No More Learning

The fertility
of these places inclines the inhabitants to peace, as also the people of
Ebusus. But certain [CAS. 168] malefactors, though few in number, having
associated with the pirates in those seas, they all got a bad name, and
Metellus, surnamed Balearicus, marched against them. He it was who built
the cities. But owing to the great fertility of the country, these
people have always had enemies plotting against them. Although naturally
disposed to peace, they bear the reputation of being most excellent
slingers, which art they have been proficient in since the time that the
Phœnicians possessed the islands. It is said that these[1270] were the
first who introduced amongst the men [of the Baleares] the custom of
wearing tunics with wide borders. They were accustomed to go into battle
naked, having a shield covered with goat-skin in their hand, and a
javelin hardened by fire at the point, very rarely with an iron tip, and
wearing round the head three slings of black rush,[1271] hair, or sinew.
The long sling they use for hitting at far distances, the short one for
near marks, and the middle one for those between. From childhood they
were so thoroughly practised in the use of slings, that bread was never
distributed to the children till they had won it by the sling. [1272] On
this account Metellus, when he was approaching the islands, spread pelts
over the decks, as a shelter from the slings. He introduced [into the
country] 3000 Roman colonists from Spain.

2. In addition to the fruitfulness of the land, noxious animals are
rarely to be met with. Even the rabbits, they say, were not indigenous,
but that a male and female having been introduced by some one from the
opposite continent, from thence the whole stock sprung, which formerly
was so great a nuisance that even houses and trees were overturned,
[being undermined] by their warrens, and the inhabitants were
compelled, as we have related, to resort for refuge to the Romans.
However, at the present day the facility with which these animals are
taken, prevents them from doing injury, consequently those who possess
land cultivate it with advantage. These [islands] are on this side of
what are called the Pillars of Hercules.

3. Near to them are two small islands, one of which is called the Island
of Juno: some call these the Pillars. Beyond the Pillars is Gades,[1273]
concerning which all that we have hitherto remarked is, that it is
distant from Calpe[1274] about 750 stadia, and is situated near to the
outlet of the Guadalquiver. [1275] Notwithstanding there is much can be
said about it. For its inhabitants equip the greatest number of ships,
and the largest in size, both for our sea,[1276] and the exterior
[ocean], although the island they inhabit is by no means large, nor yet
do they possess much of the mainland, nor are masters of other islands.
They dwell for the most part on the sea, only a few staying at home or
passing their time in Rome. Still, in amount of population, their city
does not seem to be surpassed by any with the exception of Rome. I have
heard that in a census taken within our own times, there were enumerated
five hundred citizens of Gades of the equestrian order, a number
equalled by none of the Italian cities excepting that of the
Patavini. [1277] However, notwithstanding their vast number, its
inhabitants possess an island, in length[1278] not much above 100
stadia, and in some places only one stadium in breadth. Originally the
city in which they dwelt was extremely small, but Balbus[1279] the
Gaditanian, who received the honours of a [CAS. 169] triumph, added
another to it which they call the New Town. These two form the city of
Didyme,[1280] which is not above twenty stadia in circumference. In it,
however, they are not pressed for room, because few live at home, the
majority passing their lives on the sea, some too dwelling on the
opposite continent, and particularly on a little island adjacent on
account of its excellence. They have such a liking for this place as
almost to have made it a rival city to Didyme. However, few in
comparison inhabit either this or the sea-port which Balbus constructed
for them on the opposite continent. Their city is situated in the
western parts of the island. Near to it is the temple of Saturn, which
terminates [Gades to the west], and is opposite the smaller island. The
temple of Hercules is on the other side, to the east, where the island
approaches nearest to the mainland, being only separated therefrom by a
strait of a stadium [in breadth]. [1281] They say that this temple is
twelve miles from the city, thus making the number of miles and the
number of [Hercules’] labours equal: but this is too great, being almost
equal to the length of the island. Now the length of the island runs
from west to east.

4. Pherecydes appears to have given to Gades the name of Erythia, the
locality of the myths concerning Geryon: others suppose it to have been
the island situated near to this city, and separated from it by a strait
of merely one stadium. This they do on account of the excellence of its
pasturage. For the milk of the cattle which feed there does not yield
any whey, and they are obliged to mix it with large quantities of water
when they make cheese on account of its richness. After fifty days the
beasts [pasturing there] would be choked unless they were let blood. The
pasturage of the country is dry, but it fattens wonderfully: and it is
thought that from this the myth concerning the oxen of Geryon took its
rise. The whole sea-shore however is possessed in common. [1282]

5. Concerning the foundation of Gades, the Gaditanians report that a
certain oracle commanded the Tyrians to found a colony by the Pillars of
Hercules. Those who were sent out for the purpose of exploring, when
they had arrived at the strait by Calpe, imagined that the capes which
form the strait were the boundaries of the habitable earth, as well as
of the expedition of Hercules, and consequently they were what the
oracle termed the Pillars. They landed on the inside of the straits, at
a place where the city of the Exitani now stands. Here they offered
sacrifices, which however not being favourable, they returned. After a
time others were sent, who advanced about 1500[1283] stadia beyond the
strait, to an island consecrated to Hercules, and lying opposite to
Onoba, a city of Iberia: considering that here were the Pillars, they
sacrificed to the god, but the sacrifices being again unfavourable, they
returned home. In the third voyage they reached Gades, and founded the
temple in the eastern part of the island, and the city in the west. On
this account some consider that the capes in the strait are the Pillars,
others suppose Gades, while others again believe that they lie still
farther, beyond Gades. There are also some who think that the Pillars
are Calpe,[1284] and the mountain of Libya which is opposite, named
Abilyx,[1285] and situated, according to Eratosthenes, amongst the
Metagonians, a wandering race. Others fancy that they are two small
islands near to the former, one of which is named the Island of Juno.
Artemidorus speaks both of the Island of Juno and the temple there, but
makes no mention either of mount Abilyx, or the nation of the [CAS. 170]
Metagonians. [1286] Some have transported hither the Planctæ and the
Symplegades, supposing them to be the Pillars, which Pindar calls the
Gates of Gades, when he says that they were the farthest limits at which
Hercules arrived. [1287] Dicæarchus, Eratosthenes, and Polybius, with
most of the Grecians, represent the Pillars as being close to the
strait, while the Iberians and Libyans place them at Gades, alleging
that there is nothing at all resembling pillars close by the strait.
Others pretend that they are the pillars of brass eight cubits high in
the temple of Hercules at Gades, on which is inscribed the cost of
erecting that edifice; and that the sailors coming there on the
completion of their voyage and sacrificing to Hercules, rendered the
place so famous that it came to be regarded as the termination of the
land and sea. Posidonius thinks this view the most probable of all, and
looks upon the oracle and the several expeditions as a Phœnician
invention. [1288] As for the expeditions, what matters it whether any one
should vehemently deny or credit the account, as neither the one nor the
other would be inconsistent with reason: but the assertion that neither
the little islands, nor yet the mountains, bear much resemblance to
pillars, and that we should seek for pillars, strictly so called, [set
up] either as the termination of the habitable earth, or of the
expedition of Hercules, has at all events some reason in it; it being an
ancient usage to set up such boundary marks. As for instance the small
column which the inhabitants of Rhegium[1289] erected by the Strait of
Sicily, which is indeed a little tower; and the tower called after
Pelorus, which is situated opposite to this small column; also the
structures called altars[1290] of the Philæni, about midway in the land
between the Syrtes; likewise it is recorded, that a certain pillar was
formerly erected on the Isthmus of Corinth, which the Ionians who took
possession of Attica and Megaris when they were driven out of the
Peloponnesus, and those who settled in the Peloponnesus, set up in
common, and inscribed on the side next Megaris,

“This is no longer Peloponnesus, but Ionia;”

and on the opposite,

“This is Peloponnesus, not Ionia. ”

Alexander too erected altars as boundaries of his Indian campaign in
those parts of the Indies he arrived at, which were situated farthest
towards the east, in imitation of Hercules and Bacchus. [1291] That this
custom existed, then, cannot be doubted.

6. It is probable that the places themselves took the same name [as the
monuments], especially after time had destroyed the boundary marks which
had been placed there. For instance, at the present day the altars of
the Philæni no longer exist, but the place itself bears that
designation. Similarly they say that in India neither the pillars of
Hercules or Bacchus are to be seen, nevertheless certain localities
being described and pointed out to the Macedonians, they believed that
those places were the pillars in which they discovered any trace either
of the adventures of Bacchus or Hercules. In the instance before us, it
is not improbable that they who first [visited these regions], set up
boundary marks fashioned by the hand of man, such as altars, towers, and
pillars, in the most remarkable situations, to indicate the farthest
distance they had reached, (and straits, the surrounding mountains, and
little islands, are indubitably the most remarkable situations for
pointing out the termination or commencement of places,) and that after
these human monuments had decayed, their names descended to the places
[where they had stood]; whether that were the little islands or the
capes forming the strait. This latter point it would not be easy now to
determine; the name would suit either place, as they both bear some
resemblance to pillars; I say bear some resemblance, because they are
placed in such situations as might well indicate boundaries. Now this
strait is styled a mouth, as well as many others, but the mouth is at
the beginning to those sailing into the strait, and to those who are
quitting it at the end. The little islands at the mouth having a contour
easy to describe, and being remarkable, one might not improperly compare
to pillars. In like manner the mountains overlooking the strait are
prominent, [CAS. 172] resembling columns or pillars. So too Pindar might
very justly have said, “The Gaditanian Gates,” if he had in mind the
pillars at the mouth; for these mouths are very similar to gates. On the
other hand, Gades is not in a position to indicate an extremity, but is
situated about the middle of a long coast forming a kind of gulf. The
supposition that the pillars of the temple of Hercules in Gades are
intended, appears to me still less probable. It seems most likely that
the name was originally conferred not by merchants, but generals, its
celebrity afterwards became universal, as was the case with the Indian
pillars. Besides, the inscription recorded refutes this idea, since it
contains no religious dedication, but a mere list of expenses; whereas
the pillars of Hercules should have been a record of the hero’s
wonderful deeds, not of Phœnician expenditure.

7. Polybius relates that there is a spring within the temple of Hercules
at Gades, having a descent of a few steps to fresh water, which is
affected in a manner the reverse of the sea-tides, subsiding at the flow
of the tide, and springing at the ebb. He assigns as the cause of this
phenomenon, that air rises from the interior to the surface of the
earth; when this surface is covered by the waves, at the rising of the
sea, the air is deprived of its ordinary vents, and returns to the
interior, stopping up the passages of the spring, and causing a want of
water, but when the surface is again laid bare, the air having a direct
exit liberates the channels which feed the spring, so that it gushes
freely. Artemidorus rejects this explanation, and substitutes one of his
own, recording at the same time the opinion of the historian Silanus;
but neither one or other of their views seems to me worth relating,
since both he and Silanus were ignorant in regard to these matters.
Posidonius asserts that the entire account is false, and adds that there
are two wells in the temple of Hercules, and a third in the city. That
the smaller of the two in the temple of Hercules, if drawn from
frequently, will become for a time exhausted, but that on ceasing to
draw from it, it fills again: while in regard to the larger, it may be
drawn from during the whole day; that it is true it becomes lower, like
all other wells, but that it fills again during the night when drawing
ceases. [He adds] that the ebb tide frequently happening to occur during
the period of its re-filling, gave rise to the groundless belief of the
inhabitants as to its being affected in an opposite manner [to the tides
of the ocean]. However it is not only related by him that it is a
commonly believed fact, but we have received it from tradition as much
referred to amongst paradoxes. [1292] We have likewise heard that there
are wells both within the city and also in the gardens without, but that
on account of the inferiority of this water, tanks are generally
constructed throughout the city for the supply of water: whether
likewise any of these reservoirs give any signs of being affected in an
opposite manner to the tides, we know not. If such be the case, the
causes thereof should be received as amongst phenomena hard to be
explained. It is likely that Polybius may have assigned the proper
reason; but it is also likely that certain of the channels of the
springs being damped outside become relaxed, and so let the water run
out into the surrounding land, instead of forcing it along its ancient
passage to the spring; and there will of course be moisture when the
tide overflows. [1293] But if, as Athenodorus asserts, the ebb and flow
resemble the inspiration and expiration of the breath, it is possible
that some of the currents of water which naturally have an efflux on to
the surface of the earth, through various channels, the mouths of which
we denominate springs and fountains, are by other channels drawn towards
the depths of the sea, and raise it, so as to produce a flood-tide; when
the expiration is sufficient, they leave off the course in which they
are then flowing, and again revert to their former direction, when that
again takes a change. [1294]

8. I cannot tell how it is that Posidonius, who describes the Phœnicians
as sagacious in other things, should here attribute [CAS. 173] to them
folly rather than shrewdness. The sun completes his revolution in the
space of a day and night, being a portion of the time beneath the earth,
and a portion of the time shining upon it. Now he asserts that the
motion of the sea corresponds with the revolution of the heavenly
bodies, and experiences a diurnal, monthly, and annual change, in strict
accordance with the changes of the moon. For [he continues] when the
moon is elevated one sign of the zodiac[1295] above the horizon, the sea
begins sensibly to swell and cover the shores, until she has attained
her meridian; but when that satellite begins to decline, the sea again
retires by degrees, until the moon wants merely one sign of the zodiac
from setting; it then remains stationary until the moon has set, and
also descended one sign of the zodiac below the horizon, when it again
rises until she has attained her meridian below the earth; it then
retires again until the moon is within one sign of the zodiac of her
rising above the horizon, when it remains stationary until the moon has
risen one sign of the zodiac above the earth, and then begins to rise as
before. Such he describes to be the diurnal revolution. In respect to
the monthly revolution, [he says] that the spring-tides occur at the
time of the new moon, when they decrease until the first quarter; they
then increase until full moon, when they again decrease until the last
quarter, after which they increase till the new moon; [he adds] that
these increases ought to be understood both of their duration and speed.
In regard to the annual revolution, he says that he learned from the
statements of the Gaditanians, that both the ebb and flow tides were at
their extremes at the summer solstice: and that hence he conjectured
that they decreased until the [autumnal] equinox; then increased till
the winter solstice; then decreased again until the vernal equinox; and
[finally] increased until the summer solstice. But since these
revolutions occur twice in the four-and-twenty hours, the sea rising
twice and receding twice, and that regularly every day and night, how is
it that the filling and failing of the well do not frequently occur
during the ebb and flow of the tide? or if it be allowed that this does
often occur, why does it not do so in the same proportion? and if it
does so in the same proportion, how comes it that the Gaditanians are
not competent to observe what is of daily occurrence, while they are
nevertheless competent to the observing of revolutions which occur but
once in the year. That Posidonius himself credited these reports is
evident from his own conjecture respecting the decrease and increase [of
the sea] from solstice to solstice. However, it is not likely, being an
observant people, that they should be ignorant of what actually
occurred, whilst giving credit to imaginary phenomena.

9. Posidonius tells us that Seleucus, a native of the country next the
Erythræan Sea,[1296] states that the regularity and irregularity of the
ebb and flow of the sea follow the different positions of the moon in
the zodiac; that when she is in the equinoctial signs the tides are
regular, but that when she is in the signs next the tropics, the tides
are irregular both in their height and force; and that for the remaining
signs the irregularity is greater or less, according as they are more or
less removed from the signs before mentioned. Posidonius adds, that
during the summer solstice and whilst the moon was full, he himself
passed many days in the temple of Hercules at Gades, but could not
observe any thing of these annual irregularities. However, about the new
moon of the same month he observed at Ilipa[1297] a great change in the
reflux of the water of the Guadalquiver, as compared with previous
flood-tides, in which the water did not rise half as high as the banks,
and that then the water poured in so copiously, that the soldiers there
dipped their supply without difficulty, although Ilipa is about 700
stadia from the sea. He says, that the plains next the sea were covered
by the tides to a distance of 30[1298] stadia, and to such a depth as to
form islands, while the basement of the temple in the enclosure
dedicated to Hercules, and the top of the mole in front of the harbour
of Gades, were not covered higher than 10 cubits, as observed by actual
soundings; but if any one should add the double of that for the
occasional risings of the tide which occur, [neither] thus would he be
able to estimate the violence with which the full force of the high tide
rushes over the plains. Posidonius informs us that this violence [of the
tide] is common to all the coasts of Spain on the Atlantic,[1299] but
what he [CAS. 175] relates concerning the Ebro is unusual and peculiar
to itself, for he says that it sometimes overflows after continued north
winds, although there may have been neither rains nor snows. The cause
of this [he supposes] to be the lake through which the Ebro flows, its
waters being driven by the winds into the current of the river. [1300]

10. The same writer mentions a tree at Gades, which had boughs reaching
to the ground; its sword-shaped leaves often measuring a cubit long, and
four fingers broad. Also that about Carthagena there was a tree whose
thorns produced a bark from which most beautiful stuffs were woven. As
for the tree [he saw] at Gades, we ourselves have observed a similar in
Egypt, so far as the inclination of the boughs is concerned, but with a
differently shaped leaf, and producing no fruit, which according to him
the other did. In Cappadocia there are stuffs made from thorns, but it
is not a tree which produces the thorn from which the bark is taken, but
a low plant; he also tells us of a tree at Gades, from which if a branch
be broken off a milk will flow, and if the root be cut a red fluid runs.
Thus much for Gades.

11. The Cassiterides are ten in number, and lie near each other in the
ocean towards the north from the haven of the Artabri. One of them is
desert, but the others are inhabited by men in black cloaks, clad in
tunics reaching to the feet, girt about the breast, and walking with
staves, thus resembling the Furies we see in tragic
representations. [1301] They subsist by their cattle, leading for the
most part a wandering life. Of the metals they have tin and lead; which
with skins they barter with the merchants for earthenware, salt, and
brazen vessels. Formerly the Phœnicians alone carried on this traffic
from Gades, concealing the passage from every one; and when the Romans
followed a certain ship-master, that they also might find the market,
the ship-master of jealousy purposely ran his vessel upon a shoal,
leading on those who followed him into the same destructive disaster; he
himself escaped by means of a fragment of the ship, and received from
the state the value of the cargo he had lost. The Romans nevertheless by
frequent efforts discovered the passage, and as soon as Publius Crassus,
passing over to them, perceived that the metals were dug out at a little
depth, and that the men were peaceably disposed, he declared it to those
who already wished to traffic in this sea for profit, although the
passage was longer than that to Britain. [1302] Thus far concerning
Iberia and the adjacent islands.




BOOK IV.

GAUL.

SUMMARY.


The Fourth Book contains a description of the regions about Gaul, Spain,
and the Alps on this side, towards Italy. Likewise of Britain, and of
certain islands in the ocean which are habitable, together with the
country of the barbarians, and the nations dwelling beyond the Danube.




CHAPTER I.


1. Next in order [after Iberia] comes Keltica beyond the Alps,[1303] the
configuration and size of which has been already mentioned in a general
manner; we are now to describe it more particularly. Some divide it into
the three nations of the Aquitani, Belgæ, and Keltæ. [1304] Of these the
Aquitani differ completely from the other nations, not only in their
language but in their figure, which resembles more that of the Iberians
than the Galatæ. The others are Galatæ in countenance, although they do
not all speak the same language, but some make a slight difference in
their speech; neither is their polity and mode of life exactly the same.
These writers give the name of Aquitani and Keltæ to the dwellers near
the Pyrenees, which are bounded by the Cevennes. For it has been stated
that this Keltica is bounded on the west by the mountains of the
Pyrenees, which extend to either sea, both the Mediterranean and the
ocean; on the east by the Rhine, which is parallel to the Pyrenees; on
the north by the ocean, from the northern extremities of the Pyrenees to
the mouths of the Rhine; on the south by the sea of Marseilles, and
Narbonne, and by the Alps from Liguria to the sources of the Rhine. The
Cevennes lie at right angles to the Pyrenees, and traverse the plains
for about 2000 stadia, terminating in the middle near Lugdunum. [1305]
They call those people Aquitani who inhabit the northern portions of the
Pyrenees, and the Cevennes extending as far as the ocean, and bounded by
the river Garonne; and Keltæ, those who dwell on the other side of the
Garonne, towards the sea of Marseilles and Narbonne, and touching a
portion of the Alpine chain. This is the division adopted by divus Cæsar
in his Commentaries. [1306] But Augustus Cæsar, when dividing the country
into four parts, united the Keltæ to the Narbonnaise; the Aquitani he
preserved the same as Julius Cæsar, but added thereto fourteen other
nations of those who dwelt between the Garonne and the river
Loire,[1307] and dividing the rest into two parts, the one extending to
the upper districts of the Rhine he made dependent upon Lugdunum, the
other [he assigned] [CAS. 177] to the Belgæ. However, it is the duty of
the Geographer to describe the physical divisions of each country, and
those which result from diversity of nations, when they seem worthy of
notice; as to the limits which princes, induced by a policy which
circumstances dictate, have variously imposed, it will be sufficient for
him to notice them summarily, leaving others to furnish particular
details.

2. The whole of this country is irrigated by rivers descending from the
Alps, the Cevennes, and the Pyrenees, some of which discharge themselves
into the ocean, others into the Mediterranean. The districts through
which they flow are mostly plains interspersed with hills, and having
navigable streams. The course of these rivers is so happily disposed in
relation to each other, that you may traffic from one sea to the
other,[1308] carrying the merchandise only a small distance, and that
easily, across the plains; but for the most part by the rivers,
ascending some, and descending others. The Rhone is pre-eminent in this
respect, both because it communicates with many other rivers, and also
because it flows into the Mediterranean, which, as we have said, is
superior to the ocean,[1309] and likewise passes through the richest
provinces of Gaul. The whole of the Narbonnaise produces the same fruits
as Italy. As we advance towards the north, and the mountains of the
Cevennes, the plantations of the olive and fig disappear, but the others
remain. Likewise the vine, as you proceed northward, does not easily
mature its fruit. The entire of the remaining country produces in
abundance corn, millet, acorns, and mast of all kinds. No part of it
lies waste except that which is taken up in marshes and woods, and even
this is inhabited. The cause of this, however, is rather a dense
population than the industry of the inhabitants. For the women there are
both very prolific and excellent nurses, while the men devote themselves
rather to war than husbandry. However, their arms being now laid aside,
they are compelled to engage in agriculture. These remarks apply
generally to the whole of Transalpine Keltica. We must now describe
particularly each of the four divisions, which hitherto we have only
mentioned in a summary manner. And, first, of the Narbonnaise.

3. The configuration of this country resembles a parallelogram, the
western side of which is traced by the Pyrenees, the north by the
Cevennes; as for the other two sides, the south is bounded by the sea
between the Pyrenees and Marseilles, and the east partly by the
Alps,[1310] and partly by a line drawn perpendicularly from these
mountains to the foot of the Cevennes, which extend towards the Rhone,
and form a right angle with the aforesaid perpendicular drawn from the
Alps. To the southern side of this parallelogram we must add the
sea-coast inhabited by the Massilienses[1311] and Salyes,[1312] as far
as the country of the Ligurians, the confines of Italy, and the river
Var. This river, as we have said before,[1313] is the boundary of the
Narbonnaise and Italy. It is but small in summer, but in winter swells
to a breadth of seven stadia. From thence the coast extends to the
temple of the Pyrenæan Venus,[1314] which is the boundary between this
province and Iberia. Some, however, assert that the spot where the
Trophies of Pompey stand is the boundary between Iberia and Keltica.
From thence to Narbonne is 63 miles; from Narbonne to Nemausus,[1315]
88; from Nemausus through Ugernum[1316] and Tarusco, to the hot waters
called Sextiæ[1317] near Marseilles, 53;[1318] from thence to Antipolis
and the river Var, 73; making in the total 277 miles. Some set down the
distance from the temple of Venus to the Var at 2600 stadia; while
others increase this number by 200 stadia; for there are different
opinions as to these distances. As for the other road, which traverses
the [countries of the] [CAS. 179] Vocontii[1319] and Cottius,[1320] from
Nemausus[1321] to Ugernum and Tarusco, the route is common; from thence
[it branches off in two directions], one through Druentia and
Caballio,[1322] to the frontiers of the Vocontii and the commencement of
the ascent of the Alps, which is 63 miles; the other is reckoned at 99
miles from the same point to the other extremity of the Vocontii,
bordering on the state of Cottius, as far as the village of
Ebrodunum. [1323] The distance is said to be the same by the route
through the village of Brigantium,[1324] Scingomagus,[1325] and the
passage of the Alps to Ocelum,[1326] which is the limit of the country
of Cottius. However, it is considered to be Italy from Scingomagus. And
Ocelum is 28 miles beyond this.

4. Marseilles, founded by the Phocæans,[1327] is built in a stony
region. Its harbour lies beneath a rock, which is shaped like a theatre,
and looks towards the south. It is well surrounded with walls, as well
as the whole city, which is of considerable size. Within the citadel are
placed the Ephesium and the temple of the Delphian Apollo. This latter
temple is common to all the Ionians; the Ephesium is the temple
consecrated to Diana of Ephesus. They say that when the Phocæans were
about to quit their country, an oracle commanded them to take from Diana
of Ephesus a conductor for their voyage. On arriving at Ephesus they
therefore inquired how they might be able to obtain from the goddess
what was enjoined them. The goddess appeared in a dream to Aristarcha,
one of the most honourable women of the city, and commanded her to
accompany the Phocæans, and to take with her a plan of the temple and
statues. [1328] These things being performed, and the colony being
settled, the Phocæans built a temple, and evinced their great respect
for Aristarcha by making her priestess. All the colonies [sent out from
Marseilles] hold this goddess in peculiar reverence, preserving both the
shape of the image [of the goddess], and also every rite observed in the
metropolis.

5. The Massilians live under a well-regulated aristocracy. They have a
council composed of 600 persons called timuchi,[1329] who enjoy this
dignity for life. Fifteen of these preside over the council, and have
the management of current affairs; these fifteen are in their turn
presided over by three of their number, in whom rests the principal
authority; and these again by one. No one can become a timuchus who has
not children, and who has not been a citizen for three
generations. [1330] Their laws, which are the same as those of the
Ionians, they expound in public. Their country abounds in olives and
vines, but on account of its ruggedness the wheat is poor. Consequently
they trust more to the resources of the sea than of the land, and avail
themselves in preference of their excellent position for commerce.
Nevertheless they have been enabled by the power of perseverance to take
in some of the surrounding plains, and also to found cities: of this
number are the cities they founded in Iberia as a rampart against the
Iberians, in which they introduced the worship of Diana of Ephesus, as
practised in their fatherland, with the Grecian mode of sacrifice. In
this number too are Rhoa[1331] [and] Agatha,[1332] [built for defence]
against the barbarians dwelling around the river Rhone; also
Tauroentium,[1333] Olbia,[1334] Antipolis[1335] and Nicæa,[1336] [built
as a rampart] against the nation of the Salyes and the Ligurians who
inhabit the Alps. They[1337] possess likewise dry docks and armouries.
Formerly they had an abundance of vessels, arms, and machines, both for
the purposes of navigation and for besieging towns; by means of which
they defended themselves against the barbarians, [CAS. 180] and likewise
obtained the alliance of the Romans, to whom they rendered many
important services; the Romans in their turn assisting in their
aggrandizement.
Sextius, who defeated the Salyes, founded, not far from
Marseilles, a city[1338] which was named after him and the hot waters,
some of which they say have lost their heat. [1339] Here he established a
Roman garrison, and drove from the sea-coast which leads from Marseilles
to Italy the barbarians, whom the Massilians were not able to keep back
entirely. However, all he accomplished by this was to compel the
barbarians to keep at a distance of twelve stadia from those parts of
the coast which possessed good harbours, and at a distance of eight
stadia where it was rugged. The land which they thus abandoned, he
presented to the Massilians. In their city are laid up heaps of booty
taken in naval engagements against those who disputed the sea unjustly.
Formerly they enjoyed singular good fortune, as well in other matters as
also in their amity with the Romans. Of this [amity] we find numerous
signs, amongst others the statue of Diana which the Romans dedicated on
the Aventine mount, of the same figure as that of the Massilians. Their
prosperity has in a great measure decayed since the war of Pompey
against Cæsar, in which they sided with the vanquished party.
Nevertheless some traces of their ancient industry may still be seen
amongst the inhabitants, especially the making of engines of war and
ship-building. Still as the surrounding barbarians, now that they are
under the dominion of the Romans, become daily more civilized, and leave
the occupation of war for the business of towns and agriculture, there
is no longer the same attention paid by the inhabitants of Marseilles to
these objects. The aspect of the city at the present day is a proof of
this. For all those who profess to be men of taste, turn to the study of
elocution and philosophy. Thus this city for some little time back has
become a school for the barbarians, and has communicated to the Galatæ
such a taste for Greek literature, that they even draw contracts on the
Grecian model. While at the present day it so entices the noblest of the
Romans, that those desirous of studying resort thither in preference to
Athens. These the Galatæ observing, and being at leisure on account of
the peace, readily devote themselves to similar pursuits, and that not
merely individuals, but the public generally; professors of the arts and
sciences, and likewise of medicine, being employed not only by private
persons, but by towns for common instruction. Of the wisdom of the
Massilians and the simplicity of their life, the following will not be
thought an insignificant proof. The largest dowry amongst them consists
of one hundred gold pieces, with five for dress, and five more for
golden ornaments. More than this is not lawful. Cæsar and his successors
treated with moderation the offences of which they were guilty during
the war, in consideration of their former friendship; and have preserved
to the state the right of governing according to its ancient laws. So
that neither Marseilles nor the cities dependent on it are under
submission to the governors sent [into the Narbonnaise]. So much for
Marseilles.

6. The mountains of the Salyes incline gently from west to north in
proportion as they retire from the sea. The coast runs west, and
extending a short distance, about 100 stadia, from Marseilles, it begins
to assume the character of a gulf at a considerable promontory near to
certain stone quarries, and extending to the Aphrodisium, the headland
which terminates the Pyrenees,[1340] forms the Galatic Gulf,[1341] which
is also called the Gulf of Marseilles: it is double, for in its circuit
Mount Setium[1342] stands out together with the island of Blascon,[1343]
which is situated close to it, and separates the two gulfs. The larger
of these is properly designated the Galatic Gulf, into which the Rhone
discharges itself; the smaller is on the coast of Narbonne, and extends
as far as the Pyrenees. Narbonne is situated above the [CAS. 181]
outlets of the Aude[1344] and the lake of Narbonne. [1345] It is the
principal commercial city on this coast. On the Rhone is Arelate,[1346]
a city and emporium of considerable traffic. The distance between these
two cities is nearly equal to that which separates them from the
aforesaid promontories, namely, Narbonne from the Aphrodisium, and
Arelate from the cape of Marseilles. There are other rivers besides
which flow on either side of Narbonne, some from the Cevennes, others
from the Pyrenees. Along these rivers are situated cities having but
little commerce, and that in small vessels. The rivers which proceed
from the Pyrenees, are the Tet[1347] and the Tech;[1348] two
cities[1349] are built on them, which bear respectively the same name as
the rivers. There is a lake near to Ruscino,[1350] and a little above
the sea a marshy district full of salt-springs, which supplies “dug
mullets,” for whoever digs two or three feet and plunges a trident into
the muddy water, will be sure to take the fish, which are worthy of
consideration on account of their size; they are nourished in the mud
like eels. Such are the rivers which flow from the Pyrenees between
Narbonne and the promontory on which is built the temple of Venus. On
the other side of Narbonne the following rivers descend from the
Cevennes into the sea. The Aude,[1351] the Orbe,[1352] and the
Rauraris. [1353] On one of these[1354] is situated the strong city of
Bætera,[1355] near to Narbonne; on the other Agatha,[1356] founded by
the people of Marseilles.

7. Of one marvel of this sea-coast, namely the “dug mullets,” we have
already spoken; we will now mention another, even more surprising.
Between Marseilles and the outlets of the Rhone there is a circular
plain, about 100 stadia distant from the sea, and about 100 stadia in
diameter. It has received the name of the Stony Plain, from the
circumstance of its being covered with stones the size of the fist, from
beneath which an abundant herbage springs up for the pasturage of
cattle. In the midst of it are water, salt-springs, and salt. The whole
both of this district and that above it is exposed to the wind, but in
this plain the black north,[1357] a violent and horrible wind, rages
especially: for they say that sometimes the stones are swept and rolled
along, and men hurled from their carriages and stripped both of their
arms and garments by the force of the tempest. Aristotle tells us that
these stones being cast up by the earthquakes designated
_brastai_,[1358] and falling on the surface of the earth, roll into the
hollow places of the districts; but Posidonius, that the place was
formerly a lake, which being congealed during a violent agitation,
became divided into numerous stones, like river pebbles or the stones by
the sea-shore, which they resemble both as to smoothness, size, and
appearance. Such are the causes assigned by these two [writers];
however, neither of their opinions is credible,[1359] for these stones
could neither have thus accumulated of themselves, nor yet have been
formed by congealed moisture, but necessarily from the fragments of
large stones shattered by frequent convulsions. Æschylus having,
however, learnt of the difficulty of accounting for it, or having been
so informed by another, has explained it away as a myth. He makes
Prometheus utter the following, whilst directing Hercules the road from
the Caucasus to the Hesperides:

“There you will come to the undaunted army of the Ligurians,
where, resistless though you be, sure am I you will not worst
them in battle; for it is fated that there your darts shall fail
you; nor will you be able to take up a stone from the ground,
since the country consists of soft mould; but Jupiter, beholding
your distress, will compassionate you, and overshadowing the
earth with a cloud, he will cause it to hail round stones, which
you hurling against the Ligurian army, will soon put them to
flight! ”[1360]

Posidonius asks, would it not have been better to have rained [CAS. 183]
down these stones upon the Ligurians themselves, and thus have destroyed
them all, than to make Hercules in need of so many stones? As for the
number, they were necessary against so vast a multitude; so that in this
respect the writer of the myth seems to me deserving of more credit than
he who would refute it. Further, the poet, in describing it as fated,
secures himself against such fault-finding. For if you dispute
Providence and Destiny, you can find many similar things both in human
affairs and nature, that you would suppose might be much better
performed in this or that way; as for instance, that Egypt should have
plenty of rain of its own, without being irrigated from the land of
Ethiopia. That it would have been much better if Paris had suffered
shipwreck on his voyage to Sparta, instead of expiating his offences
after having carried off Helen, and having been the cause of so great
destruction both amongst the Greeks and Barbarians. Euripides attributes
this to Jupiter:

“Father Jupiter, willing evil to the Trojans and suffering to the
Greeks, decreed such things. ”

8. As to the mouths of the Rhone, Polybius asserts that there are but
two, and blames Timæus[1361] for saying five. Artemidorus says that
there are three. Afterwards Marius, observing that the mouth was
becoming stopped up and difficult of entrance on account of the deposits
of mud, caused a new channel to be dug, which received the greater part
of the river into it. [1362] This he gave to the people of Marseilles in
recompense for their services in the war against the Ambrones and
Toygeni. [1363] This canal became to them a source of much revenue, as
they levied a toll from all those who sailed up or down it:
notwithstanding, the entrance [to the river] still continues difficult
to navigate, on account of its great impetuosity, its deposits, and the
[general] flatness of the country, so that in foul weather you cannot
clearly discern the land even when quite close. On this account the
people of Marseilles, who wished by all means to inhabit the country,
set up towers as beacons; they have even erected a temple to Diana of
Ephesus on a piece of the land, which the mouths of the rivers have
formed into an island. Above the outlets of the Rhone is a salt-lake
which they call Stomalimnè. [1364] It abounds in shell and other fish.
There are some who enumerate this amongst the mouths of the Rhone,
especially those who say that it has seven[1365] mouths. But in this
they are quite mistaken; for there is a mountain between, which
separates the lake from the river. Such then is the disposition and
extent of the coast from the Pyrenees to Marseilles.

9. The [coast] which extends from this [last city] to the river Var, and
the Ligurians who dwell near it, contains the Massilian cities of
Tauroentium,[1366] Olbia,[1367] Antipolis,[1368] Nicæa,[1369] and the
sea-port of Augustus Cæsar, called Forum Julium,[1370] which is situated
between Olbia and Antipolis, and distant from Marseilles about 600
stadia. The Var is between Antipolis and Nicæa; distant from the one
about 20 stadia, from the other about 60; so that according to the
boundary now marked Nicæa belongs to Italy, although it is a city of the
people of Marseilles, for they built these cities [as a defence] against
the barbarians who dwelt higher up the country, in order to maintain the
sea free, as the barbarians possessed the land. For this [region] is
mountainous and fortified by nature, leaving however a considerable
extent of plain country near Marseilles; but as you proceed towards the
east the country is so hemmed in by the mountains, as scarcely to leave
a sufficient road for passage by the sea-shore. The former districts are
inhabited by the Salyes,[1371] the latter by the Ligurians, who border
on Italy, of whom we shall speak afterwards. It should here be
mentioned, that although Antipolis is situated in the Narbonnaise, and
Nicæa in Italy, this latter is dependent on Marseilles, and forms part
of that province; while [CAS. 184] Antipolis is ranked amongst the
Italian cities, and freed from the government of the Marseillese by a
judgment given against them.

10. Lying off this narrow pass along the coast, as you commence your
journey from Marseilles, are the Stœchades islands. [1372] Three of these
are considerable, and two small. They are cultivated by the people of
Marseilles. Anciently they contained a garrison, placed here to defend
them from the attacks of pirates, for they have good ports. After the
Stœchades come [the islands of] Planasia[1373] and Lero,[1374] both of
them inhabited. In Lero, which lies opposite to Antipolis, is a temple
erected to the hero Lero. There are other small islands not worth
mentioning, some of them before Marseilles, others before the rest of
the coast which I have been describing. As to the harbours, those of the
sea-port [of Forum-Julium][1375] and Marseilles are considerable, the
others are but middling. Of this latter class is the port Oxybius,[1376]
so named from the Oxybian Ligurians. —This concludes what we have to say
of this coast.

11. The country above this is bounded principally by the surrounding
mountains and rivers. Of these the Rhone is the most remarkable, being
both the largest, and capable of being navigated farther than any of the
others, and also receiving into it a greater number of tributaries; of
these we must speak in order. Commencing at Marseilles, and proceeding
to the country between the Alps and the Rhone, to the river Durance,
dwell the Salyes for a space of 500 stadia. From thence you proceed in a
ferry-boat to the city of Caballio;[1377] beyond this the whole country
belongs to the Cavari as far as the junction of the Isère with the
Rhone; it is here too that the Cevennes approach the Rhone. From the
Durance to this point is a distance of 700 stadia. [1378] The Salyes
occupy the plains and mountains above these. The Vocontii, Tricorii,
Iconii, and Medylli, lie above the Cavari. [1379] Between the Durance and
the Isère there are other rivers which flow from the Alps into the
Rhone; two of these, after having flowed round the city of the Cavari,
discharge themselves by a common outlet into the Rhone. The
Sulgas,[1380] which is the third, mixes with the Rhone near the city of
Vindalum,[1381] where Cnæus Ænobarbus in a decisive engagement routed
many myriads of the Kelts. Between these are the cities of Avenio,[1382]
Arausio,[1383] and Aëria,[1384] which latter, remarks Artemidorus, is
rightly named aërial, being situated in a very lofty position. The whole
of this country consists of plains abounding in pasturage, excepting on
the route from Aëria to Avenio, where there are narrow defiles and woods
to traverse. It was at the point where the river Isère and the Rhone
unite near the Cevennes, that Quintus Fabius Maximus Æmilianus,[1385]
with scarcely 30,000 men, cut to pieces 200,000 Kelts. [1386] Here he
erected a white stone as a trophy, and two temples, one to Mars, and the
other to Hercules. From the Isère to Vienne, the metropolis of the
Allobroges, situated on the Rhone, the distance is 320 stadia.
Lugdunum[1387] is a little above Vienne at the confluence of the
Saone[1388] and the Rhone. The distance by land [from this latter city]
to Lugdunum, passing through the country of the Allobroges, is about 200
stadia, and rather more by water. Formerly the Allobroges engaged in
war, their armies consisting of many myriads; they now occupy themselves
in cultivating the plains and valleys of the Alps. They dwell generally
in villages, the most notable of them inhabiting Vienne, which was
merely a village, although called the metropolis of their nation; they
have now improved and embellished it as a city; it is situated on the
Rhone. So full and rapid is the descent of this river from the Alps,
that the flow of its waters through Lake Leman may be distinguished for
many stadia. Having descended into the plains of the countries of the
Allobroges, and Segusii, it falls into the Saone, near to Lugdunum, a
city of the Segusii. [1389] The [CAS. 186] Saone rises in the Alps,[1390]
and separates the Sequani, the Ædui, and the Lincasii. [1391] It
afterwards receives the Doubs, a navigable river which rises in the same
mountains,[1392] still however preserving its own name, and consisting
of the two, mingles with the Rhone. The Rhone in like manner preserves
its name, and flows on to Vienne. At their rise these three rivers flow
towards the north, then in a westerly direction, afterwards uniting into
one they take another turn and flow towards the south, and having
received other rivers, they flow in this direction to the sea. Such is
the country situated between the Alps and the Rhone.

12. The main part of the country on the other side of the Rhone is
inhabited by the Volcæ, surnamed Arecomisci. Their naval station is
Narbonne, which may justly be called the emporium of all Gaul, as it far
surpasses every other in the multitude of those who resort[1393] to it.
The Volcæ border on the Rhone, the Salyes and Cavari being opposite to
them on the other side of the river. However, the name of the Cavari has
so obtained, that all the barbarians inhabiting near now go by that
designation; nay, even those who are no longer barbarians, but follow
the Roman customs, both in their speech and mode of life, and some of
those even who have adopted the Roman polity. Between the Arecomisci and
the Pyrenees there are some other small and insignificant nations.
Nemausus[1394] is the metropolis of the Arecomisci; though far inferior
to Narbonne both as to its commerce, and the number of foreigners
attracted thither, it surpasses that city in the number of its citizens;
for it has under its dominion four and twenty different villages all
well inhabited, and by the same people, who pay tribute; it likewise
enjoys the rights of the Latin towns, so that in Nemausus you meet with
Roman citizens who have obtained the honours of the ædile and
quæstorship, wherefore this nation is not subject to the orders issued
by the prætors from Rome. The city is situated on the road from Iberia to
Italy; this road is very good in the summer, but muddy and overflowed by
the rivers during winter and spring. Some of these streams are crossed
in ferry-boats, and others by means of bridges constructed either of
wood or stone. The inundations which destroy the roads are caused by the
winter torrents, which sometimes pour down from the Alps even in
summer-time after the melting of the snows. To perform the route before
mentioned, the shortest way is, as we have said, across the territory of
the Vocontii direct to the Alps; the other, along the coast of
Marseilles and Liguria, is longer, although it offers an easier passage
into Italy, as the mountains are lower. Nemausus is about 100 stadia
distant from the Rhone, situated opposite to the small town of Tarascon,
and about 720 stadia from Narbonne. The Tectosages,[1395] and certain
others whom we shall mention afterwards, border on the range of the
Cevennes, and inhabit its southern side as far as the promontory of the
Volcæ. Respecting all the others we will speak hereafter.

13. But the Tectosages dwell near to the Pyrenees, bordering for a small
space the northern side of the Cevennes;[1396] the land they inhabit is
rich in gold. It appears that formerly they were so powerful and
numerous, that dissensions having arisen amongst them, they drove a vast
multitude of their number from their homes; and that these men
associating with others of different nations took possession of Phrygia,
next to Cappadocia, and the Paphlagonians. Of this those who are now
called the Tectosages afford us proof, for [Phrygia contains] three
nations, one of them dwelling near to the city of Ancyra,[1397] being
called the Tectosages; the remaining two, the Trocmi and
Tolistobogii. [1398] The resemblance these nations bear to the Tectosages
is evidence of their having immigrated from Keltica, though we are
unable to say from which district they came, as there does not appear to
be any people at the present time bearing the name of Trocmi or
Tolistobogii, who [CAS. 188] inhabit either beyond the Alps, the Alps
themselves, or on this side the Alps. It would seem that continual
emigration has drained them completely from their native country, a
circumstance which has occurred to many other nations, as some say that
the Brennus, who led an expedition to Delphi,[1399] was a leader of the
Prausi; but we are unable to say where the Prausi formerly inhabited. It
is said that the Tectosages took part in the expedition to Delphi, and
that the treasures found in the city of Toulouse by the Roman general
Cæpio formed a portion of the booty gained there, which was afterwards
increased by offerings which the citizens made from their own property,
and consecrated in order to conciliate the god. [1400] And that it was
for daring to touch these that Cæpio terminated so miserably his
existence, being driven from his country as a plunderer of the temples
of the gods, and leaving behind him his daughters, who, as Timagenes
informs us, having been wickedly violated, perished miserably. However,
the account given by Posidonius is the more credible. He tells us that
the wealth found in Toulouse amounted to somewhere about 15,000 talents,
a part of which was hidden in the chapels, and the remainder in the
sacred lakes, and that it was not coined [money], but gold and silver in
bullion. But at this time the temple of Delphi was emptied of these
treasures, having been pillaged by the Phocæans at the period of the
Sacred war; and supposing any to have been left, it would have been
distributed amongst many. Nor is it probable that the Tectosages
returned home, since they came off miserably after leaving Delphi, and
owing to their dissensions were scattered here and there throughout the
country; there is much more likelihood in the statement made by
Posidonius and many others, that the country abounding in gold, and the
inhabitants being superstitious, and not living expensively, they hid
their treasures in many different places, the lakes in particular
affording them a hiding-place for depositing their gold and silver
bullion. When the Romans obtained possession of the country they put up
these lakes to public sale, and many of the purchasers found therein
solid masses of silver. In Toulouse there was a sacred temple, held in
great reverence by the inhabitants of the surrounding country, and on
this account loaded with riches, inasmuch as there were many who offered
gifts, and no one dared to touch them.

14. Toulouse is situated upon the narrowest part of the isthmus which
separates the ocean from the sea of Narbonne; the breadth of the
[isthmus], according to Posidonius, being less than 3000 stadia. The
perfect similarity maintained throughout this country both in respect to
its rivers, and to the exterior and interior sea,[1401] appears to us
worthy of especial notice, as we have said before. This, on reflection,
will prove to be one main cause of the excellence of this country, since
the inhabitants are enabled mutually to communicate, and to procure from
each other the necessaries of life; this is peculiarly the case at the
present time, when on account of their leisure from war they are
devoting themselves to agriculture and the pursuits of social life. In
this we are persuaded that we behold the work of Providence; such a
disposition of these regions not resulting from chance, but from the
thought of some [intelligence]. The Rhone, for instance, is navigable to
a considerable distance for vessels of heavy burden, which it is capable
of transmitting through various districts of the country by means of
other rivers which fall into it, and are likewise fitted for the
navigation of large vessels. To the Rhone succeeds the Saone,[1402] and
into this latter river falls the Doubs; thence the merchandise is
carried by land to the river Seine; whence it is transported to the
ocean and the [countries of the] Lexovii and Caleti,[1403] the distance
thence to Britain being less than a day’s journey. The navigation of the
Rhone being difficult on account of the rapidity of its current, the
merchants prefer to transport in waggons certain of their wares, which
are destined for the Arverni,[1404] and the river Loire,[1405]
notwithstanding the vicinity of the Rhone in some places, but the road
being level and the distance not far, (about 800 stadia,) they do not
make use of water carriage on account of the [CAS. 189] facility of the
transport by land, from thence the merchandise is easily conveyed by the
Loire. This river flows from the Cevennes into the ocean. From Narbonne
the voyage to the Aude[1406] is short, but the journey by land to the
river Garonne longer, being as much as 700 or 800 stadia. The Garonne
likewise flows into the ocean. Such is what we have to say concerning
the inhabitants of the Narbonnaise, who were formerly named Kelts. In my
opinion the celebrity of the Kelts induced the Grecians to confer that
name on the whole of the Galatæ; the vicinity of the Massilians may also
have had something to do with it. [1407]




CHAPTER II.


1. We must now speak of the Aquitani and the fourteen Galatic nations
pertaining to them, situated between the Garonne and the Loire, some of
which extend to the river Rhone and the plains of the Narbonnaise.
Generally speaking, the Aquitani may be said to differ from the Galatic
race, both as to form of body and language, resembling more nearly the
Iberians. They are bounded by the Garonne, and dwell between this river
and the Pyrenees. There are above twenty nations which bear the name of
Aquitani, small and obscure, the major part of them dwelling by the
ocean, and the remainder in the interior and by the extremities of the
Cevennes, as far as the Tectosages. This district, however, being too
small, they added to it the territory between the Garonne and the Loire.
These rivers are nearly parallel with the Pyrenees, and form with them
two parallelograms, bounded on the remaining sides by the ocean and the
mountains of the Cevennes. [1408] Both of these rivers are navigable for
a distance of about 2000 stadia. [1409] The Garonne, after being
augmented by three other rivers,[1410] discharges itself into the
[ocean] between the [country] of the Bituriges, surnamed the
Vivisci,[1411] and that of the Santoni;[1412] both of them Gallic
nations.

The Bituriges are the only foreign people who dwell among the Aquitani
without forming a part of them. Their emporium is Burdegala,[1413]
situated on a creek formed by the outlets of the river. The Loire
discharges itself between the Pictones and the Namnetæ. [1414] Formerly
there was an emporium on this river named Corbilon, mentioned by
Polybius when speaking of the fictions of Pytheas. “The Marseillese,
[says he,] when interrogated by Scipio[1415] at their meeting, had
nothing to tell about Britain worth mentioning, nor yet had the people
of the Narbonnaise, nor those of Corbilon; notwithstanding these were
the two principal cities of the district, Pytheas alone dared to forge
so many lies [concerning that island]. ” Mediolanium[1416] is the capital
of the Santoni. The part of Aquitaine next the ocean is for the most
part sandy and meagre, producing millet, but barren of all other fruits.
Here is the gulf which, with that on the coast of Narbonne, forms the
isthmus. Both these gulfs[1417] go by the name of the Galatic gulf. The
former gulf belongs to the Tarbelli. [1418] These people possess the
richest gold mines; masses of gold as big as the fist can contain, and
requiring hardly any purifying, [CAS. 190] being found in diggings
scarcely beneath the surface of the earth, the remainder consisting
of dust and lumps, which likewise require but little working. In the
interior and mountainous parts [of Aquitaine] the soil is superior;
for instance, in the district near the Pyrenees belonging to the
Convenæ,[1419] which name signifies people assembled from different
countries to dwell in one place. Here is the city of Lugdunum,[1420]
and the hot springs of the Onesii,[1421] which are most excellent for
drinking. The country of the Auscii[1422] likewise is fine.

2. The nations between the Garonne and the Loire annexed to the
Aquitani, are the Elui,[1423] who commence at the Rhone. After these the
Vellæi,[1424] who were formerly comprehended amongst the Arverni,[1425]
but now form a people to themselves. After these Arverni come the
Lemovices,[1426] and Petrocorii,[1427] and after them the
Nitiobriges,[1427] the Cadurci,[1427] and the Bituriges,[1427] surnamed
Cubi. Along the ocean we meet with the Santoni, and Pictones,[1428] the
former dwelling by the Garonne, as we have stated, and the latter by the
Loire. The Ruteni and the Gabales[1429] are in the vicinity of the
Narbonnaise. The Petrocorii and Bituriges-Cubi possess excellent
iron-works, the Cadurci linen-factories, and the Ruteni silver-mines:
the Gabales likewise possess silver-mines. On certain amongst the
Aquitani the Romans have conferred the rights of Latin cities; such for
instance as the Auscii, and the Convenæ.

3. The Arverni are situated along the Loire. Nemossus, their metropolis,
is built on the same river. [1430] This river having flowed past
Genabum,[1431] an emporium of the Carnutes,[1432] situated about the
middle of its course, discharges itself into the ocean. A great proof of
the former power of the Arverni, is the fact of the frequent wars which
they sustained against the Romans, sometimes with armies of 200,000
men, and sometimes with double that number, which was the amount of
their force when they fought against divus Cæsar under the command of
Vercingetorix. [1433] Before this they had brought 200,000 men against
Maximus Æmilianus, and the same number against Domitius Ænobarbus. Their
battles with Cæsar took place, one in Gergovia,[1434] a city of the
Arverni situated on a lofty mountain, the birth-place of Vercingetorix;
the other, near to Alesia,[1435] a city of the Mandubii, who border on
the Arverni; this city is likewise situated on a high hill, surrounded
by mountains, and between two rivers. Here the war was terminated by the
capture of their leader. The battle with Maximus Æmilianus was fought
near the confluence of the Isère and the Rhone, at the point where the
mountains of the Cevennes approach the latter river. That with Domitius
was fought lower down at the confluence of the Sulgas[1436] and the
Rhone. The Arverni extended their dominion as far as Narbonne and the
borders of Marseilles, and exercised authority over the nations as far
as the Pyrenees, the ocean, and the Rhine. Luerius,[1437] the father of
Bituitus who fought against Maximus and Domitius, is said to have been
so distinguished by his riches and luxury, that to give a proof of his
opulence to his friends, he caused himself to be dragged across a plain
in a car, whilst he scattered gold and silver coin in every direction
for those who followed him to gather up.




CHAPTER III.