto the 'free market. " 'Brothelization of minds' as a relation of production? (See chapter 9, 'Exchange Cynicism'). "
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266 ? THE CARDINAL CYNICISMS
produces backward consciousness by citing, with a wink, taboos "as if," in order to break through them with a false gesture of enlightenment. The cynicism of our tit-and-thigh press consists not in exposing more or less pretty, naked women to the general view but in unrelentingly restoring superseded sexual relations and working with a high degree of consciousness toward artful stupefactions. For this reason the kynical, enlightening, realistic momentum today is to be found in some feminist groups that as a public protest smash the display windows of porno shops.
Late-bourgeois pornography serves in capitalist society as an initiation into the not-now structure of schizoid life, swindled out of its own time. It sells the origi- nal, given, and self-evident as a distant goal, as Utopian sexual stimulus. The beauty of the body, which in Platonism was recognized as a signpost for the soul to the highest enthusiastic experience of truth, in modern pornography serves to reinforce the lovelessness that in our world has the power to define what reality is.
Medical Cynicism
Doctors have two enemies: the dead and the healthy
Proverb
In every culture there are groups of people who, through their professional tasks, are led to develop various realisms in their dealings with dying or dead bodies: the soldier, the executioner, the priest. In medical practice, however, the most thorough realism of death is constructed--a consciousness of death that, techni- cally more intimate than any other, knows of the body's fragility and reveals the death-oriented course of our organism, no matter whether it is called health, sick- ness, or aging. Only the butcher possesses a comparable and similarly craftsman- like knowledge, anchored in routines, of the material side of our death. Medical materialism is able to intimidate even philosophical materialism. The corpse would be thus the properly qualified teacher of an integral materialism. To keep pace as a layperson with the medical realism of death, one would have to stock up on a large ration of sarcasm, black humor, and romantic mischievousness, and not shrink back from a philosophical view of the corpse. To expose oneself with open nerve endings to the impact of a postmortem--only that can provide the ex- perience of "naked" death. The anatomical gaze, "more cynical" than any other, knows a second nakedness of our body, when, on the surgeon's operating table, the exposed organs present themselves in an "ultimate" shameless nakedness. The corpse too has long known the titillation of putting on a show --exhibition of corpses, nudism of death, existential night plays in the Callotian manner. An ar- chaic desire to look, suffused by horror, is directed at the corpse, as earlier execu- tions demonstrate, as do public burnings, the mortuary romanticism of long ago, and the lying-in-state of political cadavers.
THE CARDINAL CYNICISMS ? 267
Part of today's crisis in medicine comes from the fact that, and the way that, it has surrendered its once functional connection with the priesthood and since then entered into a convoluted, ambivalent relationship with death. In the "struggle be- tween life and death," priests and doctors are now in opposing camps. Only the priest, without becoming cynical, can take the side of death with a kynically free perspective on reality because, in living religions and cosmologies, death is held to be the self-evident price for life and one phase in the grand designs with which the knowledge of priests once knew itself to be conspiratorially (etymologically: "breathing together") connected. Mortality in general must embarrass the priest
just as little as the individual fight against death in particular. In both, a facticity of a higher type is effective in which our will plays no part. For the doctor things are different. Doctors define themselves through having to take the side of life. All of medical idealism derives from this unconditional partiality; it is this idealism that even today, down to the most cynical twists, guides the absurd struggles of medicine for the life of moribund bodies, long since decayed. The doctor takes the side of the living body against the corpse. Because living bodies are the source of all power, the body's helper is a man (Mann) of power. To this extent, the helper himself becomes a kind of wielder of power, since he gains a share of the central authority of all hegemonic powers, the power over the life and death of others. Thus the doctor comes into a mediating position: on the one hand, an "absolute" supporter of life; on the other, a partaker in the power of hegemonic powers over life. Herewith, the stage is set for the appearance of medical cynicism. Sure, why shouldn't medical students bowl in the corridor of the anatomical institute with skulls? We were not particularly upset when our biology teacher brought a skele- ton into the classroom for demonstration purposes, let its jaw snap, and explained that it had been only a criminal anyway. I wish the whole of medical cynicism, like these examples, could be treated under the rubric of black humor. But because medicine for the most part participates in the exercise of power, and because power, in a philosophical respect, can be defined by its virtual lack of humor, there is nothing humorous about medicine and its cynical tendency.
All power proceeds from the body, it was said earlier. How does this apply to medical power? There are three possible answers to this question.
1. Doctors' work is based on their alliance with the natural tendencies of life toward self-integration and the avoidance of pain. Two allies aid them in this: the will to live and artificial medical means. Physicians who know how to use both can regard themselves as competent helpers. Medical power is legitimated and confirmed in the effectiveness of vital suggestion (whatever that may mean) and in practical measures for treatment (medicaments, surgery, dietetics). Healthy societies will be recognized, above all, by the way in which they remunerate their helpers and integrate them into the social framework. One of the most profound ideas of traditional Chinese village medicine was the custom of paying the helper
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as long as one was healthy, and of stopping payment when one became sick. This institution cleverly hindered the splitting of the power of the helper from the vital interest of the communities. For us it is especially significant that the Chinese ex- ample represents a folk medicine tradition. For it is this that, in medical matters, embodies what we called in the other domains of values the kynical impulse. Here the art of helping remains under the control of a communal consciousness that, for its part, commands the art of dealing with the helper's power. Above it, how- ever, stretches an old line of masters' medicine that always knew how to escape the control of remuneration from below. It always preferred payment in the case of sickness and thus created for itself a powerful lever for extortions. Of course, there is also a productive perspective in this. The freedom of medicine, where such freedom exists, is based not least of all on the economic autarky of the doc- tors, which they know how to protect through their demands for fees. (To this extent, there is a parallel between Greek medicine and Roman law, namely, the principle or private consultation and payment for each case, which is supported by the idea of a "contract for treatment. "
2. The will to live, an important agent in any healing, feels threatened by self- doubt in the case of "serious" illnesses. Where the tendency toward life grapples with that toward death, sick persons need an ally in whose unconditional pact with life they can believe. Patients thus project the self-healing powers of their bodies onto the doctor, who knows better how to stimulate and strengthen these powers than the patients alone, in their debility and anxiety, could do. In a crisis, patients who can believe in their own will to live, concentrated in the helper, have a deci- sive advantage over the person who is left alone and who thus wrestles simultane- ously with sickness and doubt. In this drama, sick persons who can trust place all of their own strength in the hands of the one who is helping them. Perhaps this way of looking at things sheds light on the quite amazing successes of old magical medicine, e. g. , shamanism. In the magic healing ritual, the shaman ex- tracts the "evil" from the sick body, perhaps in the form of a skillfully placed for- eign body -- a worm, a larva, a needle. In cases in which the ritual was successful, such extractions, often performed at the height of a crisis, formed the turning point at which the self-healing processes began to take over. (To a certain extent, the extractions were enactments of the inner dynamic drama. ) Up to the present day, doctors draw their magical status from such, and similar, mechanisms, inso- far as demoralization and cynical body technocracy are not readily apparent in them--which, by the way, is happening more and more. Wanting to completely take such magic functions away from doctors would mean to dump the prevailing system of medicine. That there are good grounds for such radical demands is a common topic in magazine articles. For the less credibly the pact with life and
the healing-magical motive is embodied by today's doctors, the stronger will be the incentive to reflect and to seek ways of self-help. Once they know how the
THE CARDINAL CYNICISMS D 269
Thomas Rowlandson, Lecture with Doctor Gall.
suggestive part of healing functions, then gradually the time becomes ripe for pa- tients to draw the outwardly directed projections of the will to live back into them- selves. A broad field of alternative help will open up here.
3. The power of physicians reached its apex through royal bodies. If the king fell ill, then for a time the physician ruled de facto over the "body of power. " The ability to cure princes raised the art of healing for the first time completely to the level of masters' medicine. The ruling medicine is thus the medicine of the rulers. Those who heal the powerful themselves become central bearers of power. In old theocracies and priest-controlled dominions, this connection was still direct by virtue of the personal unity of ruler and healer. Later, the healer was differen- tiated from the prince, and this precisely to the extent that the art of healing devel- oped into an art with a technical core of experience that could be distinguished from magical manipulation. The German word Arzt (doctor), according to Duden [the authoritative German-language reference books;-Trans. ], comes from the adoption of the Greek word for the ruling medico, arch-iatros -- the chief doctor.
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? Pitt and the king of Sweden consult Doctor Gall incognito.
This was the title of court physicians of ancient princes, first established for the Seleucids of Antioch. The word came to the Frankish Merovingians through Ro- man doctors. From the monarchs' courts, the title then went over to the physicians of spiritual and temporal dignitaries and became the general name for the profes- sion in Old High German times. Significant in this word migration is, above all, that the title "doctor" (Arzt) suppressed an older name for the healer, namely, lachi, which means roughly "the conjurer. " The change of words signifies a change in praxes: The quasi-rational masters' medicine began to suppress the magical folk medicine. The statement in Duden that Arzt was never really used by "the folk" can give cause for reflection. The word "doctor" (Doktor), however, has been in common use since the fifteenth century. The "doctor"-as the learned exorciser of sickness--to the present day is more likely to gain trust than the "ar- chiater," the masters' medico. There is, in fact, a kind of medicine that has always been recognized as a dubious shadow of power.
Medical kynicism begins at that moment when the helper, as supporter of life, uses his knowledge of the body and of death frivolously and realistically against the delusions of sick people and the powerful. Often the doctor is dealing not with a fateful suffering but with the consequences of unawareness, carelessness, ar- rogance, idiocy with the body, "stupidity," or an unhealthy life-style. Against evil of this kind, the kynical medico's intimacy with death can serve him as a useful weapon. This is portrayed nowhere more spendidly than in Johann Peter Hebel's Der geheilte Patient (The healed patient). A clever doctor had given advice to a
THE CARDINAL CYNICISMS ? 271
rich, overstuffed citizen of Amsterdam that, in its kynical coarseness, left nothing to be desired. Because rich people have to endure diseases "that, God be praised, the poor man does not know of," this doctor thought up a particular form of ther- apy: "Wait, I soon will have cured you. " So he wrote the patient the following exemplary letter:
Good friend, you are in bad shape, but you can still be helped, if you want to follow. You have a nasty animal in your belly, a dragon with seven mouths. I have to speak with the dragon myself, and you must come to me. But you are not to drive or to ride a pony; come instead on the shoemaker's mare, otherwise you will shake the dragon and it will bite off your intestines, seven intestines, completely ruined in one stroke. Second, you're not to eat more than twice daily, a plate full of vegetables; at lunch you can have a bratwurst with it, at night an egg, and in the morning a cup of bouillon with chives sprinkled on top. What you eat in excess of this will only make the dragon larger, so that it will squash your liver, and the tailor won't have to measure you any more but the carpenter will. This is my advice, and if you don't follow it, you will not hear the cuckoo sing next spring. Do what you like. " (Johann Peter Hebel, Das Schatzkastlein des Rheinischen Hausfreundes, 2nd ed. [Munich, 1979], p. 153).
What modern doctor would dare speak to his civilized patients in this way? And how many patients are put into the situation of having to admit on the day of a consultation, "I could not have picked a more inopportune time to become healthy than now, when I'm supposed to go to the doctor. If only my ears would ring or I would bleed someplace. " And what doctor today, when he asks the pa- tient what is wrong; gets an answer like, "Doctor, God be praised, there's nothing wrong with me, and if you are as healthy as I am, then I'd be glad. " The extent to which Hebel's sarcastic story closely follows a folk-medicine way of thinking is revealed also by its conclusion, which says that the rich stranger "lived 87 years, 4 months, 10 days, as healthy as a fish in water, and every New Year sent the doctor 20 doubloons as a greeting. " The sick/ee has become the New Year's greeting of a healthy person. Could there be a better indication of that "other help- ing" in which the healers are rewarded for doing their bit so that their fellow hu- man beings do not get sick in the first place?
To today's popular realism, in spite of science, in spite of research, in spite of grand surgery, doctors appear only as questionable supporters of life, and one sees all too often how easily they can change over to the side of sickness. For a long time it has been a distinguishing feature of masters' medicine that it is in- terested more in the sicknesses than in the sick person. It is inclined to establish itself smugly in a universe of pathology and therapy. Medicine's clinical way of living increasingly robs doctors of an orientation toward health and destroys the roots of healer consciousness in a life-affirming realism that would really rather
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? George Grosz, The Faith Healers or the K. V. Machines, 1916-17. ((C)S. P. A. D. E. M. , Paris/V. A. G. A. , New York, 1987. )
have nothing at all to do with medicine. Doctors like the one in Hebel's story be- long to a dying species --doctors who show the candidate for sickness how su- perfluous medicine is for people who suffer not from a disease but from the inabil- ity to be healthy. It used to be said that the best doctors were often those who wanted to be something else, such as a musician, writer, captain, pastor, philoso- pher, or vagabond. It was still understood that those who know everything about sicknesses do not necessarily know anything about the medical art. The inclina- tion "to help willingly" is as human and joyful as it is joyless and suspect when the helping bears some relation to evils that arise from self-destructive tendencies in civilization. A doctor will be all too easily pushed into the camp of masters' cynicism when, like the great Doctor Hiob Praetorius of Curt Goetz, he is no longer allowed to oppose self-destructive "stupidities" that frequently underlie the "sick raw material. " The more sicknesses are produced by the political relations in civilization, indeed even by medicine itself, the more medical praxis in our so- ciety is caught up in the twists and turns of a higher cynicism that knows that it itself furthers with the right hand the evil for whose cure it takes in money with the left. If doctors, as learned supporters of life, really saw their task in hindering
THE CARDINAL CYNICISMS ? 273
sicknesses at their source, instead of accommodating themselves to them parasiti- cally (and, in effect, helpingly), they would have to open up for candid discussion again and again their relation to and use of power. Today a medicine that radically insisted on its pact with the will to life would have to become the scientific core of a general theory of survival. It would have to formulate a political dietetics that decisively intervenes in the social relations of labor and life. However, in general, medicine lurches ahead in a cynical shortsightedness and interprets its pact with the will to live in such a dubious way that only from case to case could one specify the position in the kynical-cynical spectrum to which it relates. Is it the kynicism of simplicity, as practiced by the good parson Kneipp? Is it the cyni- cism of complicatedness as started recently by Professor Barnard with his heart transplants? Is it the kynicism of a medical resistance that refuses to collaborate with self-destructive institutions and mentalities? Is it the cynicism of a medical collaboration that gives the causes a free hand in order to profit from the effects? A kynicism of the simple life or a cynicism of the comfortable death? A kynicism that healingly pits the threatening certainties of death against unawareness, self- destruction, and ignorance? Or a cynicism that collaborates with the repression of death, which is constitutive for the system in overmilitarized and overstuffed societies.
Because doctors must protect their hearts from the many hardships of the profession, popular reason has always granted them a bit of cynical coarseness that it would never have tolerated in others. The people recognized its real allies in those who possessed enough heart to hide it behind black humor and coarse manners. Medical jokes --more cynical than any other kind --always had an ac- cepting audience of laypeople who, on the basis of the strong cynicism of their helpers, could convince themselves of the latters' good intentions. Icy coldness surrounds the medicine that no longer knows any jokes and has completely con- gealed into the exercise of its own and delegated power. There is a medicine that is nothing other than archiatry--the realm of chief doctors. As was the case for all battered masters' mentalities striving for disinhibition, the hour for this medi- cal cynicism arrived when fascism came to power. The latter created the scenario in which all those unperpetrated brutalities could emerge with which repressively civilized society is laden. Just as there was an older, camouflaged, cynical com- munity of interests between the execution of punishment (which left a trail of corpses behind it) and scientific anatomy (which is notoriously hungry for corpses), so there was a community of interests between medical masters' cyni- cism and Fascist racism that at last allowed it to satisfy its hunger for corpses on its own. Those who have the nerve should read the protocols of the Nuremberg trials in which the crimes of German medical fascism against humanity were heard. I do not choose this expression lightly; the phrase "medical fascism" does not come from a critical whim but encapsulates a phenomenon as pregnantly as possible. What was swept to power in medicine at camps and universities between
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1933 and 1945 reveals not the accidental straying of individual doctors to Nazi ideology but rather an old, masters' medical tendency, which was encouraged by fascism to reveal itself; this tendency had always found that there were too many people whose treatment was not "really" worth the trouble and who were just good enough to become experimental objects. Alexander Mitscherlich wrote on this.
Of course, one can do a simple calculation. Of about 90,000 doctors active in Germany at that time, around 350 committed medical crimes. That is still a considerable number, especially when one thinks of the enormity of the crimes. But in relation to the entire medical profession, it was still only a fraction, about one in three hundred . . . every third hundredth doctor a criminal? That was a proportion that never before could have been found in the German medical profession. Why now? (Medizin ohne Menschlichkeit, Dokumente des Niirnberger Arz- teprozesses, ed. A.