It
contains
every geographical name mentioned by Strabo; and
the modern names, printed in italics, are also added, as far as can be
ascertained: they are not given with perfect confidence in all cases;
discussion on doubtful points would have exceeded the limits of this
work; and reference may be advantageously made, where more minute detail
is required, to the able articles in Dr.
the modern names, printed in italics, are also added, as far as can be
ascertained: they are not given with perfect confidence in all cases;
discussion on doubtful points would have exceeded the limits of this
work; and reference may be advantageously made, where more minute detail
is required, to the able articles in Dr.
Strabo
It is much to be lamented, that the
greater part of it is lost; it begins from the end of the 12th book
only, and a part of the last leaf of the 17th book is also destroyed;
what remains to us surpasses all others in correctness of the text. The
whole has been collated for the first time by Kramer.
No. 174 is of the 15th century, and contains the seventeen books: the
first nine books are written by one transcriber, the last eight by
another hand. The first nine books have been collated by Kramer.
No. 173 contains the first ten books, and is of the middle of the 15th
century. It is badly and incorrectly written. The last seven books,
which would complete the codex, are, as Kramer conjectures from the
paper and handwriting, in the Library of the Grand Duchy of Parma. From
a note in Greek at the end of the 10th book, it appears to have been
brought to Rome A. D. 1466. Books 1, 2, 4, and 5, collated by Kramer.
No. 81 is tolerably well and correctly written. It contains the last
eight books, and is of the end of the 15th century. It appears to be a
copy of, or served as a copy to, the codex in the Laurentian Library,
No. 19. Partially collated by Kramer.
Medicean Codices, in the Laurentian Library, Florence:
Codex 5 is elegantly and correctly written; it is of the beginning,
probably, of the 15th century, and contains the first ten books. The 8th
and 9th books are not entire; passages are curtailed, and much is
omitted, to which the attention is not drawn, the lines being run on
without spaces left to mark omissions. Errors of the first transcriber
are corrected by a later hand, and noticed in the margin or between the
lines. Collated by Bandini for Falconer, and almost the whole by Kramer.
Codex 40 contains the first ten books; a copy, probably, of the former.
It was written after the middle of the 15th century.
Codex 15 is of the middle of the 15th century, and contains the last
seven books. It is not in any way remarkable.
Codex 19, written at the end of the 15th century. It contains the last
eight books, and resembles No. 81 of the Vatican. Collated by Bandini
for Falconer.
Venetian Codices:
No. 377 of the catalogue contains the first twelve books, and is written
in the 15th century. Formerly the property of Cardinal Bessarion.
No. 378 contains the seventeen books, of which the first twelve are
apparently copies of the above, No. 377; the remaining five are
transcribed from some other codex. This was, also, formerly the property
of Cardinal Bessarion.
No. 640 contains the last eight books. It was written, as appears from a
note A. D. 1321, by different hands. A great part of the 14th book is
wanting; eight blank pages are left for the completion of it; but this
was not done by the transcriber to whom this portion was assigned. It is
placed by Kramer in the first class of manuscripts, and was wholly
collated by him.
No. 379 is of the 15th century. It contains the Epitome of Gemistus
Pletho of the first ten books, and the whole of the last seven books. It
is the codex which served for the copy, No. 1398, in the Imperial
Library at Paris. Formerly the property of Cardinal Bessarion.
No. 606 contains the last eight books, and was written towards the end
of the 15th century. It contains nothing which is not to be found in
other manuscripts.
Codices in the Ambrosian Library, Milan:
Codex M. 53 contains all but book ii. , and is of the 15th century. The
books are not written on paper of the same size, nor in consecutive
order, although by the same hand. Book ii. is to be found in Codex N.
289, together with portions of other authors, written by a different
transcriber, no doubt with the intention of completing this codex.
According to Kramer, the first ten books are copied from Codex 5 of the
Medici MS. The 13th, 14th, 12th books (the order in which they stand)
from the Medici MS. 19, and the 11th, 15th, 16th, 17th, from the Medici
MS. 15. Partly collated by Kramer.
Codex G. 53 contains the seventeen books, and is of the end of the 15th
century. Five leaves at the beginning, and two at the end, are destroyed
by damp, traces of which are to be seen throughout. Partly collated by
Kramer.
In the Library of Eton College is a codex containing the first ten
books; it was written at Constantinople. Kramer, who, however, did not
see it, conjectures that the Medici MS. , Codex 15, containing the last
eight books, was formerly united to it, and completed the whole work.
Collated for Falconer.
In the Library of the Escurial is a codex completed, as we are informed
by a note at the end, A. D. 1423. Collated by Bayer for Falconer.
The Madrid Library possesses a codex written in the latter part of the
15th century, containing the seventeen books.
In the Library at Moscow is a codex containing the seventeen books; it
was written at the end of the 15th or beginning of the 16th century. The
first nine books resemble the Paris Codex, No. 1397; the last eight, the
Venetian Codex, No. 640. It came from one of the monasteries of Mount
Athos, and was not destroyed, as Groskurd suspects, in the great fire of
1812, but is still to be found in the Library of the Holy Synod, under
No. 204 (Matt. ccv. ), as I am informed by the Archimandrite Sabba, who
dates from the Kremlin, April 4th, 1857.
A codex also is yet to be found in one of the monasteries of Mount
Athos. From the accounts of learned travellers (Zacharias, _Reise in den
Orient_, and Fallmerayer, in the _Allgem. Zeitg. 5 Jun. 1843_), it
contains nothing which can supply the deficiencies of those MSS. with
which we are acquainted.
Besides the above codices, there exist four epitomes of the Geography of
Strabo, of which,
1. The Epitome Palatina, in the Heidelberg Library, is the oldest of all
MSS. of this work. It is probably of the beginning of the 10th century,
although Dodwell places it between 976 and 996. The codex from which it
was copied appears to have been perfect, and contained the whole of the
7th book, which is imperfect in all other codices. It is, however, to be
regretted that the author did not confine himself to following the text
of Strabo; he has not only indulged in curtailing, transposing, and
changing the words and sentences of the original, but has sometimes also
added expressions of his own.
2. The Vatican Epitome is of more value than the preceding; the extracts
are more copious, the author seldom wanders from the text of Strabo, and
in no instance inserts language of his own. The codex which served as
the basis for the Epitome contained the 7th book entire, and from this
and the Palatine Epitome Kramer collected the fragments of the last part
of the 7th book, which appear for the first time in his edition (see
vol. i. of the Translation, p. 504). This codex was written in the
middle of the 14th century, and has suffered much by time and
carelessness; several leaves are lost, and lines of the text at the top
and bottom of the pages have been cut off in the binding.
3. The Parisian Epitome, on which no great value is placed by Kramer.
4. The Epitome of Gemistus Pletho, referred to above, is of great value,
and held in the highest estimation by all editors.
The first appearance of Strabo’s work in print was a Latin translation
by Guarini, of Verona, and Gregorio of Tiferno. Of this, thirteen
editions were printed, the first in 1469 or 1471, the twelfth in 1559,
and the last in 1652. It is not known from what manuscripts the
translation was taken, nor whether they now exist; but, though the
translation itself is barbarous, and in many passages erroneous, its
fidelity to the original is so apparent, that all editors to the present
time have consulted it as a manuscript.
The first edition of the Greek text was printed at Venice by Aldus in
1516, and was taken from so corrupt a manuscript that Coraÿ compares it
to the Augean stable. The second edition was a repetition of the Aldine,
accompanied by the Latin translation of Guarini, and was published by
Hopper and Heresbach, at Bâsle, in 1549. The third edition, by Xylander,
in 1570, was also a repetition of the text of Aldus; but a new Latin
translation accompanied it. The fourth and fifth editions, which do not
essentially differ, were published in 1587 and 1620, by Isaac Casaubon.
He collated for his edition four manuscripts, which he obtained from his
father-in-law, H. Stephens, and was the first to add a commentary; but
it is not known what manuscripts were made use of. The edition of
Almeloveen, 1707, being a reprint of Casaubon, with notes, and an
edition commenced by Brequigny, Paris, 1763, but not continued beyond
the first three books, can scarcely be placed among the number of new
editions. Brequigny left a French translation in manuscript and notes in
Latin, which were consulted by the French translators.
The seventh edition was that of Thomas Falconer of Chester, and of
Brasenose College, published in 2 vols. folio, at Oxford, 1807. For the
first time since Casaubon’s last edition, nearly 200 years before,
manuscripts were collated for this edition, namely, those of Eton,
Moscow, the Escurial, and the Laurentian library; the conjectural
emendations of Tyrwhitt, and notes of the editor and others, are added.
“It has everything that is valuable in Casaubon’s edition, besides
having corrected numberless typographical errors. In the account given
of it, the public are as much wronged as we are abused; for no view
whatever is laid before them of its nature or its merits. ”[18] Thos.
Falconer, having prepared the greater part of the work for the press,
died in 1792. A little more than the two first books were edited by John
Parsons, Bishop of Peterborough, and formerly Master of Balliol College,
Oxford; but the whole work was, ultimately, in 1802 given up to Thomas
Falconer (nephew of the former), of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, who
completed it and wrote the preface. A complete revisal of the text,
however, was not attempted.
The eighth edition was that of Professor J. P. Siebenkees, of which
great expectations were formed. The deficiencies of his performance are
strongly commented on by Kramer. Siebenkees lived to complete only the
first six books; the remainder of the work was undertaken by Tzchucke,
and conducted with greater skill and ability than by his predecessor. It
was published in 1811, 6 vols. 8vo.
The ninth edition is that by Coraÿ, Paris, 1815-1818, 4 vols. 8vo.
Kramer passes an unfavourable opinion on it. The editor, according to
him, did not possess an aptitude for discriminating the value of the
different manuscripts he collated, and considered more what he thought
ought to have been written than what were really the author’s words.
Hence, although he was successful in restoring the true readings of many
passages, he corrupted not a few, and left untouched many errors. Yet he
was a very able scholar, and has the merit of attempting the first
critical edition of Strabo.
The tenth edition is that by Professor Gustavus Kramer, in 3 vols. 8vo,
the first of which appeared in 1844, the last in 1852. The editor has
brought to his task great ability and unwearied labour; of the many
years spent in the preparation of it, were passed in Italy for the
purpose of collating manuscripts. This edition surpasses all others in
completeness, and little is left for correction by subsequent editors.
A. Meineke published at Leipsic, in 3 vols. , 1852, a reprint of Kramer’s
text, with some emendations of his own contained in his work,
“Vindiciarum Straboniarum Liber. ” Berlin, 1852.
C. Müller and F. Dübner have also published the first vol. , Paris, 1852,
of a reprint of Kramer’s text, with Meineke’s corrections. It is
accompanied by a new Latin translation, of which the first six books are
by Dübner, and the remainder by Müller.
In modern languages, we have a translation by Alfonso Buonacciuoli, of
Ferrara, in Italian, 2 vols. 8vo, Venice, 1552. It is a very literal
translation from a manuscript, and is frequently quoted by the French
translators. Also a translation in German by Abr. Penzel, in 4 vols. ,
Lemgow, 1775. It is not literal, and abounds with wilful additions and
alterations of the author’s meaning.
A translation in French was published at Paris in five vols. 4to, from
the year 1805 to 1819. The first three books are translated by De la
Porte du Theil and Coraÿ together. The 4th, 7th, 8th, 12th, 13th, 14th,
and 15th books are by Coraÿ; the 5th, 6th, 9th, 10th, and 11th, by De la
Porte du Theil; on the death of the latter, Letronne undertook the
translation of the 16th and 17th books. The whole is accompanied by very
copious notes by the translators, and others on geographical and
mathematical subjects, by Gossellin. As might be expected from the
united labour of such distinguished men, this translation, which was
undertaken at the command of Napoleon I. , has been held in high
estimation. De la Porte du Theil, for the purpose of conveying to the
reader a more accurate idea of the state of the text of the ninth book
than could be given by description or notes, has prefaced his
translation by a copy, page for page and line for line, of the original
manuscript. The number of mutilated passages amounts to two thousand.
For the purpose of restoring the text, recourse has been had to other
manuscripts, to conjectures, to extracts from the Epitomes, and to
quotations of Strabo’s work contained in the Geographical Lexicon of
Stephanus of Byzantium, composed before the seventh century, and in the
Commentaries of Eustathius on Homer, which were written towards the end
of the twelfth century. It is an example of Kramer’s just remark, that
no work of any ancient author, which has descended to our time, has
suffered more from various causes.
A translation by F. Ambrosoli, forming part of the “Collana degli
Antichi Storici Greci,” was published in 1832, 4 vols. 8vo, Milan, and
is founded on the French translation. A translation of the third book
(Spain) by Lopez, was published at Madrid, 1788, and is well spoken of.
The best translation of the whole work—and too much cannot be said in
praise of it—is in German, by Groskurd, 4 vols. 8vo, Berlin, 1831-1834.
The last volume contains a very copious index.
In conclusion, I have to acknowledge considerable obligations to the
notes and prefaces of Groskurd, Kramer, the French translators, and
others.
The part of the translation for which I am responsible commences at
chap. iv. book vii. , vol. i. p. 473, to the end of the work, and is
partly based on an incomplete translation in MS. by my late father, the
Rev. Dr. T. Falconer. The previous portion is the work of Hans C.
Hamilton, Esq. , F. S. A. , to whom I am indebted for his continued interest
in the translation throughout, for his care in correcting the press, and
for valuable suggestions.
A complete index, which concludes the third volume, has been compiled
with the greatest regard to accuracy, by a gentleman of tried skill and
ability.
It contains every geographical name mentioned by Strabo; and
the modern names, printed in italics, are also added, as far as can be
ascertained: they are not given with perfect confidence in all cases;
discussion on doubtful points would have exceeded the limits of this
work; and reference may be advantageously made, where more minute detail
is required, to the able articles in Dr. W. Smith’s Dictionary of Greek
and Roman Geography.
W. FALCONER.
_Rectory, Bushey, Herts.
September 1, 1857. _
STRABO’S GEOGRAPHY.
BOOK XIV.
SUMMARY.
The Fourteenth Book contains an account of the Cyclades
islands and the region opposite to them, Pamphylia, Isauria,
Lycia, Pisidia, Cilicia as far as Seleucia of Syria, and that
part of Asia properly called Ionia.
CHAPTER I.
1. There remain to be described Ionia, Caria, and the sea-coast beyond
the Taurus, which is occupied by Lycians, Pamphylians, and
Cilicians. [19] We shall thus finish the description of the whole circuit
of the peninsula, the isthmus of which, we have said, consists of the
tract between the Euxine and the Sea of Issus.
2. The navigation around Ionia along the coast is about 3430 stadia. It
is a considerable distance, on account of the gulfs, and of the
peninsular form for the most part of the country, but the length in a
straight line is not great. The distance, for example, from Ephesus to
Smyrna is a journey in a straight line of 320 stadia; to Metropolis[20]
is 120 stadia, and the remainder to Smyrna; but this distance by sea is
little less than 2200 stadia. The extent of the Ionian coast is reckoned
from Poseidium,[21] belonging to the Milesians, [CAS. 632] and the
boundaries of Caria, as far as Phocæa,[22] and the river Hermus. [23]
3. According to Pherecydes, Miletus, Myus,[24] Mycale, and Ephesus, on
this coast, were formerly occupied by Carians; the part of the coast
next in order, as far as Phocæa, and Chios, and Samos, of which Ancæus
was king, were occupied by Leleges, but both nations were expelled by
the Ionians, and took refuge in the remaining parts of Caria.
Pherecydes says that the leader of the Ionian, which was posterior to
the Æolian migration, was Androclus, a legitimate son of Codrus king of
the Athenians, and that he was the founder of Ephesus, hence it was that
it became the seat of the royal palace of the Ionian princes. Even at
present the descendants of that race are called kings, and receive
certain honours, as the chief seat at the public games, a purple robe as
a symbol of royal descent, a staff instead of a sceptre, and the
superintendence of the sacrifices in honour of the Eleusinian Ceres.
Neleus, of a Pylian family, founded Miletus. The Messenians and Pylians
pretend that there is some affinity between them; in reference to which
later poets say that even Nestor was a Messenian, and that many Pylians
accompanied Melanthus, the father of Codrus, to Athens, and that all
this people sent out the colony in common with the Ionians. There is
also to be seen on the promontory Poseidium an altar erected by Neleus.
Myus was founded by Cydrelus, a spurious son of Codrus; Lebedos[25] by
Andropompus, who took possession of a place called Artis; Colophon by
Andræmon, a Pylian, as Mimnermus mentions in his poem of Nanno;[26]
Priene by Æpytus, son of Neleus; and afterwards by Philotas, who brought
a colony from Thebes; Teos by Athamas, its first founder, whence
Anacreon calls the city Athamantis, but at the time of the Ionian
migration of the colony it received settlers from Nauclus, a spurious
son of Codrus, and after this from Apœcus and Damasus, who were
Athenians, and from Geres, a Bœotian; Erythræ was founded by Cnopus, who
also was a spurious son of Codrus; Phocæa by Athenians, who accompanied
Philogenes; Clazomenæ by Paralus; Chios by Egertius, who brought with
him a mixed body of colonists; Samos by Tembrion, and afterwards by
Procles.
4. These are the twelve Ionian cities. At a subsequent period Smyrna
also was added to the Ionian association at the instance of the
Ephesians, for anciently they inhabited the same city, at which time
Ephesus was called Smyrna. Callinus somewhere gives it this name, and
calls the Ephesians Smyrnæans in the address to Jupiter:
“And pity the Smyrnæans;”
and in another passage,
“remember now, if ever, the beautiful thighs of the oxen
[which the Smyrnæans burnt in sacrifice]. ”
Smyrna was an Amazon, who got possession of Ephesus; from her the
inhabitants and the city had their name, in the same manner as some
Ephesians were called Sisyrbitæ from Sisyrba; and a certain spot in
Ephesus was called Smyrna, as Hipponax testifies:
“He lived in Smyrna, at the back of the city between Tracheia
and Lepre Acta. ”
The mountain Prion was called Lepre Acta; it overhangs the present city,
and has on it a portion of the wall. Even now the farms at the back of
the Prion retain the name in the term Opistholepria. The country along
the foot of the mountain about Coressus was called Tracheia. The city
was anciently built about the Athenæum, which is now beyond the city, at
the (fountain) Hypelæus. Smyrna therefore was situated near the present
gymnasium, at the back of the present city, but between Tracheia and
Lepre Acta. The Smyrnæans, upon quitting the Ephesians, marched to the
place where Smyrna now stood, and which was in the possession of
Leleges. They expelled these people and founded the ancient Smyrna,
which is distant from the present city about 20 stadia. They were
themselves afterwards expelled by Æolians, and took refuge at Colophon;
they then returned with a body of men from the latter place, and
recovered their own city, Smyrna. Mimnermus relates this in his poem of
Nanno, and says of Smyrna, that it was always a subject of contention;
[CAS. 634] “after leaving Pylus, the lofty city of Neleus, we
came in our voyage to the long wished-for Asia, and settled at
Colophon, and hastening thence from the river Astëeis, by the
will of the gods we took Æolian Smyrna. ”
So much then on this subject.
We must, however, again describe each place in particular, beginning
with the principal cities, from which the first settlements originated,
I mean Miletus and Ephesus, for these are superior to all others, and
the most celebrated.
5. Next after the Poseidium of the Milesians, at the distance of 18[27]
stadia from the sea-coast, is the oracle of Apollo Didymeus among the
Branchidæ. This, as well as the other temples, except that at Ephesus,
was burnt by the order of Xerxes. [28] The Branchidæ delivered up the
treasures of the god to the Persian king, and accompanied him in his
flight, in order to avoid the punishment of sacrilege and treachery.
The Milesians afterwards built a temple, which exceeded in size all
others, but it remained without a roof on account of its magnitude. The
circuit of the sacred enclosure contained within it a village with a
magnificent grove, which also extended beyond it; other sacred
enclosures contain the oracle, and what belongs to the worship of the
god.
Here is laid the scene of the fable of Branchus, and Apollo’s love for
him. The temple is adorned with the most costly offerings, the
productions of ancient art.
Thence to the city the journey is not long either by land or sea. [29]
6. Ephorus relates that Miletus was first founded and fortified by the
Cretans on the spot above the sea-coast where at present the ancient
Miletus is situated, and that Sarpedon conducted thither settlers from
the Miletus in Crete,[30] and gave it the same name; that Leleges were
the former occupiers of the country, and that afterwards Neleus built
the present city.
The present city has four harbours, one of which will admit a fleet of
ships. [31] The citizens have achieved many great deeds, but the most
important is the number of colonies which they established. The whole
Euxine, for instance, and the Propontis, and many other places, are
peopled with their settlers.
Anaximenes of Lampsacus says, that the Milesians colonized both the
island Icarus and Lerus, and Limnæ on the Hellespont, in the
Chersonesus; in Asia, Abydus, Arisba, and Pæsus; on the island of the
Cyziceni, Artace and Cyzicus; in the interior of the Troad, Scepsis. We
have mentioned, in our particular description of places, other cities
which this writer has omitted.
Both the Milesians and Delians invoke Apollo Ulius, as dispensing
health and curing diseases; for οὔλειν[32] is to be in health, whence
οὐλή,[33] a wound healed, and the phrase in Homer,[34] Οὖλέ τε καὶ μέγα
χαῖρε, “health and good welcome;” for Apollo is a healer, and Artemis
has her name from making persons ἀρτεμέας, or sound. The sun, also, and
moon are associated with these deities, since they are the causes of
the good qualities of the air; pestilential diseases, also, and sudden
death are attributed to these deities.
7. Illustrious persons, natives of Miletus, were Thales, one of the
seven wise men, the first person who introduced among the Greeks
physiology and mathematics; his disciple Anaximander, and Anaximenes the
disciple of Anaximander. Besides these, Hecatæus the historian;[35] and
of our time, Æschines the orator, who was banished for having spoken
with too great freedom before Pompey the Great, and died in exile.
Miletus shut her gates against Alexander, and experienced the misfortune
of being taken by storm, which was also the fate of Halicarnassus; long
before this time it was captured by the Persians. Callisthenes relates,
that Phrynichus the tragic writer was fined a thousand drachmæ by the
Athenians for composing a play entitled “The taking of Miletus by
Darius. ” [CAS. 635] The island Lade lies close in front of Miletus, and
small islands about Tragææ,[36] which afford a shelter for pirates.
8. Next follows the Gulf of Latmus, on which is situated “Heracleia
under Latmus,”[37] as it is called, a small town with a shelter for
vessels. It formerly had the same name as the mountain above, which
Hecatæus thinks was the same as that called by the poet[38] the mountain
of the Phtheiri, for he says that the mountain of the Phtheiri was
situated below Latmus; but some say that it was Grium, as being parallel
to Latmus, and extending from the Milesian territory towards the east,
through Caria, as far as Euromus and Chalcetores. However, the mountain
rises up in sight of[39] the city.
At a little distance further, after crossing a small river near Latmus,
there is seen in a cave the sepulchre of Endymion. Then from Heracleia
to Pyrrha, a small city, is about 100 stadia by sea, but a little more
from Miletus to Heracleia, if we include the winding of the bays.
9. From Miletus to Pyrrha, in a straight line by sea, is 30 stadia; so
much longer is the journey by sailing near the land.
10. When we are speaking of celebrated places, the reader must endure
with patience the dryness of such geographical descriptions.
From Pyrrha to the mouth of the Mæander are 50 stadia. The ground about
it is marshy and a swamp. In sailing up the river in vessels rowed by
oars to the distance of 30 stadia, we come to Myus,[40] one of the
twelve Ionian cities, which, on account of its diminished population, is
now incorporated with Miletus. Xerxes is said to have given this city to
Themistocles to supply him with fish, Magnesia with bread, and Lampsacus
with wine. [41]
11. At four stadia from Myus is Thymbria, a Carian village, near which
is Aornum; this is a sacred cave called Charonium, which emits
destructive vapours. Above it is Magnesia[42] on the Mæander, a colony
of the Magnesians of Thessaly and Crete. We shall speak of it very soon.
12. After the mouths of the Mæander follows the shore of Priene. Above
it is Priene,[43] and the mountain Mycale,[44] which abounds with
animals of the chace, and is covered with forests. It is situated above
the Samian territory, and forms towards it, beyond the promontory
Trogilium,[45] a strait of above 7 stadia in width. Priene is called by
some writers Cadme, because Philotus, its second founder, was a Bœotian.
Bias, one of the seven wise men, was a native of Priene, of whom
Hipponax uses this expression;
“More just in pleadings than Bias of Priene. ”
13. In front of Trogilium lies an island of the same name. Thence, which
is the nearest way, is a passage across to Sunium of 1600 stadia. At the
commencement of the voyage, on the right hand are Samos, Icaria, and the
Corsiæ islands;[46] on the left, the Melantian rocks. [47] The remainder
of the voyage lies through the middle of the Cyclades islands. The
promontory Trogilium itself may be considered as a foot of the mountain
Mycale. Close to Mycale is another mountain, the Pactyas, belonging to
the Ephesian territory, where the Mesogis terminates.
14. From Trogilium to Samos are 40 stadia. Both this and the harbour,
which has a station for vessels, have a southern aspect. A great part of
it is situated on a flat, and is overflowed by the sea, but a part also
rises towards the mountain which overhangs it. On the right hand, in
sailing towards the city, is the Poseidium, a promontory, which forms
towards Mycale the strait of 7 stadia. It has upon it a temple of
Neptune. In front is a small island, Narthecis; on the left, near the
Heræum, is the suburb, and the river Imbrasus, and the Heræum, an
ancient temple, and a large nave, which at present is a repository for
paintings. Besides the great number of paintings in the Heræum, there
are other repositories and some small chapels, filled with works of
ancient art. The Hypæthrum also is full of the best statues. Of these,
three of colossal size, the work of Myron, stand [CAS. 637] upon the
same base. Antony took them all away, but Augustus Cæsar replaced two,
the Minerva and the Hercules, upon the same base. He transported the
Jupiter to the Capitol, having built a chapel for its reception.
15. The voyage round the island Samos is 600 stadia. [48] Formerly, when
the Carians inhabited it, it was called Parthenia, then Anthemus, then
Melamphylus,[49] then Samos, either from the name of some native hero,
or from some one who conducted a colony thither from Ithaca and
Cephallenia. In it is a promontory looking towards Drepanum in Icaria,
which has the name of Ampelos, (the Vine,) but the whole mountain, which
spreads over the island, has the same name. The island is not remarkable
for good wine,[50] although the islands around, as Chios, Lesbos, Cos,
and almost all the adjacent continent, produce wines of the best kind.
The Ephesian and the Metropolites are good wines, but the Mesogis, the
Tmolus, the Catacecaumene, Cnidos, Smyrna, and other more obscure
places, are distinguished for the excellence of their wines, whether for
gratification or dietetic purposes.
Samos is not very fortunate as regards the production of wine, but in
general it is fertile, as appears from its possession being a subject of
warlike contention, and from the language of its panegyrists, who do not
hesitate to apply to it the proverb,
“It produces even birds’ milk,”
as Menander somewhere says. This was the cause also of the tyrannies
established there, and of the enmity of the Athenians.
16. The tyrannies were at their height in the time of Polycrates and his
brother Syloson. The former was distinguished for his good fortune, and
the possession of such a degree of power as made him master of the sea.
It is related as an instance of his good fortune, that having purposely
thrown into the sea his ring, which was of great value both on account
of the stone and the engraving, a short time afterwards a fisherman
caught the fish which had swallowed it, and on cutting the fish open,
the ring was discovered. When the king of Egypt was informed of this, he
declared, it is said, with a prophetic spirit, that Polycrates, who had
been elevated to such a height of prosperity, would soon end his life
unfortunately; and this was actually the case, for he was taken by the
Persian satrap by stratagem, and crucified. Anacreon, the lyric poet,
was his contemporary, and all his poetry abounds with the praises of
Polycrates.
It is said that in his time Pythagoras, observing the growing tyranny,
left the city, and travelled to Egypt and Babylon, with a view to
acquire knowledge. On his return from his travels, perceiving that the
tyranny still prevailed, he set sail for Italy, and there passed the
remainder of his life.
So much respecting Polycrates.
17. Syloson was left by his brother in a private station. But he made a
present to Darius, son of Hystaspes, of a robe which the latter saw him
wearing, and very much desired to possess. Darius was not king at this
time, but when he became king, Polycrates received as a compensation the
tyranny of Samos. He governed with so much severity, that the city was
depopulated, which gave occasion to the proverb,
“By the pleasure of Syloson there is room enough. ”
18. The Athenians formerly sent Pericles their general, and with him
Sophocles the poet, who harassed with the evils of a siege the
refractory Samians. Afterwards[51] they sent thither a colony of two
thousand citizens, among whom was Neocles the father of Epicurus, and,
according to report, a school-master. It is said, that Epicurus was
educated here and at Teos, and was admitted among the ephebi at Athens,
having as his comrade in that class Menander the comic poet. Creophylus
was a native of Samos,[52] who, it is said, once entertained Homer as
his guest, and received, in return, his poem entitled “The taking of
Œchalia. ” Callimachus, on the contrary, intimates in an epigram that it
was the composition of [CAS. 639] Creophylus, but ascribed to Homer on
account of the story of his hospitable entertainment by Creophylus:
“I am the work of the Samian, who once entertained in his
house, as a guest, the divine Homer. I grieve for the
sufferings of Eurytus, and mourn for the yellow-haired Ioleia.
I am called Homer’s writing. O Jupiter, how glorious this for
Creophylus. ”
Some say that he was Homer’s master; according to others, it was not
Creophylus, but Aristeas of Proconnesus.
19. The island of Icaria, from which the Icarian Sea has its name, is
near Samos. The island has its name from Icarus, the son of Dædalus,
who, it is said, having accompanied his father in his flight, when both
of them, furnished with wings, set out from Crete, fell on that island,
unable to sustain his flight. He had mounted too near the sun, and the
wings dropped off on the melting of the wax [with which they were
fastened].
The whole island is 300 stadia in circumference; it has no harbours, but
only anchorages, the best of which is called Histi. A promontory
stretches towards the west. There is also on the island a temple of
Diana, called Tauropolium, and a small town Œnoë; and another,
Dracanum,[53] of the same name as the promontory on which it stands,
with an anchorage for vessels. The promontory is distant from the
promontory of the Samians, called Cantharius, 80 stadia, which is the
shortest passage from one to the other. The Samians occupy it at present
in its depopulated state, chiefly for the sake of pasture which it
affords for cattle.
20. Next to the Samian strait at Mycale, on the right hand on the voyage
to Ephesus, is the sea-coast of the Ephesians, a part of which even the
Samians possess. First on the sea-coast is the Panionium,[54] distant
from the sea three stadia, where the Panionia, a common festival of the
Ionians, is celebrated, and a sacrifice is performed in honour of the
Heliconian Neptune. The priests are Prienians. We have spoken of them in
the description of Peloponnesus.
Then follows Neapolis, which formerly belonged to the Ephesians, but now
belongs to the Samians, having exchanged Marathesium[55] for it, the
more distant for the nearer place. Next is Pygela, a small town,
containing a temple of Diana Munychia. It was founded by Agamemnon, and
colonized by some of his soldiers, who had a disease in the buttocks,
and were called Pygalgeis; as they laboured under this complaint, they
settled there, and the town had the appropriate name of Pygela. [56]
Next is a harbour called Panormus, with a temple of the Ephesian Diana;
then the city.
On the same coast, at a little distance from the sea, is Ortygia, a fine
wood with trees of all kinds, but the cypress in the greatest abundance.
Through this wood flows the river Cenchrius, in which Latona is said to
have bathed after the birth of her child. For here is laid the scene of
the birth of the child, the cares of the nurse Ortygia, the cave in
which the birth took place, the neighbouring olive tree under which the
goddess first reposed when the pains of childbirth had ceased.
Above the wood is the mountain Solmissus, where, it is said, the Curetes
stationed themselves, and with the noise of their arms perplexed and
terrified Juno, who was enviously watching in secret the delivery of
Latona, who was thus assisted in concealing the birth of the child.
There are many temples in the place, some of which are ancient, others
of later times; in the former are ancient statues; in the latter are
works of Scopas, Latona holding a sceptre, and Ortygia standing by her
with a child in each arm.
A convention and festival are celebrated there every year. It is the
custom for young men to vie with each other, particularly in the
splendour of their convivial entertainments. The body of Curetes
celebrate their Symposia at the same time, and perform certain mystic
sacrifices.
21. The city of Ephesus was inhabited both by Carians and Leleges. After
Androclus had expelled the greatest part of the inhabitants, he settled
his companions about the Athenæum, and the Hypelæum, and in the
mountainous tract at the foot of the Coressus. It was thus inhabited
till the time of Crœsus. Afterwards, the inhabitants descended from the
mountainous district, and settled about the present temple, and
continued there to the time of Alexander. Then Lysimachus built a wall
round the present temple, and, perceiving the inhabitants [CAS. 640]
unwilling to remove thither, took advantage of a heavy storm of rain
which he saw approaching, and obstructed the drains so as to inundate
the city, and the inhabitants were glad to leave it for another place.
He called the city Arsinoë, after the name of his wife, but the old name
prevailed. A body of elders was enrolled, with whom were associated
persons called Epicleti, who administered all the affairs of the city.
22. Chersiphron[57] was the first architect of the temple of Diana;
another afterwards enlarged it, but when Herostratus set fire to it,[58]
the citizens constructed one more magnificent. They collected for this
purpose the ornaments of the women, contributions from private property,
and the money arising from the sale of pillars of the former temple.
Evidence of these things is to be found in the decrees of that time.
Artemidorus says, that Timæus of Tauromenium, in consequence of his
ignorance of these decrees, and being otherwise a calumniator and
detractor, (whence he had the name of Epitimæus, or Reviler,) avers that
the Ephesians restored the temple by means of the treasure deposited
there by the Persians. But at that time no treasure was deposited, and
if any had been deposited there, it must have been consumed together
with the temple: after the conflagration, when the roof was destroyed,
who would wish to have a deposit lying there, with the sacred enclosure
exposed to the air?
Besides, Artemidorus says, that Alexander promised to defray the expense
of its restoration, both what had been and what would be incurred, on
condition that the work should be attributed to him in the inscription,
but the Ephesians refused to accede to this; much less, then, would they
be disposed to acquire fame by sacrilege and spoliation. He praises also
the reply of an Ephesian to the king, “that it was not fit that a god
should provide temples in honour of gods. ”
23. After the completion of the temple, which, he says, was the work of
Cheirocrates (the same person who built Alexandria, and also promised
Alexander that he would form Mount Athos into a statue of him, which
should represent him as pouring a libation into a dish out of an ewer;
that he would build two cities, one on the right hand of the mountain,
and another on the left, and a river should flow out of the dish from
one to the other,)[59]—after the completion of the temple, he says that
the multitude of other sacred offerings were purchased by the Ephesians,
at the value set on them by artificers, and that the altar was almost
entirely full of the works of Praxiteles. They showed us also some of
the performances of Thraso, namely, the Hecatesium, a Penelope,[60] and
the old woman Eurycleia.
The priests were eunuchs, who were called Megabyzi. It was the practice
to send to various places for persons worthy of this office, and they
were held in high honour. They were obliged to appoint virgins as their
colleagues in their priesthood. At present some of their rites and
customs are observed, and some are neglected.
The temple was formerly, and is at present, a place of refuge, but the
limits of the sanctity of this asylum have been frequently altered;
Alexander extended them to the distance of a stadium. Mithridates
discharged an arrow from the angle of the roof, and supposed that it
fell a little beyond the distance of a stadium. Antonius doubled this
distance, and included within the range of the sanctuary a certain
portion of the city.
greater part of it is lost; it begins from the end of the 12th book
only, and a part of the last leaf of the 17th book is also destroyed;
what remains to us surpasses all others in correctness of the text. The
whole has been collated for the first time by Kramer.
No. 174 is of the 15th century, and contains the seventeen books: the
first nine books are written by one transcriber, the last eight by
another hand. The first nine books have been collated by Kramer.
No. 173 contains the first ten books, and is of the middle of the 15th
century. It is badly and incorrectly written. The last seven books,
which would complete the codex, are, as Kramer conjectures from the
paper and handwriting, in the Library of the Grand Duchy of Parma. From
a note in Greek at the end of the 10th book, it appears to have been
brought to Rome A. D. 1466. Books 1, 2, 4, and 5, collated by Kramer.
No. 81 is tolerably well and correctly written. It contains the last
eight books, and is of the end of the 15th century. It appears to be a
copy of, or served as a copy to, the codex in the Laurentian Library,
No. 19. Partially collated by Kramer.
Medicean Codices, in the Laurentian Library, Florence:
Codex 5 is elegantly and correctly written; it is of the beginning,
probably, of the 15th century, and contains the first ten books. The 8th
and 9th books are not entire; passages are curtailed, and much is
omitted, to which the attention is not drawn, the lines being run on
without spaces left to mark omissions. Errors of the first transcriber
are corrected by a later hand, and noticed in the margin or between the
lines. Collated by Bandini for Falconer, and almost the whole by Kramer.
Codex 40 contains the first ten books; a copy, probably, of the former.
It was written after the middle of the 15th century.
Codex 15 is of the middle of the 15th century, and contains the last
seven books. It is not in any way remarkable.
Codex 19, written at the end of the 15th century. It contains the last
eight books, and resembles No. 81 of the Vatican. Collated by Bandini
for Falconer.
Venetian Codices:
No. 377 of the catalogue contains the first twelve books, and is written
in the 15th century. Formerly the property of Cardinal Bessarion.
No. 378 contains the seventeen books, of which the first twelve are
apparently copies of the above, No. 377; the remaining five are
transcribed from some other codex. This was, also, formerly the property
of Cardinal Bessarion.
No. 640 contains the last eight books. It was written, as appears from a
note A. D. 1321, by different hands. A great part of the 14th book is
wanting; eight blank pages are left for the completion of it; but this
was not done by the transcriber to whom this portion was assigned. It is
placed by Kramer in the first class of manuscripts, and was wholly
collated by him.
No. 379 is of the 15th century. It contains the Epitome of Gemistus
Pletho of the first ten books, and the whole of the last seven books. It
is the codex which served for the copy, No. 1398, in the Imperial
Library at Paris. Formerly the property of Cardinal Bessarion.
No. 606 contains the last eight books, and was written towards the end
of the 15th century. It contains nothing which is not to be found in
other manuscripts.
Codices in the Ambrosian Library, Milan:
Codex M. 53 contains all but book ii. , and is of the 15th century. The
books are not written on paper of the same size, nor in consecutive
order, although by the same hand. Book ii. is to be found in Codex N.
289, together with portions of other authors, written by a different
transcriber, no doubt with the intention of completing this codex.
According to Kramer, the first ten books are copied from Codex 5 of the
Medici MS. The 13th, 14th, 12th books (the order in which they stand)
from the Medici MS. 19, and the 11th, 15th, 16th, 17th, from the Medici
MS. 15. Partly collated by Kramer.
Codex G. 53 contains the seventeen books, and is of the end of the 15th
century. Five leaves at the beginning, and two at the end, are destroyed
by damp, traces of which are to be seen throughout. Partly collated by
Kramer.
In the Library of Eton College is a codex containing the first ten
books; it was written at Constantinople. Kramer, who, however, did not
see it, conjectures that the Medici MS. , Codex 15, containing the last
eight books, was formerly united to it, and completed the whole work.
Collated for Falconer.
In the Library of the Escurial is a codex completed, as we are informed
by a note at the end, A. D. 1423. Collated by Bayer for Falconer.
The Madrid Library possesses a codex written in the latter part of the
15th century, containing the seventeen books.
In the Library at Moscow is a codex containing the seventeen books; it
was written at the end of the 15th or beginning of the 16th century. The
first nine books resemble the Paris Codex, No. 1397; the last eight, the
Venetian Codex, No. 640. It came from one of the monasteries of Mount
Athos, and was not destroyed, as Groskurd suspects, in the great fire of
1812, but is still to be found in the Library of the Holy Synod, under
No. 204 (Matt. ccv. ), as I am informed by the Archimandrite Sabba, who
dates from the Kremlin, April 4th, 1857.
A codex also is yet to be found in one of the monasteries of Mount
Athos. From the accounts of learned travellers (Zacharias, _Reise in den
Orient_, and Fallmerayer, in the _Allgem. Zeitg. 5 Jun. 1843_), it
contains nothing which can supply the deficiencies of those MSS. with
which we are acquainted.
Besides the above codices, there exist four epitomes of the Geography of
Strabo, of which,
1. The Epitome Palatina, in the Heidelberg Library, is the oldest of all
MSS. of this work. It is probably of the beginning of the 10th century,
although Dodwell places it between 976 and 996. The codex from which it
was copied appears to have been perfect, and contained the whole of the
7th book, which is imperfect in all other codices. It is, however, to be
regretted that the author did not confine himself to following the text
of Strabo; he has not only indulged in curtailing, transposing, and
changing the words and sentences of the original, but has sometimes also
added expressions of his own.
2. The Vatican Epitome is of more value than the preceding; the extracts
are more copious, the author seldom wanders from the text of Strabo, and
in no instance inserts language of his own. The codex which served as
the basis for the Epitome contained the 7th book entire, and from this
and the Palatine Epitome Kramer collected the fragments of the last part
of the 7th book, which appear for the first time in his edition (see
vol. i. of the Translation, p. 504). This codex was written in the
middle of the 14th century, and has suffered much by time and
carelessness; several leaves are lost, and lines of the text at the top
and bottom of the pages have been cut off in the binding.
3. The Parisian Epitome, on which no great value is placed by Kramer.
4. The Epitome of Gemistus Pletho, referred to above, is of great value,
and held in the highest estimation by all editors.
The first appearance of Strabo’s work in print was a Latin translation
by Guarini, of Verona, and Gregorio of Tiferno. Of this, thirteen
editions were printed, the first in 1469 or 1471, the twelfth in 1559,
and the last in 1652. It is not known from what manuscripts the
translation was taken, nor whether they now exist; but, though the
translation itself is barbarous, and in many passages erroneous, its
fidelity to the original is so apparent, that all editors to the present
time have consulted it as a manuscript.
The first edition of the Greek text was printed at Venice by Aldus in
1516, and was taken from so corrupt a manuscript that Coraÿ compares it
to the Augean stable. The second edition was a repetition of the Aldine,
accompanied by the Latin translation of Guarini, and was published by
Hopper and Heresbach, at Bâsle, in 1549. The third edition, by Xylander,
in 1570, was also a repetition of the text of Aldus; but a new Latin
translation accompanied it. The fourth and fifth editions, which do not
essentially differ, were published in 1587 and 1620, by Isaac Casaubon.
He collated for his edition four manuscripts, which he obtained from his
father-in-law, H. Stephens, and was the first to add a commentary; but
it is not known what manuscripts were made use of. The edition of
Almeloveen, 1707, being a reprint of Casaubon, with notes, and an
edition commenced by Brequigny, Paris, 1763, but not continued beyond
the first three books, can scarcely be placed among the number of new
editions. Brequigny left a French translation in manuscript and notes in
Latin, which were consulted by the French translators.
The seventh edition was that of Thomas Falconer of Chester, and of
Brasenose College, published in 2 vols. folio, at Oxford, 1807. For the
first time since Casaubon’s last edition, nearly 200 years before,
manuscripts were collated for this edition, namely, those of Eton,
Moscow, the Escurial, and the Laurentian library; the conjectural
emendations of Tyrwhitt, and notes of the editor and others, are added.
“It has everything that is valuable in Casaubon’s edition, besides
having corrected numberless typographical errors. In the account given
of it, the public are as much wronged as we are abused; for no view
whatever is laid before them of its nature or its merits. ”[18] Thos.
Falconer, having prepared the greater part of the work for the press,
died in 1792. A little more than the two first books were edited by John
Parsons, Bishop of Peterborough, and formerly Master of Balliol College,
Oxford; but the whole work was, ultimately, in 1802 given up to Thomas
Falconer (nephew of the former), of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, who
completed it and wrote the preface. A complete revisal of the text,
however, was not attempted.
The eighth edition was that of Professor J. P. Siebenkees, of which
great expectations were formed. The deficiencies of his performance are
strongly commented on by Kramer. Siebenkees lived to complete only the
first six books; the remainder of the work was undertaken by Tzchucke,
and conducted with greater skill and ability than by his predecessor. It
was published in 1811, 6 vols. 8vo.
The ninth edition is that by Coraÿ, Paris, 1815-1818, 4 vols. 8vo.
Kramer passes an unfavourable opinion on it. The editor, according to
him, did not possess an aptitude for discriminating the value of the
different manuscripts he collated, and considered more what he thought
ought to have been written than what were really the author’s words.
Hence, although he was successful in restoring the true readings of many
passages, he corrupted not a few, and left untouched many errors. Yet he
was a very able scholar, and has the merit of attempting the first
critical edition of Strabo.
The tenth edition is that by Professor Gustavus Kramer, in 3 vols. 8vo,
the first of which appeared in 1844, the last in 1852. The editor has
brought to his task great ability and unwearied labour; of the many
years spent in the preparation of it, were passed in Italy for the
purpose of collating manuscripts. This edition surpasses all others in
completeness, and little is left for correction by subsequent editors.
A. Meineke published at Leipsic, in 3 vols. , 1852, a reprint of Kramer’s
text, with some emendations of his own contained in his work,
“Vindiciarum Straboniarum Liber. ” Berlin, 1852.
C. Müller and F. Dübner have also published the first vol. , Paris, 1852,
of a reprint of Kramer’s text, with Meineke’s corrections. It is
accompanied by a new Latin translation, of which the first six books are
by Dübner, and the remainder by Müller.
In modern languages, we have a translation by Alfonso Buonacciuoli, of
Ferrara, in Italian, 2 vols. 8vo, Venice, 1552. It is a very literal
translation from a manuscript, and is frequently quoted by the French
translators. Also a translation in German by Abr. Penzel, in 4 vols. ,
Lemgow, 1775. It is not literal, and abounds with wilful additions and
alterations of the author’s meaning.
A translation in French was published at Paris in five vols. 4to, from
the year 1805 to 1819. The first three books are translated by De la
Porte du Theil and Coraÿ together. The 4th, 7th, 8th, 12th, 13th, 14th,
and 15th books are by Coraÿ; the 5th, 6th, 9th, 10th, and 11th, by De la
Porte du Theil; on the death of the latter, Letronne undertook the
translation of the 16th and 17th books. The whole is accompanied by very
copious notes by the translators, and others on geographical and
mathematical subjects, by Gossellin. As might be expected from the
united labour of such distinguished men, this translation, which was
undertaken at the command of Napoleon I. , has been held in high
estimation. De la Porte du Theil, for the purpose of conveying to the
reader a more accurate idea of the state of the text of the ninth book
than could be given by description or notes, has prefaced his
translation by a copy, page for page and line for line, of the original
manuscript. The number of mutilated passages amounts to two thousand.
For the purpose of restoring the text, recourse has been had to other
manuscripts, to conjectures, to extracts from the Epitomes, and to
quotations of Strabo’s work contained in the Geographical Lexicon of
Stephanus of Byzantium, composed before the seventh century, and in the
Commentaries of Eustathius on Homer, which were written towards the end
of the twelfth century. It is an example of Kramer’s just remark, that
no work of any ancient author, which has descended to our time, has
suffered more from various causes.
A translation by F. Ambrosoli, forming part of the “Collana degli
Antichi Storici Greci,” was published in 1832, 4 vols. 8vo, Milan, and
is founded on the French translation. A translation of the third book
(Spain) by Lopez, was published at Madrid, 1788, and is well spoken of.
The best translation of the whole work—and too much cannot be said in
praise of it—is in German, by Groskurd, 4 vols. 8vo, Berlin, 1831-1834.
The last volume contains a very copious index.
In conclusion, I have to acknowledge considerable obligations to the
notes and prefaces of Groskurd, Kramer, the French translators, and
others.
The part of the translation for which I am responsible commences at
chap. iv. book vii. , vol. i. p. 473, to the end of the work, and is
partly based on an incomplete translation in MS. by my late father, the
Rev. Dr. T. Falconer. The previous portion is the work of Hans C.
Hamilton, Esq. , F. S. A. , to whom I am indebted for his continued interest
in the translation throughout, for his care in correcting the press, and
for valuable suggestions.
A complete index, which concludes the third volume, has been compiled
with the greatest regard to accuracy, by a gentleman of tried skill and
ability.
It contains every geographical name mentioned by Strabo; and
the modern names, printed in italics, are also added, as far as can be
ascertained: they are not given with perfect confidence in all cases;
discussion on doubtful points would have exceeded the limits of this
work; and reference may be advantageously made, where more minute detail
is required, to the able articles in Dr. W. Smith’s Dictionary of Greek
and Roman Geography.
W. FALCONER.
_Rectory, Bushey, Herts.
September 1, 1857. _
STRABO’S GEOGRAPHY.
BOOK XIV.
SUMMARY.
The Fourteenth Book contains an account of the Cyclades
islands and the region opposite to them, Pamphylia, Isauria,
Lycia, Pisidia, Cilicia as far as Seleucia of Syria, and that
part of Asia properly called Ionia.
CHAPTER I.
1. There remain to be described Ionia, Caria, and the sea-coast beyond
the Taurus, which is occupied by Lycians, Pamphylians, and
Cilicians. [19] We shall thus finish the description of the whole circuit
of the peninsula, the isthmus of which, we have said, consists of the
tract between the Euxine and the Sea of Issus.
2. The navigation around Ionia along the coast is about 3430 stadia. It
is a considerable distance, on account of the gulfs, and of the
peninsular form for the most part of the country, but the length in a
straight line is not great. The distance, for example, from Ephesus to
Smyrna is a journey in a straight line of 320 stadia; to Metropolis[20]
is 120 stadia, and the remainder to Smyrna; but this distance by sea is
little less than 2200 stadia. The extent of the Ionian coast is reckoned
from Poseidium,[21] belonging to the Milesians, [CAS. 632] and the
boundaries of Caria, as far as Phocæa,[22] and the river Hermus. [23]
3. According to Pherecydes, Miletus, Myus,[24] Mycale, and Ephesus, on
this coast, were formerly occupied by Carians; the part of the coast
next in order, as far as Phocæa, and Chios, and Samos, of which Ancæus
was king, were occupied by Leleges, but both nations were expelled by
the Ionians, and took refuge in the remaining parts of Caria.
Pherecydes says that the leader of the Ionian, which was posterior to
the Æolian migration, was Androclus, a legitimate son of Codrus king of
the Athenians, and that he was the founder of Ephesus, hence it was that
it became the seat of the royal palace of the Ionian princes. Even at
present the descendants of that race are called kings, and receive
certain honours, as the chief seat at the public games, a purple robe as
a symbol of royal descent, a staff instead of a sceptre, and the
superintendence of the sacrifices in honour of the Eleusinian Ceres.
Neleus, of a Pylian family, founded Miletus. The Messenians and Pylians
pretend that there is some affinity between them; in reference to which
later poets say that even Nestor was a Messenian, and that many Pylians
accompanied Melanthus, the father of Codrus, to Athens, and that all
this people sent out the colony in common with the Ionians. There is
also to be seen on the promontory Poseidium an altar erected by Neleus.
Myus was founded by Cydrelus, a spurious son of Codrus; Lebedos[25] by
Andropompus, who took possession of a place called Artis; Colophon by
Andræmon, a Pylian, as Mimnermus mentions in his poem of Nanno;[26]
Priene by Æpytus, son of Neleus; and afterwards by Philotas, who brought
a colony from Thebes; Teos by Athamas, its first founder, whence
Anacreon calls the city Athamantis, but at the time of the Ionian
migration of the colony it received settlers from Nauclus, a spurious
son of Codrus, and after this from Apœcus and Damasus, who were
Athenians, and from Geres, a Bœotian; Erythræ was founded by Cnopus, who
also was a spurious son of Codrus; Phocæa by Athenians, who accompanied
Philogenes; Clazomenæ by Paralus; Chios by Egertius, who brought with
him a mixed body of colonists; Samos by Tembrion, and afterwards by
Procles.
4. These are the twelve Ionian cities. At a subsequent period Smyrna
also was added to the Ionian association at the instance of the
Ephesians, for anciently they inhabited the same city, at which time
Ephesus was called Smyrna. Callinus somewhere gives it this name, and
calls the Ephesians Smyrnæans in the address to Jupiter:
“And pity the Smyrnæans;”
and in another passage,
“remember now, if ever, the beautiful thighs of the oxen
[which the Smyrnæans burnt in sacrifice]. ”
Smyrna was an Amazon, who got possession of Ephesus; from her the
inhabitants and the city had their name, in the same manner as some
Ephesians were called Sisyrbitæ from Sisyrba; and a certain spot in
Ephesus was called Smyrna, as Hipponax testifies:
“He lived in Smyrna, at the back of the city between Tracheia
and Lepre Acta. ”
The mountain Prion was called Lepre Acta; it overhangs the present city,
and has on it a portion of the wall. Even now the farms at the back of
the Prion retain the name in the term Opistholepria. The country along
the foot of the mountain about Coressus was called Tracheia. The city
was anciently built about the Athenæum, which is now beyond the city, at
the (fountain) Hypelæus. Smyrna therefore was situated near the present
gymnasium, at the back of the present city, but between Tracheia and
Lepre Acta. The Smyrnæans, upon quitting the Ephesians, marched to the
place where Smyrna now stood, and which was in the possession of
Leleges. They expelled these people and founded the ancient Smyrna,
which is distant from the present city about 20 stadia. They were
themselves afterwards expelled by Æolians, and took refuge at Colophon;
they then returned with a body of men from the latter place, and
recovered their own city, Smyrna. Mimnermus relates this in his poem of
Nanno, and says of Smyrna, that it was always a subject of contention;
[CAS. 634] “after leaving Pylus, the lofty city of Neleus, we
came in our voyage to the long wished-for Asia, and settled at
Colophon, and hastening thence from the river Astëeis, by the
will of the gods we took Æolian Smyrna. ”
So much then on this subject.
We must, however, again describe each place in particular, beginning
with the principal cities, from which the first settlements originated,
I mean Miletus and Ephesus, for these are superior to all others, and
the most celebrated.
5. Next after the Poseidium of the Milesians, at the distance of 18[27]
stadia from the sea-coast, is the oracle of Apollo Didymeus among the
Branchidæ. This, as well as the other temples, except that at Ephesus,
was burnt by the order of Xerxes. [28] The Branchidæ delivered up the
treasures of the god to the Persian king, and accompanied him in his
flight, in order to avoid the punishment of sacrilege and treachery.
The Milesians afterwards built a temple, which exceeded in size all
others, but it remained without a roof on account of its magnitude. The
circuit of the sacred enclosure contained within it a village with a
magnificent grove, which also extended beyond it; other sacred
enclosures contain the oracle, and what belongs to the worship of the
god.
Here is laid the scene of the fable of Branchus, and Apollo’s love for
him. The temple is adorned with the most costly offerings, the
productions of ancient art.
Thence to the city the journey is not long either by land or sea. [29]
6. Ephorus relates that Miletus was first founded and fortified by the
Cretans on the spot above the sea-coast where at present the ancient
Miletus is situated, and that Sarpedon conducted thither settlers from
the Miletus in Crete,[30] and gave it the same name; that Leleges were
the former occupiers of the country, and that afterwards Neleus built
the present city.
The present city has four harbours, one of which will admit a fleet of
ships. [31] The citizens have achieved many great deeds, but the most
important is the number of colonies which they established. The whole
Euxine, for instance, and the Propontis, and many other places, are
peopled with their settlers.
Anaximenes of Lampsacus says, that the Milesians colonized both the
island Icarus and Lerus, and Limnæ on the Hellespont, in the
Chersonesus; in Asia, Abydus, Arisba, and Pæsus; on the island of the
Cyziceni, Artace and Cyzicus; in the interior of the Troad, Scepsis. We
have mentioned, in our particular description of places, other cities
which this writer has omitted.
Both the Milesians and Delians invoke Apollo Ulius, as dispensing
health and curing diseases; for οὔλειν[32] is to be in health, whence
οὐλή,[33] a wound healed, and the phrase in Homer,[34] Οὖλέ τε καὶ μέγα
χαῖρε, “health and good welcome;” for Apollo is a healer, and Artemis
has her name from making persons ἀρτεμέας, or sound. The sun, also, and
moon are associated with these deities, since they are the causes of
the good qualities of the air; pestilential diseases, also, and sudden
death are attributed to these deities.
7. Illustrious persons, natives of Miletus, were Thales, one of the
seven wise men, the first person who introduced among the Greeks
physiology and mathematics; his disciple Anaximander, and Anaximenes the
disciple of Anaximander. Besides these, Hecatæus the historian;[35] and
of our time, Æschines the orator, who was banished for having spoken
with too great freedom before Pompey the Great, and died in exile.
Miletus shut her gates against Alexander, and experienced the misfortune
of being taken by storm, which was also the fate of Halicarnassus; long
before this time it was captured by the Persians. Callisthenes relates,
that Phrynichus the tragic writer was fined a thousand drachmæ by the
Athenians for composing a play entitled “The taking of Miletus by
Darius. ” [CAS. 635] The island Lade lies close in front of Miletus, and
small islands about Tragææ,[36] which afford a shelter for pirates.
8. Next follows the Gulf of Latmus, on which is situated “Heracleia
under Latmus,”[37] as it is called, a small town with a shelter for
vessels. It formerly had the same name as the mountain above, which
Hecatæus thinks was the same as that called by the poet[38] the mountain
of the Phtheiri, for he says that the mountain of the Phtheiri was
situated below Latmus; but some say that it was Grium, as being parallel
to Latmus, and extending from the Milesian territory towards the east,
through Caria, as far as Euromus and Chalcetores. However, the mountain
rises up in sight of[39] the city.
At a little distance further, after crossing a small river near Latmus,
there is seen in a cave the sepulchre of Endymion. Then from Heracleia
to Pyrrha, a small city, is about 100 stadia by sea, but a little more
from Miletus to Heracleia, if we include the winding of the bays.
9. From Miletus to Pyrrha, in a straight line by sea, is 30 stadia; so
much longer is the journey by sailing near the land.
10. When we are speaking of celebrated places, the reader must endure
with patience the dryness of such geographical descriptions.
From Pyrrha to the mouth of the Mæander are 50 stadia. The ground about
it is marshy and a swamp. In sailing up the river in vessels rowed by
oars to the distance of 30 stadia, we come to Myus,[40] one of the
twelve Ionian cities, which, on account of its diminished population, is
now incorporated with Miletus. Xerxes is said to have given this city to
Themistocles to supply him with fish, Magnesia with bread, and Lampsacus
with wine. [41]
11. At four stadia from Myus is Thymbria, a Carian village, near which
is Aornum; this is a sacred cave called Charonium, which emits
destructive vapours. Above it is Magnesia[42] on the Mæander, a colony
of the Magnesians of Thessaly and Crete. We shall speak of it very soon.
12. After the mouths of the Mæander follows the shore of Priene. Above
it is Priene,[43] and the mountain Mycale,[44] which abounds with
animals of the chace, and is covered with forests. It is situated above
the Samian territory, and forms towards it, beyond the promontory
Trogilium,[45] a strait of above 7 stadia in width. Priene is called by
some writers Cadme, because Philotus, its second founder, was a Bœotian.
Bias, one of the seven wise men, was a native of Priene, of whom
Hipponax uses this expression;
“More just in pleadings than Bias of Priene. ”
13. In front of Trogilium lies an island of the same name. Thence, which
is the nearest way, is a passage across to Sunium of 1600 stadia. At the
commencement of the voyage, on the right hand are Samos, Icaria, and the
Corsiæ islands;[46] on the left, the Melantian rocks. [47] The remainder
of the voyage lies through the middle of the Cyclades islands. The
promontory Trogilium itself may be considered as a foot of the mountain
Mycale. Close to Mycale is another mountain, the Pactyas, belonging to
the Ephesian territory, where the Mesogis terminates.
14. From Trogilium to Samos are 40 stadia. Both this and the harbour,
which has a station for vessels, have a southern aspect. A great part of
it is situated on a flat, and is overflowed by the sea, but a part also
rises towards the mountain which overhangs it. On the right hand, in
sailing towards the city, is the Poseidium, a promontory, which forms
towards Mycale the strait of 7 stadia. It has upon it a temple of
Neptune. In front is a small island, Narthecis; on the left, near the
Heræum, is the suburb, and the river Imbrasus, and the Heræum, an
ancient temple, and a large nave, which at present is a repository for
paintings. Besides the great number of paintings in the Heræum, there
are other repositories and some small chapels, filled with works of
ancient art. The Hypæthrum also is full of the best statues. Of these,
three of colossal size, the work of Myron, stand [CAS. 637] upon the
same base. Antony took them all away, but Augustus Cæsar replaced two,
the Minerva and the Hercules, upon the same base. He transported the
Jupiter to the Capitol, having built a chapel for its reception.
15. The voyage round the island Samos is 600 stadia. [48] Formerly, when
the Carians inhabited it, it was called Parthenia, then Anthemus, then
Melamphylus,[49] then Samos, either from the name of some native hero,
or from some one who conducted a colony thither from Ithaca and
Cephallenia. In it is a promontory looking towards Drepanum in Icaria,
which has the name of Ampelos, (the Vine,) but the whole mountain, which
spreads over the island, has the same name. The island is not remarkable
for good wine,[50] although the islands around, as Chios, Lesbos, Cos,
and almost all the adjacent continent, produce wines of the best kind.
The Ephesian and the Metropolites are good wines, but the Mesogis, the
Tmolus, the Catacecaumene, Cnidos, Smyrna, and other more obscure
places, are distinguished for the excellence of their wines, whether for
gratification or dietetic purposes.
Samos is not very fortunate as regards the production of wine, but in
general it is fertile, as appears from its possession being a subject of
warlike contention, and from the language of its panegyrists, who do not
hesitate to apply to it the proverb,
“It produces even birds’ milk,”
as Menander somewhere says. This was the cause also of the tyrannies
established there, and of the enmity of the Athenians.
16. The tyrannies were at their height in the time of Polycrates and his
brother Syloson. The former was distinguished for his good fortune, and
the possession of such a degree of power as made him master of the sea.
It is related as an instance of his good fortune, that having purposely
thrown into the sea his ring, which was of great value both on account
of the stone and the engraving, a short time afterwards a fisherman
caught the fish which had swallowed it, and on cutting the fish open,
the ring was discovered. When the king of Egypt was informed of this, he
declared, it is said, with a prophetic spirit, that Polycrates, who had
been elevated to such a height of prosperity, would soon end his life
unfortunately; and this was actually the case, for he was taken by the
Persian satrap by stratagem, and crucified. Anacreon, the lyric poet,
was his contemporary, and all his poetry abounds with the praises of
Polycrates.
It is said that in his time Pythagoras, observing the growing tyranny,
left the city, and travelled to Egypt and Babylon, with a view to
acquire knowledge. On his return from his travels, perceiving that the
tyranny still prevailed, he set sail for Italy, and there passed the
remainder of his life.
So much respecting Polycrates.
17. Syloson was left by his brother in a private station. But he made a
present to Darius, son of Hystaspes, of a robe which the latter saw him
wearing, and very much desired to possess. Darius was not king at this
time, but when he became king, Polycrates received as a compensation the
tyranny of Samos. He governed with so much severity, that the city was
depopulated, which gave occasion to the proverb,
“By the pleasure of Syloson there is room enough. ”
18. The Athenians formerly sent Pericles their general, and with him
Sophocles the poet, who harassed with the evils of a siege the
refractory Samians. Afterwards[51] they sent thither a colony of two
thousand citizens, among whom was Neocles the father of Epicurus, and,
according to report, a school-master. It is said, that Epicurus was
educated here and at Teos, and was admitted among the ephebi at Athens,
having as his comrade in that class Menander the comic poet. Creophylus
was a native of Samos,[52] who, it is said, once entertained Homer as
his guest, and received, in return, his poem entitled “The taking of
Œchalia. ” Callimachus, on the contrary, intimates in an epigram that it
was the composition of [CAS. 639] Creophylus, but ascribed to Homer on
account of the story of his hospitable entertainment by Creophylus:
“I am the work of the Samian, who once entertained in his
house, as a guest, the divine Homer. I grieve for the
sufferings of Eurytus, and mourn for the yellow-haired Ioleia.
I am called Homer’s writing. O Jupiter, how glorious this for
Creophylus. ”
Some say that he was Homer’s master; according to others, it was not
Creophylus, but Aristeas of Proconnesus.
19. The island of Icaria, from which the Icarian Sea has its name, is
near Samos. The island has its name from Icarus, the son of Dædalus,
who, it is said, having accompanied his father in his flight, when both
of them, furnished with wings, set out from Crete, fell on that island,
unable to sustain his flight. He had mounted too near the sun, and the
wings dropped off on the melting of the wax [with which they were
fastened].
The whole island is 300 stadia in circumference; it has no harbours, but
only anchorages, the best of which is called Histi. A promontory
stretches towards the west. There is also on the island a temple of
Diana, called Tauropolium, and a small town Œnoë; and another,
Dracanum,[53] of the same name as the promontory on which it stands,
with an anchorage for vessels. The promontory is distant from the
promontory of the Samians, called Cantharius, 80 stadia, which is the
shortest passage from one to the other. The Samians occupy it at present
in its depopulated state, chiefly for the sake of pasture which it
affords for cattle.
20. Next to the Samian strait at Mycale, on the right hand on the voyage
to Ephesus, is the sea-coast of the Ephesians, a part of which even the
Samians possess. First on the sea-coast is the Panionium,[54] distant
from the sea three stadia, where the Panionia, a common festival of the
Ionians, is celebrated, and a sacrifice is performed in honour of the
Heliconian Neptune. The priests are Prienians. We have spoken of them in
the description of Peloponnesus.
Then follows Neapolis, which formerly belonged to the Ephesians, but now
belongs to the Samians, having exchanged Marathesium[55] for it, the
more distant for the nearer place. Next is Pygela, a small town,
containing a temple of Diana Munychia. It was founded by Agamemnon, and
colonized by some of his soldiers, who had a disease in the buttocks,
and were called Pygalgeis; as they laboured under this complaint, they
settled there, and the town had the appropriate name of Pygela. [56]
Next is a harbour called Panormus, with a temple of the Ephesian Diana;
then the city.
On the same coast, at a little distance from the sea, is Ortygia, a fine
wood with trees of all kinds, but the cypress in the greatest abundance.
Through this wood flows the river Cenchrius, in which Latona is said to
have bathed after the birth of her child. For here is laid the scene of
the birth of the child, the cares of the nurse Ortygia, the cave in
which the birth took place, the neighbouring olive tree under which the
goddess first reposed when the pains of childbirth had ceased.
Above the wood is the mountain Solmissus, where, it is said, the Curetes
stationed themselves, and with the noise of their arms perplexed and
terrified Juno, who was enviously watching in secret the delivery of
Latona, who was thus assisted in concealing the birth of the child.
There are many temples in the place, some of which are ancient, others
of later times; in the former are ancient statues; in the latter are
works of Scopas, Latona holding a sceptre, and Ortygia standing by her
with a child in each arm.
A convention and festival are celebrated there every year. It is the
custom for young men to vie with each other, particularly in the
splendour of their convivial entertainments. The body of Curetes
celebrate their Symposia at the same time, and perform certain mystic
sacrifices.
21. The city of Ephesus was inhabited both by Carians and Leleges. After
Androclus had expelled the greatest part of the inhabitants, he settled
his companions about the Athenæum, and the Hypelæum, and in the
mountainous tract at the foot of the Coressus. It was thus inhabited
till the time of Crœsus. Afterwards, the inhabitants descended from the
mountainous district, and settled about the present temple, and
continued there to the time of Alexander. Then Lysimachus built a wall
round the present temple, and, perceiving the inhabitants [CAS. 640]
unwilling to remove thither, took advantage of a heavy storm of rain
which he saw approaching, and obstructed the drains so as to inundate
the city, and the inhabitants were glad to leave it for another place.
He called the city Arsinoë, after the name of his wife, but the old name
prevailed. A body of elders was enrolled, with whom were associated
persons called Epicleti, who administered all the affairs of the city.
22. Chersiphron[57] was the first architect of the temple of Diana;
another afterwards enlarged it, but when Herostratus set fire to it,[58]
the citizens constructed one more magnificent. They collected for this
purpose the ornaments of the women, contributions from private property,
and the money arising from the sale of pillars of the former temple.
Evidence of these things is to be found in the decrees of that time.
Artemidorus says, that Timæus of Tauromenium, in consequence of his
ignorance of these decrees, and being otherwise a calumniator and
detractor, (whence he had the name of Epitimæus, or Reviler,) avers that
the Ephesians restored the temple by means of the treasure deposited
there by the Persians. But at that time no treasure was deposited, and
if any had been deposited there, it must have been consumed together
with the temple: after the conflagration, when the roof was destroyed,
who would wish to have a deposit lying there, with the sacred enclosure
exposed to the air?
Besides, Artemidorus says, that Alexander promised to defray the expense
of its restoration, both what had been and what would be incurred, on
condition that the work should be attributed to him in the inscription,
but the Ephesians refused to accede to this; much less, then, would they
be disposed to acquire fame by sacrilege and spoliation. He praises also
the reply of an Ephesian to the king, “that it was not fit that a god
should provide temples in honour of gods. ”
23. After the completion of the temple, which, he says, was the work of
Cheirocrates (the same person who built Alexandria, and also promised
Alexander that he would form Mount Athos into a statue of him, which
should represent him as pouring a libation into a dish out of an ewer;
that he would build two cities, one on the right hand of the mountain,
and another on the left, and a river should flow out of the dish from
one to the other,)[59]—after the completion of the temple, he says that
the multitude of other sacred offerings were purchased by the Ephesians,
at the value set on them by artificers, and that the altar was almost
entirely full of the works of Praxiteles. They showed us also some of
the performances of Thraso, namely, the Hecatesium, a Penelope,[60] and
the old woman Eurycleia.
The priests were eunuchs, who were called Megabyzi. It was the practice
to send to various places for persons worthy of this office, and they
were held in high honour. They were obliged to appoint virgins as their
colleagues in their priesthood. At present some of their rites and
customs are observed, and some are neglected.
The temple was formerly, and is at present, a place of refuge, but the
limits of the sanctity of this asylum have been frequently altered;
Alexander extended them to the distance of a stadium. Mithridates
discharged an arrow from the angle of the roof, and supposed that it
fell a little beyond the distance of a stadium. Antonius doubled this
distance, and included within the range of the sanctuary a certain
portion of the city.
