In that year, a political debate was occur- ring about the possibility of
repealing
the Oppian Law of 215 BCE.
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chief priest: As the title suggests, the pontifex maximus (chief priest) was in charge of official religious func- tions and supervisor of all priests in Rome.
Although the responsibilities of the chief priest were mostly reli- gious, there was also a political dimension: the chief priest had to be elected, which necessitated a political campaign--but only once, because he held the position for life.
consul: Remember, there were two con- suls each year. It is not totally clear whether Cicero is referring to him- self here or to the other consul for the year, Gaius Antonius Hybrida. (Interestingly, Hybrida was once thought to have Catilinarian
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Catiline]. Shall we, then, who hold the office of consuls, tolerate Catiline when he is determined to plunge the world into fire and slaughter? Upon precedents that go too far back into antiquity, such as the act of Gaius Servilius Ahala who with his own hand slew Spurius Maelius for plotting a revolution, I shall not dwell, except to say that at former epochs, in this country of ours, brave men did not lack the courage to strike down a dangerous Roman citizen more fiercely even than they struck down the bitterest of foreign foes. Moreover, we have in our hands, Catiline, a decree of the Senate that is specifically aimed against yourself, and a formidable and stern decree it is. From this body, then, the state has no lack of counsel and authority. I tell you frankly, it is we, the consuls, who are not doing our duty. [Tr. Michael Grant. Selected Political Speeches of Cicero. (Against Lucius Sergius Catilina. I. 1-3. ) Penguin Classics, 1969. Page numbers: 76, 77. ]
AFTERMATH
Catiline stormed out of the Senate meeting after the speech and left Rome to join up with his revolutionary army, which was quartered not far away. The next day, November 8, Cicero made a speech to the general population outlining the situation and trying to prevent panic. Meanwhile, the conspirators who remained in Rome after Catiline's abrupt departure on the 7th imprudently divulged their plans to some ambassadors from Gaul (modern France) who hap- pened to be in the city; apparently, the conspirators were hoping that the ambassadors would provide them with additional man- power and supplies. But instead, the Gauls reported the information to Cicero, replete with written documentation. It was precisely the break he needed!
Five of the ringleaders of the conspiracy were apprehended and detained. On December 3, Cicero delivered his third Catilinarian oration, directly to the Roman people, in which he explained the most recent developments in the case against Catiline. Two days later, the Roman Senate debated the issue; during this debate, Cicero brought forth his fourth and final oration against Catiline. The Senate voted for execution, and the sentence was carried out immediately, with Cicero's support and supervision. (Although the Senate's vote did not have the force of law, such was that body's in- fluence in Roman politics that Cicero, and others, would have felt comfortable in interpreting a senatorial decree as tantamount to legal sanction for his actions. )
For the next 20 years of his life, until he was killed in 43, Cicero looked back with pride on his role in suppressing the
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? sympathies, but Cicero gained his support by promising to help him obtain a desirable province to gov- ern after his term as consul had expired. )
the consul should have ordered:
Here, Cicero seems to be referenc- ing himself, not his colleague Hybrida. In October 63, the Senate had passed a resolution con- ferring wide-ranging powers upon the consuls for the protection of the state in an emergency. (This was the senatus consultum ultimum, often abbreviated as S. C. U. , or "final decree of the Senate," some- what similar to martial law in our own times. Such a decree empow- ered the consuls to order execu- tions of individuals deemed to pose a serious danger to the state. )
decree of the Senate: The senatus con- sultum ultimum, mentioned above. the expressions on the countenances: According to Ciceronian commen- tator Albert Harkness, Cicero is here referring to the "looks of sur- prise and indignation with which the senate received Catiline as he
took his seat . . . "
Gaius Servilius Ahala: As he himself
admits, Cicero is reaching far back into Roman history for this prec- edent: 439 BCE. Spurius Maelius was a wealthy plebeian who, at a time of famine and food shortages, was able to devote his own resources to the provision of cheap corn for his starving fellow countrymen. This altruistic action stirred suspicions among the leaders of the Roman government that Spurius was in reality trying to court popular favor, so as to position himself for a run at royal power. Accordingly, the government sent their representative Ahala to deal with Spurius, and deal
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Catilinarian conspiracy as the time when he almost single- handedly saved the Roman state. But his political enemies con- demned him for his actions in this case, because he ordered the summary execution of the five men without giving them an opportunity to appeal their death sentences, as required by Roman law.
ASK YOURSELF
1. Why do you suppose Catiline showed up at this meeting of the Roman Senate when he very likely knew that his plot was going to be exposed, and that he himself might be in physical danger?
2. Cicero refers to Publius Scipio Nasica as a vir amplissimus--a very distinguished man. Can we infer from those complimentary words that Cicero approved of Nasica's actions in leading the crowd of senators who struck down Tiberius Gracchus? Would that incident be sound precedent for Cicero to push ahead for the death penalty for the five conspirators?
3. Could Catiline be aptly described as a "home-grown terror- ist"? Why or why not?
TOPICS TO CONSIDER
e Although Catiline's conspiracy certainly posed an imminent threat to the Roman government, and its leading officeholders, especially Cicero, some historians have argued that Cicero's speech against Catiline contains elements of exaggeration. Could you identify any places in the document where Cicero seems to be going a bit overboard in what he says?
e Ciceroargueddozensofcourtcasesandmadedoz- ens of public speeches during his long career as a lawyer and orator. In court, he excelled both as a prosecutor and as a defense attorney, but he was probably more sharp-tongued when on the offen- sive, as he is in the speech against Catiline. Can you find examples in the document where Cicero seems to be sarcastic? Or instances where he engages in personal attacks?
e When the Senate engaged in its momentous December 5 debate on the fate of the five cap- tured conspirators, the first 16 speakers all argued in favor of the death penalty. The 17th speaker, however, suggested that they simply be imprisoned for life, and such was his eloquence that
Homegrown Terrorism?
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? he did: he killed him. Spurius's true motives, therefore, are unknown. But Cicero makes it clear what he thought Spurius was up to.
last night and the night before:
Cicero may be referring, in part, to a meeting of the conspirators in which they discussed the details of assassinating him.
Palatine: The Palatine Hill, one of Rome's famous Seven Hills, was home to some of the city's wealthiest residents, who lived in exquisite mansions; our English words "pal- ace" and "palatial" derive from Palatine. The fact that the Palatine had to be patrolled by armed guards indicates the seriousness of the situa- tion caused by Catiline's conspiracy.
Publius Cornelius Scipio: Nasica was one of the consuls in 138 BCE. A short time later, in the turbulent year of 133, when the tribune Tiberius Gracchus had proposed a highly controversial land redistribu- tion measure, Nasica was a leader of the opposition. When Gracchus announced that he would run for reelection to the tribunate--a very nontraditional decision, given that the tribunes were term-limited to one year--Nasica demanded that the consuls take action to stop him. When they refused, Nasica led a band of senators, who were equipped with clubs and heavy sticks, to one of Gracchus's cam- paign rallies, with the apparent intention of taking matters into their own hands. Things quickly turned ugly; violence broke out, and Gracchus was killed. The biog- rapher Plutarch writes that this was the first time in all of Roman his- tory that the blood of citizens was shed in a civil disturbance.
? ? ? ? ? ? ? 169
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Further Information
the Senate was at least temporarily inclined to go along with that proposal. That speaker's name: Julius Caesar. There has been speculation-- although no solid proof--that Caesar was at least a covert supporter of Catiline. Could this be true? If so, what reasons might Caesar have had for backing someone like Catiline?
e Imagine that you were given the assignment of defending Catiline in court. What arguments on his behalf could you present?
e Investigate the senatus consultum ultimum (S. C. U. ), "the final decree of the Senate. " Under what kinds of circumstances in Roman history had it been invoked prior to the trial of Catiline? What would be the modern equivalent of the S. C. U. ? Are there any similarities between ancient and modern usages of a decree like this?
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? scandalous . . . standards: This is the translation given for one of Cicero's most famous utterances: O tempora! O mores! , more suc- cinctly rendered as "Oh, the times! Oh, the morals! "
strongly fortified defenses: This Senate meeting took place in the Temple of Jupiter Stator ("Protector"), which was located on the Palatine Hill, and which was guarded even in normal times. But in this situation, the temple guards were augmented by the patrols that Cicero had previously mentioned.
? ? ? Hutchinson, L. The Conspiracy of Catiline. New York, 1967.
Kaplan, A. Catiline: The Man and His Role in the Roman Revolution. New York, 1968. Odahl, Charles M. Cicero and the Catilinarian Conspiracy. New Haven, CT, 1971. Scullard, H. H. From the Gracchi to Nero: A History of Rome from 133 B. C. to A. D. 68.
London, 1959.
? ? ? ? THE ULTIMATE ANCIENT AUTHORITY ON CATILINE'S CONSPIRACY
Gaius Sallustius Crispus (86-34 BCE), commonly known today as Sallust, wrote a detailed historical account of the Catilinarian conspiracy. The treatise, which survives intact, contains 61 sections and covers all the important events: a description of Catiline's character; his plot and all its ramifications; the arrest of the five ringleaders; the debate over their punishment; their execution; the activities of Catiline's revolutionary army and its defeat; and the death of Catiline.
In addition to his writing career, Sallust was also a politician, orator, and lawyer. Interestingly, he was once matched up against Cicero, in a court case (52 BCE) involving Titus Annius Milo, on trial for murdering a politi- cal opponent; Cicero was the defense lawyer, Sallust assisted in the prosecution. The story goes that Sallust had a personal motive for joining in with the prosecution: some time before, he had been discovered in flagrante with Milo's wife, whereupon Milo publicly horse-whipped him for his adulterous behavior and, in addition, laid a heavy fine upon him.
As for the outcome of Milo's court case . . . the situation was so politically charged--the courtroom was surrounded with heavily armed guards--that Cicero never actually delivered any speeches in defense of his client, although the transcript still survives of the speech he would have made. Milo fled to Massilia (modern Marseilles in southern France) and enjoyed a brief "retirement" from the hurly-burly of Roman politics, until once again reprising his involvement, and ultimately being executed (48 BCE) for fomenting violence.
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Websites
Catiline Biography. http://www. bookrags. com/biography/catiline
Catiline Conspiracy. http://www. unrv. com/roman-republic/catiline-conspiracy. php
Bibliography for Document
Artwork: The cover of this book displays a very famous painting that depicts Cicero excori- ating Catiline before the Roman Senate. Catiline sits off to one side, alone, depressed, and sulking. The painting is entitled Cicero Denounces Catiline, by Cesare Maccari (1840-1919), who created it in 1888.
Grant, Michael (tr. ). Selected Political Speeches of Cicero. New York, 1969.
Homegrown Terrorism?
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33. THE WOMEN OF ROME REFUSE TO BACK DOWN
INTRODUCTION
Roman women were probably as politically disadvantaged as Greek women: they could not vote; they could not hold public office; they could not attend and participate in the gather- ings of the legislative bodies. And they usually could not take collective action to show their support for or displeasure with legal or political issues . . . usually.
But in 195 BCE, a striking exception occurred to the stay-at-home status to which most Roman women were restricted most of the time.
In that year, a political debate was occur- ring about the possibility of repealing the Oppian Law of 215 BCE. This law, which was passed just after the disastrous Battle of Cannae (216) in the Second Punic War, placed severe restrictions on women's finery; specifically, it mandated that: (1) no woman could own more than a half ounce of gold; (2) no woman could wear multicolored clothing, espe- cially that which was trimmed with purple; (3) no woman could ride in horse-drawn car- riages, except during religious processions. The rationale for the passage of this law in 215 was probably that since Rome was in the midst of a desperate war against their bitter rival the city-state of Carthage, luxury goods had to be regulated, and perhaps even contributed to help fund the war effort. But by 195, the war was over, and so there was a concomitant longing for repeal of some of the restrictive wartime measures that had been enacted, includ- ing the Oppian Law. Accordingly, two tribunes, Marcus Fundanius and Lucius Valerius, proposed removing the law from the books. But two other tribunes, Marcus Junius Brutus and Publius Junius Brutus, threatened to veto the repeal effort, and that is when the sparks began to fly!
Our source for this chapter's fourth document, the historian Titus Livius (better known today as "Livy"), reports that when news of the veto threat spread, crowds of people flocked to the streets, both supporters and opponents of the repeal, to raucously make known their views. A large portion of the assemblage--astonishingly--was comprised of women! Angry, aggressive women. Livy says that they streamed out of their houses, even when for- bidden by their husbands to do so, and blocked the streets. They accosted the men who opposed repeal, bitterly complaining that since better times had returned with the end of the war, the need for sumptuary laws had vanished. Day after day, the street demonstrations continued, and even grew larger and more vocal as women from the countryside and nearby towns joined in. Their boldness increased commensurately; they took their arguments
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directly to the leading officeholders of the government. The stage was set for a major public debate, filled with emotion and rancor.
KEEP IN MIND AS YOU READ
1. The Oppian Law was named for the politician who proposed it in 215, the tribune Gaius Oppius.
2. Although the crowds in the streets were both large and noisy (if Livy is to be believed), the formal debate about the fate of the Oppian Law involved only Marcus Porcius Cato (anti-repeal), Lucius Valerius (pro-repeal), and short, unre- corded speeches by the two tribunes who had threatened to veto the repeal.
3. Cato, the chief proponent and spokesman for the Oppian Law, was a formidable force in Roman politics for most of his adult life (he lived into his eighties). To openly oppose him on any issue would require a powerful mixture of fortitude, assertiveness, oratorical skill, and intelligence, and so it must have been a daunting task for someone like a mere tribune to take him on in a public debate. But Lucius Valerius seemed to be up to the task.
Document: Women in Roman Politics
Amid the anxieties of [a recently-ended great war], an incident occurred, trivial to relate, but which, by reason of the passions it aroused, developed into a violent con- tention. Marcus Fundanius and Lucius Valerius, trib- unes of the people, proposed to the [legislative] assembly the abrogation of the Oppian Law . . . [O]ne consul [remained] adamant, Marcus Porcius Cato, who spoke thus in favor of the law whose repeal was being urged.
"If each of us, citizens, had determined to assert his rights and dignity as a husband with respect to his own spouse, we should have less trouble with the sex as a whole. As it is, our liberty, destroyed at home by female violence, even here in the Forum is crushed and trodden underfoot, and because we have not kept them individually under con- trol, we dread them collectively. "
[Cato next argues that the magistrates of the city need to rein in the women, and that the assembly must defeat the repeal movement; for if the women were to win on this issue, it would set a dangerous precedent, and encourage them to take collective action again in the future. ] "For myself, I could not conceal my blushes a while ago, when I had to make my way to the Forum through a crowd of women. " [Cato follows up this condescending comment with a short history lesson--back in the day, women never behaved like this! --and then returns to an earlier point: if
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? angered plebeians once did: See the sidebar.
authority: The Latin word auctoritas, here translated as "authority," con- notes more than simply authority, but also an aura of leadership, pres- tige, and influence that commands respect. No one would doubt Cato's auctoritas, which means that his views on the Oppian Law would be taken very seriously. As Valerius admits, Cato's auctoritas, even if "unexpressed would have had enough of weight. "
Aventine: One of the famous Seven Hills of Rome.
Forum: A word equivalent to the Greek agora, referring to the downtown section of Rome. It is a generic word that referred to the downtown section of any Roman city or town.
Marcus Porcius Cato: Cato (234- 149 BCE; also known as "Cato the Elder" and "Cato the Censor")
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they are allowed to get away with this sort of behavior now, then heaven help us in the future! ]
"If they win in this, what will they not attempt? Review all the laws with which your forefathers restrained their licentiousness and made them subject to their hus- bands. Even with all these bonds, you can scarcely control them. What of this? If you allow them to seize these bonds one by one and wrench themselves free and finally to be placed on a parity with their husbands, do you think that you will be able to endure them? The moment they begin to be your equals, they will be your superiors. "
[Cato next defends the Oppian Law as reasonable and effective; what would be the point of discarding sound legislation? He argues that the law has yet to be passed which will please all of the people, all of the time. He then complains about what he sees as an objectionable and dan- gerous trend in Roman society toward luxury, extrava- gance, and wealth, things which will undermine the values of hard work, self-discipline, and moderation in which he believes so staunchly. He concludes by stating that the Oppian Law should by no means be repealed. Next, the tribunes who promised to veto the repeal effort made short speeches in support of Cato's position, and then Lucius Valerius, one of the tribunes who proposed the repeal, came to the speaker's platform. ]:
"If only private citizens had come forward to support or oppose the measure which we have placed before you, I too, since I judged that enough had been said on each side, should have waited in silence for your ballots. Now, since that most influential man, the consul Marcus Porcius [Cato], has attacked our proposal not only with his author- ity, which unexpressed would have had enough of weight, but also in a long and carefully prepared speech, it is neces- sary to make a brief reply. And yet he used up more words in reproving the [women] than he did in opposing our bill. . . "
[Valerius next asserts that he will defend the legislative initiative rather than defending himself and Marcus Fundanius, whom Cato had accused of instigating the street demonstrations undertaken by the women. He repeats the argument that wartime legislation, like the Oppian Law, often has no relevance during times of peace. He reminds his listeners that the women's collective action is not without precedent, and that there are many notable examples in both distant and recent Roman history of women taking an active role in public life. Furthermore, failure to repeal this law would create an uncomfortable double standard: that Roman men would be permitted to wear multicolored clothing (including purple), but women would not. And then there is the matter of the women of Italian cities allied to Rome; the prohibition against owning or wear- ing gold or jewelry did not apply to them, so how would Roman women feel when they observed their near neighbors enjoying a privilege that was denied to
The Women of Rome Refuse to Back Down
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? was one of the most famous indi- viduals in all of Roman history. He wore many hats: farmer, soldier, politician, orator, author, defender of traditional Roman cus- toms and values. Strict and rough- hewn, he would be remembered by later generations as one of the Romans of the old school, who lived his life by the disciplined codes he constantly preached. One of the traditional values he espoused was the notion that the husband/father was the unques- tioned ruler of the household. (Note the first sentiment that Cato articulates in his speech: that if only the men of Rome had asserted their rights as husbands and kept their wives under control, this whole messy business could have been avoided. ) As one of the consuls in 195 BCE, it would have come as absolutely no surprise to anyone that he stepped forward to defend the Oppian Law, and to sternly reprimand the women who came to demonstrate in favor of its repeal.
Sacred Mount: Mons Sacer in Latin, a country hill about three miles from Rome.
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them? Finally, he makes the interesting argument that repealing the law would actually help to restore paternal control of a private household--a nice rebuttal to Cato's general complaint about the erosion of traditional Roman family val- ues! --because matters of women's clothing, jewelry, and transportation in public could then be decided by individual husbands and fathers, and not by laws or politicians. ]
"They [wives and daughters] prefer to have their finery under your [hus- bands' and fathers'] control and not the law's; you too should keep them in con- trol and guardianship and not in slavery, and should prefer the name of father or husband to that of master. The consul a while ago used words intended to create prejudice when he spoke of female 'sedition' and 'secession. ' For the danger, he tells you, is that they will seize the Sacred Mount or the Aventine, as the angered plebeians once did. In reality, their frail nature must endure whatever you decree. The greater the authority you exercise, the greater the self-restraint with which you should use your power. " [Tr. Evan T. Sage. Livy. (34. 1-5, 7. ) Volume IX. LCL, 1935. Page numbers: 413, 415, 417, 419, 427, 439. ]
AFTERMATH
According to Livy, after the last speech in the debate had been concluded, and it was time for the legislative assembly to begin its formal vote on the measure on the following day, "an even greater number of women appeared in public. " Then, as if about to initiate siege oper- ations, they marched directly to the doors of the two tribunes who had threatened to veto the repeal and did not leave until the two agreed to back off on their obstructive intentions. The voting then took place without incident, and the law was repealed.
? ? ? ? ? ? WE ARE OUT OF HERE!
In the earliest days of the Republic (especially the fifth century BCE), Roman society was plagued by disputes between the ruling upper class--the patricians--and the subservient nonruling class--the plebeians. The patri- cians controlled much of the wealth and all of the political offices in those early days; the plebeians fought against this obvious (obvious to them, at any rate) injustice. The inequities seemed particularly acute given the fact that in military emergencies, when some foreign invader was threatening the city's safety, the plebeians were always the ones called upon to serve as soldiers. Because of their sacrifices for the common good, they desired and demanded political and legal equality with the patricians. The patricians, ever contemptuous of those whom they did not consider to be social equals, resisted.
One of the most effective weapons the plebeians employed in what might be called their civil rights struggle was the secessio, a withdrawal from the city, in which all the plebeians would march out of Rome in a group, often to the Aventine Hill, or perhaps the Sacred Mount. There they would remain, refusing to serve as soldiers or cooperate in any other way with the patrician-led government until they gained concessions of one sort or another. There were five known secessions between 494 and 287 BCE (although some scholars doubt the histori- cal authenticity of the earliest ones).
The possibility that such a radical action might be used by the women must have been pure anathema to politicians like Cato. He apparently thought that by referencing plebeian secessions in his anti-repeal speeches, and capitalizing on the fear such a reference could generate, he might be able to sway enough votes in the legis- lative assembly to prevent the repeal effort from succeeding.
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A similar "group effort" undertaken by women occurred many years later, in 42 BCE, during the time when civil war had broken out after the assassination of Julius Caesar. The cash-strapped triumvirate in charge of the government had decided to impose a war tax on 1,400 of the richest women in the city. These women were enraged over this decree and ulti- mately marched to the Forum to make known their displeasure. They had chosen as their spokesperson Hortensia, the daughter of one of the foremost orators in Roman history, Quintus Hortensius. She made a very persuasive speech in which she pointed out the injus- tice of requiring women to pay a war tax of any amount, arguing that it was unfair for women to pay such a tax when they had no voice generally in the government or in military affairs, and considering that the women did nothing to initiate hostilities in this instance, and had neither share nor say in how the war was conducted. The triumvirs (Mark Antony, Octavian [the future emperor Augustus], and Lepidus) backed off; they reduced the number of women affected by the decree from 1,400 to 400, and they placed a similar tax on all men of wealth. The first-century CE author and orator Quintilian remarked that Hortensia's speech was still being read and studied in his time.
ASK YOURSELF
1. Why do you suppose Livy uses the words "trivial to relate" to describe the contro- versial events surrounding the repeal of the Oppian Law?
2. What do you think were Cato's strongest arguments for retaining the Oppian Law? What were Valerius's strongest arguments for repealing it?
3. In his biography of Cato, Plutarch states that Cato was a kind and considerate hus- band and father who thought it was nothing short of a sacrilege for a man to beat his wife or his children. The biographer also writes that Cato considered it more impor- tant to be a good husband than a great political leader. Given these attitudes, does there seem to be a disconnect between Cato's love and respect for his wife and the perhaps antifemale slant of his speech? Why or why not?
TOPICS TO CONSIDER
e Oneoftheenduringproblemsformodernhistoriansstudyingancienttexts involves the analysis and interpretation of speeches. In many cases, an ancient historian who recorded a speech was not present when the speech was made; often, he was not even alive at the time. Livy, for example, was born about 135 years after the debate over the Oppian Law, and some modern historians have questioned the accuracy of his accounts of the speeches of Cato and Valerius. Since there is probably no way to know for certain about the reliability of the information in these speeches, how are we to interpret them? Do we discount them entirely? Take them with the proverbial grain of salt? Assume that the general outline of the speeches is accurate, while acknowledging that Livy has not given us verbatim accounts (since the original, complete texts of the speeches from 195 likely were not available to him)? Or is there some other approach we could take?
e Cato expresses great concern, and even trepidation, about these women "taking it to the street" to express their displeasure over the possible defeat of the repeal. He is fearful that if they are not stopped here and now, there will be no limit to their outrageous behavior in the future. As Livy tells us,
The Women of Rome Refuse to Back Down
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the repeal was passed. Did Cato's fears come true? In the subsequent deca-
des and centuries of Roman history, were female uprisings common?
e Catorefersto"allthelawswithwhichyourforefathersrestrainedtheir[i. e. , the women's] licentiousness and made them subject to their husbands. " Unfortunately, he does not cite any specific laws. Research this issue, and see if you can find information about any of these laws. Were they as
restrictive as Cato claims?
e One of the main arguments put forth by Lucius Valerius for the repeal of
the Oppian Law is that laws passed under the duress of wartime conditions are often unneeded once peace has returned. Can you think of any exam- ples of the same situation (i. e. , restrictive wartime legislation, later repealed) in American history, especially during World War II?
Further Information
Bauman, Richard A. Women and Politics in Ancient Rome. New York, 1992.
Pomeroy, Sarah B. Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves: Women in Classical Antiquity.
New York, 1975.
Website
"The Roman Matron of the Late Republic and Early Empire," by Sarah B. Pomeroy: http:// www2. stetson. edu/~psteeves/classes/pomeroy. html
Bibliography for Document
Sage, Evan T. (tr. ). Livy. Volume IX. [LCL. ] London and Cambridge, 1935.
RELIGION
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34. SQUABBLING AMONG THE GODS WAS A MAJOR HEADACHE FOR ZEUS
INTRODUCTION
What percentage of human life is the result of divine intervention, and the plans and will of a god, and what percentage is a consequence of free will, and the choices that humans make? To what degree, if any, are divine beings involved in human events? These are questions that interested the ancient Greeks, and they are questions that still resonate. Homer would prob- ably have come down on the side of "activist" gods, as the document below suggests.
consul: Remember, there were two con- suls each year. It is not totally clear whether Cicero is referring to him- self here or to the other consul for the year, Gaius Antonius Hybrida. (Interestingly, Hybrida was once thought to have Catilinarian
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Catiline]. Shall we, then, who hold the office of consuls, tolerate Catiline when he is determined to plunge the world into fire and slaughter? Upon precedents that go too far back into antiquity, such as the act of Gaius Servilius Ahala who with his own hand slew Spurius Maelius for plotting a revolution, I shall not dwell, except to say that at former epochs, in this country of ours, brave men did not lack the courage to strike down a dangerous Roman citizen more fiercely even than they struck down the bitterest of foreign foes. Moreover, we have in our hands, Catiline, a decree of the Senate that is specifically aimed against yourself, and a formidable and stern decree it is. From this body, then, the state has no lack of counsel and authority. I tell you frankly, it is we, the consuls, who are not doing our duty. [Tr. Michael Grant. Selected Political Speeches of Cicero. (Against Lucius Sergius Catilina. I. 1-3. ) Penguin Classics, 1969. Page numbers: 76, 77. ]
AFTERMATH
Catiline stormed out of the Senate meeting after the speech and left Rome to join up with his revolutionary army, which was quartered not far away. The next day, November 8, Cicero made a speech to the general population outlining the situation and trying to prevent panic. Meanwhile, the conspirators who remained in Rome after Catiline's abrupt departure on the 7th imprudently divulged their plans to some ambassadors from Gaul (modern France) who hap- pened to be in the city; apparently, the conspirators were hoping that the ambassadors would provide them with additional man- power and supplies. But instead, the Gauls reported the information to Cicero, replete with written documentation. It was precisely the break he needed!
Five of the ringleaders of the conspiracy were apprehended and detained. On December 3, Cicero delivered his third Catilinarian oration, directly to the Roman people, in which he explained the most recent developments in the case against Catiline. Two days later, the Roman Senate debated the issue; during this debate, Cicero brought forth his fourth and final oration against Catiline. The Senate voted for execution, and the sentence was carried out immediately, with Cicero's support and supervision. (Although the Senate's vote did not have the force of law, such was that body's in- fluence in Roman politics that Cicero, and others, would have felt comfortable in interpreting a senatorial decree as tantamount to legal sanction for his actions. )
For the next 20 years of his life, until he was killed in 43, Cicero looked back with pride on his role in suppressing the
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? sympathies, but Cicero gained his support by promising to help him obtain a desirable province to gov- ern after his term as consul had expired. )
the consul should have ordered:
Here, Cicero seems to be referenc- ing himself, not his colleague Hybrida. In October 63, the Senate had passed a resolution con- ferring wide-ranging powers upon the consuls for the protection of the state in an emergency. (This was the senatus consultum ultimum, often abbreviated as S. C. U. , or "final decree of the Senate," some- what similar to martial law in our own times. Such a decree empow- ered the consuls to order execu- tions of individuals deemed to pose a serious danger to the state. )
decree of the Senate: The senatus con- sultum ultimum, mentioned above. the expressions on the countenances: According to Ciceronian commen- tator Albert Harkness, Cicero is here referring to the "looks of sur- prise and indignation with which the senate received Catiline as he
took his seat . . . "
Gaius Servilius Ahala: As he himself
admits, Cicero is reaching far back into Roman history for this prec- edent: 439 BCE. Spurius Maelius was a wealthy plebeian who, at a time of famine and food shortages, was able to devote his own resources to the provision of cheap corn for his starving fellow countrymen. This altruistic action stirred suspicions among the leaders of the Roman government that Spurius was in reality trying to court popular favor, so as to position himself for a run at royal power. Accordingly, the government sent their representative Ahala to deal with Spurius, and deal
? ? ? ? ? 168
Catilinarian conspiracy as the time when he almost single- handedly saved the Roman state. But his political enemies con- demned him for his actions in this case, because he ordered the summary execution of the five men without giving them an opportunity to appeal their death sentences, as required by Roman law.
ASK YOURSELF
1. Why do you suppose Catiline showed up at this meeting of the Roman Senate when he very likely knew that his plot was going to be exposed, and that he himself might be in physical danger?
2. Cicero refers to Publius Scipio Nasica as a vir amplissimus--a very distinguished man. Can we infer from those complimentary words that Cicero approved of Nasica's actions in leading the crowd of senators who struck down Tiberius Gracchus? Would that incident be sound precedent for Cicero to push ahead for the death penalty for the five conspirators?
3. Could Catiline be aptly described as a "home-grown terror- ist"? Why or why not?
TOPICS TO CONSIDER
e Although Catiline's conspiracy certainly posed an imminent threat to the Roman government, and its leading officeholders, especially Cicero, some historians have argued that Cicero's speech against Catiline contains elements of exaggeration. Could you identify any places in the document where Cicero seems to be going a bit overboard in what he says?
e Ciceroargueddozensofcourtcasesandmadedoz- ens of public speeches during his long career as a lawyer and orator. In court, he excelled both as a prosecutor and as a defense attorney, but he was probably more sharp-tongued when on the offen- sive, as he is in the speech against Catiline. Can you find examples in the document where Cicero seems to be sarcastic? Or instances where he engages in personal attacks?
e When the Senate engaged in its momentous December 5 debate on the fate of the five cap- tured conspirators, the first 16 speakers all argued in favor of the death penalty. The 17th speaker, however, suggested that they simply be imprisoned for life, and such was his eloquence that
Homegrown Terrorism?
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? he did: he killed him. Spurius's true motives, therefore, are unknown. But Cicero makes it clear what he thought Spurius was up to.
last night and the night before:
Cicero may be referring, in part, to a meeting of the conspirators in which they discussed the details of assassinating him.
Palatine: The Palatine Hill, one of Rome's famous Seven Hills, was home to some of the city's wealthiest residents, who lived in exquisite mansions; our English words "pal- ace" and "palatial" derive from Palatine. The fact that the Palatine had to be patrolled by armed guards indicates the seriousness of the situa- tion caused by Catiline's conspiracy.
Publius Cornelius Scipio: Nasica was one of the consuls in 138 BCE. A short time later, in the turbulent year of 133, when the tribune Tiberius Gracchus had proposed a highly controversial land redistribu- tion measure, Nasica was a leader of the opposition. When Gracchus announced that he would run for reelection to the tribunate--a very nontraditional decision, given that the tribunes were term-limited to one year--Nasica demanded that the consuls take action to stop him. When they refused, Nasica led a band of senators, who were equipped with clubs and heavy sticks, to one of Gracchus's cam- paign rallies, with the apparent intention of taking matters into their own hands. Things quickly turned ugly; violence broke out, and Gracchus was killed. The biog- rapher Plutarch writes that this was the first time in all of Roman his- tory that the blood of citizens was shed in a civil disturbance.
? ? ? ? ? ? ? 169
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Further Information
the Senate was at least temporarily inclined to go along with that proposal. That speaker's name: Julius Caesar. There has been speculation-- although no solid proof--that Caesar was at least a covert supporter of Catiline. Could this be true? If so, what reasons might Caesar have had for backing someone like Catiline?
e Imagine that you were given the assignment of defending Catiline in court. What arguments on his behalf could you present?
e Investigate the senatus consultum ultimum (S. C. U. ), "the final decree of the Senate. " Under what kinds of circumstances in Roman history had it been invoked prior to the trial of Catiline? What would be the modern equivalent of the S. C. U. ? Are there any similarities between ancient and modern usages of a decree like this?
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? scandalous . . . standards: This is the translation given for one of Cicero's most famous utterances: O tempora! O mores! , more suc- cinctly rendered as "Oh, the times! Oh, the morals! "
strongly fortified defenses: This Senate meeting took place in the Temple of Jupiter Stator ("Protector"), which was located on the Palatine Hill, and which was guarded even in normal times. But in this situation, the temple guards were augmented by the patrols that Cicero had previously mentioned.
? ? ? Hutchinson, L. The Conspiracy of Catiline. New York, 1967.
Kaplan, A. Catiline: The Man and His Role in the Roman Revolution. New York, 1968. Odahl, Charles M. Cicero and the Catilinarian Conspiracy. New Haven, CT, 1971. Scullard, H. H. From the Gracchi to Nero: A History of Rome from 133 B. C. to A. D. 68.
London, 1959.
? ? ? ? THE ULTIMATE ANCIENT AUTHORITY ON CATILINE'S CONSPIRACY
Gaius Sallustius Crispus (86-34 BCE), commonly known today as Sallust, wrote a detailed historical account of the Catilinarian conspiracy. The treatise, which survives intact, contains 61 sections and covers all the important events: a description of Catiline's character; his plot and all its ramifications; the arrest of the five ringleaders; the debate over their punishment; their execution; the activities of Catiline's revolutionary army and its defeat; and the death of Catiline.
In addition to his writing career, Sallust was also a politician, orator, and lawyer. Interestingly, he was once matched up against Cicero, in a court case (52 BCE) involving Titus Annius Milo, on trial for murdering a politi- cal opponent; Cicero was the defense lawyer, Sallust assisted in the prosecution. The story goes that Sallust had a personal motive for joining in with the prosecution: some time before, he had been discovered in flagrante with Milo's wife, whereupon Milo publicly horse-whipped him for his adulterous behavior and, in addition, laid a heavy fine upon him.
As for the outcome of Milo's court case . . . the situation was so politically charged--the courtroom was surrounded with heavily armed guards--that Cicero never actually delivered any speeches in defense of his client, although the transcript still survives of the speech he would have made. Milo fled to Massilia (modern Marseilles in southern France) and enjoyed a brief "retirement" from the hurly-burly of Roman politics, until once again reprising his involvement, and ultimately being executed (48 BCE) for fomenting violence.
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Websites
Catiline Biography. http://www. bookrags. com/biography/catiline
Catiline Conspiracy. http://www. unrv. com/roman-republic/catiline-conspiracy. php
Bibliography for Document
Artwork: The cover of this book displays a very famous painting that depicts Cicero excori- ating Catiline before the Roman Senate. Catiline sits off to one side, alone, depressed, and sulking. The painting is entitled Cicero Denounces Catiline, by Cesare Maccari (1840-1919), who created it in 1888.
Grant, Michael (tr. ). Selected Political Speeches of Cicero. New York, 1969.
Homegrown Terrorism?
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33. THE WOMEN OF ROME REFUSE TO BACK DOWN
INTRODUCTION
Roman women were probably as politically disadvantaged as Greek women: they could not vote; they could not hold public office; they could not attend and participate in the gather- ings of the legislative bodies. And they usually could not take collective action to show their support for or displeasure with legal or political issues . . . usually.
But in 195 BCE, a striking exception occurred to the stay-at-home status to which most Roman women were restricted most of the time.
In that year, a political debate was occur- ring about the possibility of repealing the Oppian Law of 215 BCE. This law, which was passed just after the disastrous Battle of Cannae (216) in the Second Punic War, placed severe restrictions on women's finery; specifically, it mandated that: (1) no woman could own more than a half ounce of gold; (2) no woman could wear multicolored clothing, espe- cially that which was trimmed with purple; (3) no woman could ride in horse-drawn car- riages, except during religious processions. The rationale for the passage of this law in 215 was probably that since Rome was in the midst of a desperate war against their bitter rival the city-state of Carthage, luxury goods had to be regulated, and perhaps even contributed to help fund the war effort. But by 195, the war was over, and so there was a concomitant longing for repeal of some of the restrictive wartime measures that had been enacted, includ- ing the Oppian Law. Accordingly, two tribunes, Marcus Fundanius and Lucius Valerius, proposed removing the law from the books. But two other tribunes, Marcus Junius Brutus and Publius Junius Brutus, threatened to veto the repeal effort, and that is when the sparks began to fly!
Our source for this chapter's fourth document, the historian Titus Livius (better known today as "Livy"), reports that when news of the veto threat spread, crowds of people flocked to the streets, both supporters and opponents of the repeal, to raucously make known their views. A large portion of the assemblage--astonishingly--was comprised of women! Angry, aggressive women. Livy says that they streamed out of their houses, even when for- bidden by their husbands to do so, and blocked the streets. They accosted the men who opposed repeal, bitterly complaining that since better times had returned with the end of the war, the need for sumptuary laws had vanished. Day after day, the street demonstrations continued, and even grew larger and more vocal as women from the countryside and nearby towns joined in. Their boldness increased commensurately; they took their arguments
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directly to the leading officeholders of the government. The stage was set for a major public debate, filled with emotion and rancor.
KEEP IN MIND AS YOU READ
1. The Oppian Law was named for the politician who proposed it in 215, the tribune Gaius Oppius.
2. Although the crowds in the streets were both large and noisy (if Livy is to be believed), the formal debate about the fate of the Oppian Law involved only Marcus Porcius Cato (anti-repeal), Lucius Valerius (pro-repeal), and short, unre- corded speeches by the two tribunes who had threatened to veto the repeal.
3. Cato, the chief proponent and spokesman for the Oppian Law, was a formidable force in Roman politics for most of his adult life (he lived into his eighties). To openly oppose him on any issue would require a powerful mixture of fortitude, assertiveness, oratorical skill, and intelligence, and so it must have been a daunting task for someone like a mere tribune to take him on in a public debate. But Lucius Valerius seemed to be up to the task.
Document: Women in Roman Politics
Amid the anxieties of [a recently-ended great war], an incident occurred, trivial to relate, but which, by reason of the passions it aroused, developed into a violent con- tention. Marcus Fundanius and Lucius Valerius, trib- unes of the people, proposed to the [legislative] assembly the abrogation of the Oppian Law . . . [O]ne consul [remained] adamant, Marcus Porcius Cato, who spoke thus in favor of the law whose repeal was being urged.
"If each of us, citizens, had determined to assert his rights and dignity as a husband with respect to his own spouse, we should have less trouble with the sex as a whole. As it is, our liberty, destroyed at home by female violence, even here in the Forum is crushed and trodden underfoot, and because we have not kept them individually under con- trol, we dread them collectively. "
[Cato next argues that the magistrates of the city need to rein in the women, and that the assembly must defeat the repeal movement; for if the women were to win on this issue, it would set a dangerous precedent, and encourage them to take collective action again in the future. ] "For myself, I could not conceal my blushes a while ago, when I had to make my way to the Forum through a crowd of women. " [Cato follows up this condescending comment with a short history lesson--back in the day, women never behaved like this! --and then returns to an earlier point: if
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? angered plebeians once did: See the sidebar.
authority: The Latin word auctoritas, here translated as "authority," con- notes more than simply authority, but also an aura of leadership, pres- tige, and influence that commands respect. No one would doubt Cato's auctoritas, which means that his views on the Oppian Law would be taken very seriously. As Valerius admits, Cato's auctoritas, even if "unexpressed would have had enough of weight. "
Aventine: One of the famous Seven Hills of Rome.
Forum: A word equivalent to the Greek agora, referring to the downtown section of Rome. It is a generic word that referred to the downtown section of any Roman city or town.
Marcus Porcius Cato: Cato (234- 149 BCE; also known as "Cato the Elder" and "Cato the Censor")
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they are allowed to get away with this sort of behavior now, then heaven help us in the future! ]
"If they win in this, what will they not attempt? Review all the laws with which your forefathers restrained their licentiousness and made them subject to their hus- bands. Even with all these bonds, you can scarcely control them. What of this? If you allow them to seize these bonds one by one and wrench themselves free and finally to be placed on a parity with their husbands, do you think that you will be able to endure them? The moment they begin to be your equals, they will be your superiors. "
[Cato next defends the Oppian Law as reasonable and effective; what would be the point of discarding sound legislation? He argues that the law has yet to be passed which will please all of the people, all of the time. He then complains about what he sees as an objectionable and dan- gerous trend in Roman society toward luxury, extrava- gance, and wealth, things which will undermine the values of hard work, self-discipline, and moderation in which he believes so staunchly. He concludes by stating that the Oppian Law should by no means be repealed. Next, the tribunes who promised to veto the repeal effort made short speeches in support of Cato's position, and then Lucius Valerius, one of the tribunes who proposed the repeal, came to the speaker's platform. ]:
"If only private citizens had come forward to support or oppose the measure which we have placed before you, I too, since I judged that enough had been said on each side, should have waited in silence for your ballots. Now, since that most influential man, the consul Marcus Porcius [Cato], has attacked our proposal not only with his author- ity, which unexpressed would have had enough of weight, but also in a long and carefully prepared speech, it is neces- sary to make a brief reply. And yet he used up more words in reproving the [women] than he did in opposing our bill. . . "
[Valerius next asserts that he will defend the legislative initiative rather than defending himself and Marcus Fundanius, whom Cato had accused of instigating the street demonstrations undertaken by the women. He repeats the argument that wartime legislation, like the Oppian Law, often has no relevance during times of peace. He reminds his listeners that the women's collective action is not without precedent, and that there are many notable examples in both distant and recent Roman history of women taking an active role in public life. Furthermore, failure to repeal this law would create an uncomfortable double standard: that Roman men would be permitted to wear multicolored clothing (including purple), but women would not. And then there is the matter of the women of Italian cities allied to Rome; the prohibition against owning or wear- ing gold or jewelry did not apply to them, so how would Roman women feel when they observed their near neighbors enjoying a privilege that was denied to
The Women of Rome Refuse to Back Down
? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? was one of the most famous indi- viduals in all of Roman history. He wore many hats: farmer, soldier, politician, orator, author, defender of traditional Roman cus- toms and values. Strict and rough- hewn, he would be remembered by later generations as one of the Romans of the old school, who lived his life by the disciplined codes he constantly preached. One of the traditional values he espoused was the notion that the husband/father was the unques- tioned ruler of the household. (Note the first sentiment that Cato articulates in his speech: that if only the men of Rome had asserted their rights as husbands and kept their wives under control, this whole messy business could have been avoided. ) As one of the consuls in 195 BCE, it would have come as absolutely no surprise to anyone that he stepped forward to defend the Oppian Law, and to sternly reprimand the women who came to demonstrate in favor of its repeal.
Sacred Mount: Mons Sacer in Latin, a country hill about three miles from Rome.
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them? Finally, he makes the interesting argument that repealing the law would actually help to restore paternal control of a private household--a nice rebuttal to Cato's general complaint about the erosion of traditional Roman family val- ues! --because matters of women's clothing, jewelry, and transportation in public could then be decided by individual husbands and fathers, and not by laws or politicians. ]
"They [wives and daughters] prefer to have their finery under your [hus- bands' and fathers'] control and not the law's; you too should keep them in con- trol and guardianship and not in slavery, and should prefer the name of father or husband to that of master. The consul a while ago used words intended to create prejudice when he spoke of female 'sedition' and 'secession. ' For the danger, he tells you, is that they will seize the Sacred Mount or the Aventine, as the angered plebeians once did. In reality, their frail nature must endure whatever you decree. The greater the authority you exercise, the greater the self-restraint with which you should use your power. " [Tr. Evan T. Sage. Livy. (34. 1-5, 7. ) Volume IX. LCL, 1935. Page numbers: 413, 415, 417, 419, 427, 439. ]
AFTERMATH
According to Livy, after the last speech in the debate had been concluded, and it was time for the legislative assembly to begin its formal vote on the measure on the following day, "an even greater number of women appeared in public. " Then, as if about to initiate siege oper- ations, they marched directly to the doors of the two tribunes who had threatened to veto the repeal and did not leave until the two agreed to back off on their obstructive intentions. The voting then took place without incident, and the law was repealed.
? ? ? ? ? ? WE ARE OUT OF HERE!
In the earliest days of the Republic (especially the fifth century BCE), Roman society was plagued by disputes between the ruling upper class--the patricians--and the subservient nonruling class--the plebeians. The patri- cians controlled much of the wealth and all of the political offices in those early days; the plebeians fought against this obvious (obvious to them, at any rate) injustice. The inequities seemed particularly acute given the fact that in military emergencies, when some foreign invader was threatening the city's safety, the plebeians were always the ones called upon to serve as soldiers. Because of their sacrifices for the common good, they desired and demanded political and legal equality with the patricians. The patricians, ever contemptuous of those whom they did not consider to be social equals, resisted.
One of the most effective weapons the plebeians employed in what might be called their civil rights struggle was the secessio, a withdrawal from the city, in which all the plebeians would march out of Rome in a group, often to the Aventine Hill, or perhaps the Sacred Mount. There they would remain, refusing to serve as soldiers or cooperate in any other way with the patrician-led government until they gained concessions of one sort or another. There were five known secessions between 494 and 287 BCE (although some scholars doubt the histori- cal authenticity of the earliest ones).
The possibility that such a radical action might be used by the women must have been pure anathema to politicians like Cato. He apparently thought that by referencing plebeian secessions in his anti-repeal speeches, and capitalizing on the fear such a reference could generate, he might be able to sway enough votes in the legis- lative assembly to prevent the repeal effort from succeeding.
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A similar "group effort" undertaken by women occurred many years later, in 42 BCE, during the time when civil war had broken out after the assassination of Julius Caesar. The cash-strapped triumvirate in charge of the government had decided to impose a war tax on 1,400 of the richest women in the city. These women were enraged over this decree and ulti- mately marched to the Forum to make known their displeasure. They had chosen as their spokesperson Hortensia, the daughter of one of the foremost orators in Roman history, Quintus Hortensius. She made a very persuasive speech in which she pointed out the injus- tice of requiring women to pay a war tax of any amount, arguing that it was unfair for women to pay such a tax when they had no voice generally in the government or in military affairs, and considering that the women did nothing to initiate hostilities in this instance, and had neither share nor say in how the war was conducted. The triumvirs (Mark Antony, Octavian [the future emperor Augustus], and Lepidus) backed off; they reduced the number of women affected by the decree from 1,400 to 400, and they placed a similar tax on all men of wealth. The first-century CE author and orator Quintilian remarked that Hortensia's speech was still being read and studied in his time.
ASK YOURSELF
1. Why do you suppose Livy uses the words "trivial to relate" to describe the contro- versial events surrounding the repeal of the Oppian Law?
2. What do you think were Cato's strongest arguments for retaining the Oppian Law? What were Valerius's strongest arguments for repealing it?
3. In his biography of Cato, Plutarch states that Cato was a kind and considerate hus- band and father who thought it was nothing short of a sacrilege for a man to beat his wife or his children. The biographer also writes that Cato considered it more impor- tant to be a good husband than a great political leader. Given these attitudes, does there seem to be a disconnect between Cato's love and respect for his wife and the perhaps antifemale slant of his speech? Why or why not?
TOPICS TO CONSIDER
e Oneoftheenduringproblemsformodernhistoriansstudyingancienttexts involves the analysis and interpretation of speeches. In many cases, an ancient historian who recorded a speech was not present when the speech was made; often, he was not even alive at the time. Livy, for example, was born about 135 years after the debate over the Oppian Law, and some modern historians have questioned the accuracy of his accounts of the speeches of Cato and Valerius. Since there is probably no way to know for certain about the reliability of the information in these speeches, how are we to interpret them? Do we discount them entirely? Take them with the proverbial grain of salt? Assume that the general outline of the speeches is accurate, while acknowledging that Livy has not given us verbatim accounts (since the original, complete texts of the speeches from 195 likely were not available to him)? Or is there some other approach we could take?
e Cato expresses great concern, and even trepidation, about these women "taking it to the street" to express their displeasure over the possible defeat of the repeal. He is fearful that if they are not stopped here and now, there will be no limit to their outrageous behavior in the future. As Livy tells us,
The Women of Rome Refuse to Back Down
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the repeal was passed. Did Cato's fears come true? In the subsequent deca-
des and centuries of Roman history, were female uprisings common?
e Catorefersto"allthelawswithwhichyourforefathersrestrainedtheir[i. e. , the women's] licentiousness and made them subject to their husbands. " Unfortunately, he does not cite any specific laws. Research this issue, and see if you can find information about any of these laws. Were they as
restrictive as Cato claims?
e One of the main arguments put forth by Lucius Valerius for the repeal of
the Oppian Law is that laws passed under the duress of wartime conditions are often unneeded once peace has returned. Can you think of any exam- ples of the same situation (i. e. , restrictive wartime legislation, later repealed) in American history, especially during World War II?
Further Information
Bauman, Richard A. Women and Politics in Ancient Rome. New York, 1992.
Pomeroy, Sarah B. Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves: Women in Classical Antiquity.
New York, 1975.
Website
"The Roman Matron of the Late Republic and Early Empire," by Sarah B. Pomeroy: http:// www2. stetson. edu/~psteeves/classes/pomeroy. html
Bibliography for Document
Sage, Evan T. (tr. ). Livy. Volume IX. [LCL. ] London and Cambridge, 1935.
RELIGION
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34. SQUABBLING AMONG THE GODS WAS A MAJOR HEADACHE FOR ZEUS
INTRODUCTION
What percentage of human life is the result of divine intervention, and the plans and will of a god, and what percentage is a consequence of free will, and the choices that humans make? To what degree, if any, are divine beings involved in human events? These are questions that interested the ancient Greeks, and they are questions that still resonate. Homer would prob- ably have come down on the side of "activist" gods, as the document below suggests.
