Gandhi,
if he wore breeches like the rest of us.
if he wore breeches like the rest of us.
Soviet Union - 1931 - Fighting the Red Trade Menace
Its history deserves to be related as an example
of the sort of surrender that often has taken place
when capitalist groups in Europe, at first inveighing
against Soviet trade, are offered definite immediate
profit. The central office of the "Dutch Agrarian
Committee," an organization of more than 400
farmers' cooperatives, last June took a strong line
on the Russian question and published resolutions to
the effect that no patriotic Dutchman should trade
with the Soviet Union, no upright merchant should
lend his hand to aid the Soviets, no right thinking
citizen should become "an accomplice to Soviet
methods," in the words of the resolution.
Nine months later the Dutch Agrarian Committee,
on behalf of its member cooperatives who were in
-
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? 104 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
need of barley for fodder, succumbed to the attractive
prices offered by the Soviet trade representative and
purchased a quantity described by the Dutch press
as "considerable. " At one stroke the Soviet trade
representative had disposed of a "considerable" quan-
tity of barley fodder, had silenced forever the pious
protestations of the Dutch Agrarian Committee and
had made it difficult for similar protests to be taken
seriously by Dutch governmental authorities in the
future. Dutch wits had material for their lampoons
and the prestige of the Soviet trade representative
rose.
So far only two important Dutch interests have
been so nearly touched by Soviet competition that a
movement toward reprisal could have been expected.
There are the sugar and petroleum interests. The
very important Dutch Java Corporation, producing
nearly one-sixth of all the world's supply of cane
sugar, possesses thirty of the ninety votes in the In-
ternational Sugar Council organized in Brussels by
Thomas L. Chadbourne. This council was able to
unite in its attempt to limit the export of sugar all
sugar-producing countries in the world with the ex-
ception of the Dominican Republic, Peru and the
Soviet Union.
It is recalled with deep feeling by the Sugar Coun-
cil that at a previous assembly of sugar magnates the
Soviet Union was represented and that at the moment
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 105
when the comfortable impression had got about that
even the Soviet Union was about to enter the agree-
ment, news reached the Council that the Soviets in
one transaction had disposed of 100,000 tons of sugar
in India at a price and on terms that were declared
to be completely offside. It was asserted that the Rus-
sians had not only sold at a price considerably be-
low the market, but had agreed that if the market
sank still lower before delivery a sum would be ac-
cepted equivalent to the market price on delivery.
The significant fact in this incident is that India
is the bailiwick of the Java sugar producers, is known
as "the Java market. " Dutch sugar interests were
hit hardest by the Soviet's sales in the Java market
but so far the voice of Dutch sugar interests has not
been publicly audible in Holland itself in any serious
protest against the continuance of trade relations
with the Soviet Union.
The reason for this reluctance on the part of the
injured Dutch sugar interests to launch reprisals
against the Soviet Union in the form of a demand for
an embargo or limitation upon Soviet imports into
Holland is the fact that the Sugar Council still hopes
to bring the Soviets into their agreement. In this hope
they are encouraged by the Soviet's generally favor-
able attitude toward attempts at restrictive schemes
for raising world commodity prices.
It is a mistake to believe that the Soviet Union
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? 106 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
is in principle or practice against participation in
world pools for the control of commodity prices.
There are only two conditions indispensable for
Soviet cooperation in any such pool. The first is that
the net return in foreign currency to the Soviet
Union from its exports under a control pool shall be
at least as much as the return would have been from
a larger volume of Soviet exports outside such a pool;
second, that no such pool shall impose restrictions as
to the total Soviet production, be it in wheat, sugar,
oil, timber, or what not.
These two conditions made plain by the Soviet
delegates, both at the international negotiations over
sugar and over wheat, point at the same time to the
conclusion that the Soviet Union is only participat-
ing in such international efforts out of the necessities
of the moment and not from any intention perma-
nently to cooperate with the capitalist world.
Temporary cooperation is justified in Soviet's
eyes at the present juncture of Soviet affairs. For
once the principle had been adopted of building up
the Soviet Union and letting the world revolution
take care of itself until the Soviet Union became in-
dependent, the requirements of the Five-Year Plan
had to come ahead of any objections to helping out
the bourgeois world.
The Five-Year Plan peremptorily demands that
imports be kept up to the Plan level; that means that
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 107
returns from exports must be retained at the Plan
level. The decline of world commodity prices, how-
ever, by forcing the Soviet Union to export up to 50
per cent more than had been planned in order to ob-
tain the planned level of the returns from exports
has hit the Soviet Union harder than it has any other
country, and for this reason the Soviet Union for the
moment has more to gain than any other country by
a world pool agreement that would permit an equal
return in value from a diminished export quantity.
It may be remarked that this would be the atti-
tude equally of any non-Soviet country. But the
Soviet Union's inexorable refusal to accept any
scheme such as that proposed by the Americans at
the London wheat conference, that by limitation of
production might bring about the desired rise in
prices, differentiates the Soviet Union from all bour-
geois countries. Some bourgeois countries have also
protested against the limitation of production, argu-
ing that the trouble in the world markets is not over-
production but faulty distribution and undercon-
sumption. But these countries are open to argument
on the point, are willing for concessions to give in.
Not the Soviet Union.
For the Soviet Union is in a unique position. Un-
der an export quota scheme that would return for a
smaller quantity of exports an amount of money
equivalent to that which would have been obtained
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? 108 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
from a larger quantity of exports outside a quota
scheme, the Soviet Union is able to continue to in-
crease production and yet dispose advantageously of
its increased production on the home market.
And the Soviet Union is the only country in a po-
sition to do this, for it is the only country whose in-
ternal market is not saturated.
At the same time by entering into any export
quota system, the Soviet Union encourages the de-
crease of production in all other countries except the
Soviet Union, for the natural effect of an export
quota system restricting the outlet should ultimately
be to reduce the amount produced in a capitalist
country. And this tendency toward a reduction is
encouraged in most capitalist countries by govern-
mental advice to farmers to diversify crops and limit
the area sown to the great staples. While this is going
on in capitalist countries, however, the Soviet Union,
alone among the principal producing nations, not
only does not discourage increased production but
strives with every ounce of energy to raise produc-
tion to ever higher levels. Enabled during the dura-
tion of the quota system to dispose of its increased
production on the home market, but always able to
take it away again from the home market if desir-
able, the Soviet Union is thus in a position at the
expiration of an export quota agreement to appear
upon the world market with a still larger volume of
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 109
the commodity in question or, in case of a new ex-
port quota agreement, to claim a larger quota by
reason of its larger supplies. But even if the Soviet
internal market were saturated, it is conceivable that
the same policy would be feasible for the Soviet
Union and only for the Soviet Union. For through its
unique state control of national economy the Soviet
Union would be in a position, if necessary, to store
quantities of commodities against the time when, the
export quota having accomplished its effect of reduc-
ing production in bourgeois countries, Soviet reserves
could be released to the market in a volume and at a
price calculated to achieve the desired goal of obtain-
ing permanent control of the market.
That this is the ultimate Soviet goal for many
commodities is not denied by Soviet spokesmen. Cer-
tainly not in the case of wheat, for the assertion too
frequently has been made by the Soviet authorities
that Russia is the natural source of Europe's supply
of bread. It is considerations like these that move
American, British and Dutch petroleum trusts to in-
creasing apprehension over the growth of the Soviet
oil production. So obvious has this apprehension be-
come that a responsible American oil man, occupied
for many profitable years in observation of the inter-
national oil game, told me that in his opinion the
time was not far distant--he named three years--
when Standard, Shell and Anglo-Persian would sink
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? 110 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
their differences and approach the Soviet oil trust
with an offer of a very large loan in return for the
privilege of a monopoly on the distribution of Soviet
oil products in the world. Not, be it observed, that
the capitalist oil trusts would combine their re-
sources to inflame public opinion, lay down embar-
goes, choke off Soviet oil, but that the capitalist oil
trusts, that have in part and on occasion tried these
methods and found them wanting, would approach
the Soviets with gifts to purchase by persuasion what
they could not achieve by force. This was the Ameri-
can oil man's considered opinion. "Now," he said, "I
think the Soviets would take such an offer if the loan
were large enough. In three years, perhaps, they
won't. "
Meanwhile, Europe's chief agitator against the
"Bolshevik menace" is Sir Henri Deterding. Sir
Henri's name is used to frighten naughty children in
Soviet Union. Sir Henri does not deny, indeed af-
firms that his efforts have been extensive, intensive
and well financed to organize international public
opinion against the Soviet Union. Yet in Holland
itself, home of Sir Henri's Royal Dutch Shell Com-
pany, where Sir Henri rates as the country's most
influential figure, Sir Henri has not been able to in-
duce even his own Government to impose the faintest
restriction upon Soviet trade.
For one definition of "dumping" is giving much,
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 111
and asking little, while Holland's traders relate of
themselves
"In matters of commerce the fault of the Dutch
Is in giving too little and asking too much. "
Whatever the rest of the world may say, think or
do about the Soviet Union, the Russians and Dutch
appear for the moment to be pleasantly contented
with each other's commercial policies.
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? CHAPTER XII
London:
A top hat shone in the dim light of the doorway.
Tall, slim, bemonocled, the owner of the hat strode
in, seated himself on a bench, pulled the topper down
over his eyes. He then extended his long legs, elevated
them to a level with his chin and settled his feet
firmly on the table in front of him.
The man with his feet on the table was flanked on
both sides by other men with their feet on the table.
Most of these men wore black cutaway coats and pin-
striped gray trousers.
On the other side of the table sat another row of
men, also with their feet on the table. They wore
business suits.
At the far end of the table sat a man in a black
gown. He read a paragraph. Sir Austen Chamberlain
thereupon took his feet off the table, his colleagues,
the Tory leaders of the Opposition, took their feet off
the table, Mr. Ramsay MacDonald, Prime Minister
of his Majesty's Government, and all his Ministers on
the other bench took their feet off the table and Sir
Austen, doffing his topper, rose, adjusted his monocle
and drawled, "I naturally regret "
It was the House of Commons about to listen to the
best dressed ex-Foreign Minister in Europe open the
112
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 113
debate on Russia. In the next three hours in this
oldest, most important Parliament in the Eastern
Hemisphere, where extreme formality is linked with
the intimacy of a club, a listener could detect if not
the precise future of Russo-British relations at least
all the elements that determine that future. He could
establish that if the Labor Party stays in, the United
Kingdom will continue to trade with the Soviet Union,
but if the Conservative Party comes in, the United
Kingdom will also continue to trade with the Soviet
Union, though perhaps with reservations. These possi-
ble reservations deserve more detailed treatment later.
Nevertheless this is the one country so far visited
in Europe where Russia is a major public issue,
where there is an active violent anti-Soviet movement,
an equally active, equally violent pro-Soviet move-
ment, dozens of private organizations to wage the
battle on individual issues and masses of information
and huge masses of misinformation about it all.
Around the Conservative Party group the antago-
nists of the Soviet Union. Around the Labor Party
group the proponents of close cooperation with the
Soviet Union.
The fog of dispute is deepened uniquely here by the
fact that the British alone among European peoples
possess the typically Anglo-Saxon capacity to be
moved by arguments of sentiment to let moral issues
play a genuinely effective role in politics. The British
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? 114 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
people have been moved to a degree by the Soviets'
treatment of the church. They have been moved to
another degree by the campaign against "slave la-
bor" in Russia. Neither of these issues interests the
Continent at all. Here they play a role and Tory
spokesmen were delighted when they coined the
phrase, "Slave Labor Party" to fling at MacDonald.
These elements cannot be overlooked, yet the rec-
ord of the House of Commons puts the emphasis of
British interest in their relations to Russia on a dif-
ferent note. The House has just refused to pass a bill
to prohibit the import of the products of forced la-
bor, and Winston Churchill, most brilliant, most bit-
ter and most Chauvinist British arch-enemy of the
Bolsheviks, despite his indignation at Communist
propaganda in India, despite his profound sympathy
for "Russian conscripts," concluded his contribution
to this debate in the House with an argument that
boiled down meant "let us break diplomatic relations
with the Soviet Union, for if we do so, we shall re-
ceive more Soviet orders. America proves it. "
To any one interested in the present condition and
future prospects of the world's relations with the
Soviet Union this debate in Commons must be of in-
terest.
For in all Europe Great Britain is the only country
where even a threat to Soviet economic expansion can
be detected and this threat could conceivably have
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE US
such consequences that, no matter how remote its
execution into action may appear, it deserves the clos-
est attention.
Great Britain takes nearly one-third of the Soviet
Union's total exports. If Britain were to embargo these
Soviet goods it is difficult to see where they could be
sent. It was this consideration that led the German
Government to refuse to take any more than $75,000,-
000 worth of new orders from the Soviet a few months
ago, though Moscow offered to buy $125,000,000
worth over and above the normal year's purchases.
The reduction by one-third or even by one-fourth
or fifth of the Soviet Union's exports, especially if
it came suddenly, would impose a serious strain upon
Moscow's ability to meet her obligations. Informed
opinion in conservative banking circles believes that
Moscow would meet her obligations anyway, even if she
had to sell the treasures of the Hermitage and dump
the crown jewels of Nicholas in one glittering $100,-
000,000 heap on the Amsterdam diamond market. For
Soviet credit is an imperative condition for the fulfill-
ment of the Five-Year Plan. But the risk, nevertheless,
of credits to the Soviet Union, whatever that risk may
normally be, would indubitably be increased by a
British embargo and it was apprehension of a Brit-
ish embargo on Soviet goods that more than anything
else kept Germany from taking that extra $50,000,-
000 of orders badly as she wanted them.
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? 116 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
To what degree that apprehension was justified is
one of the most important points to be established in
this entire investigation of Russo-European relations.
Moscow itself is puzzled. Moscow believes that profits
come before patriotism in every capitalist country.
But Moscow has trouble judging when politics come
before profit. And Moscow is quite confused when pity
and passion join politics in obscuring the otherwise
matter of fact view that greed rules the world.
On this puzzle the House of Commons debate shed
much light. And had it not been the least instructive,
its entertainment value remained high.
Said Mr. Haycock, Labor, "Russia is the most
wonderful country in the world. "
Said Commander Locker-Lampson, Conservative,
"Lenin was a German agent and today Russian
rubles would be found in the pockets of Mr.
Gandhi,
if he wore breeches like the rest of us. "
Said Sir Rennell Rodd, Conservative, "A former
colleague of mine who at one time represented in
Russia a foreign Government told me of a discovery
which he made in his own bedroom at the Embassy,
of a microphone fixed into the wall behind the cur-
tains of his bed which would enable any observations
he might make to his wife to be transmitted at once
to headquarters. "
Said Mr. Haycock, "Scotland Yard forged a copy
of Pravda to mislead British workers. "
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 117
Said Mr. Churchill, "I see that a gentleman named
Menjinsky, chief of the GPU. has said 'as long as
there are idiots to take our signature seriously and
to put their trust in it we must promise everything
that is being asked and as much as one likes, if we
can only get something tangible in exchange. ' "
Mr. Churchill cited no source. Nobody cited any
sources save Mr. MacDonald. The Prime Minister,
replying to Sir Austen Chamberlain's plea for break-
ing relations merely cited Sir Austen Chamberlain,
who in June 25, 1926, when he was Foreign Minister
and when the members of his own party were urging
him to break with Russia, had said: "It would create
division where we seek union and would in its echoes
abroad increase the uncertainty, increase the fears,
increase the instability of European conditions, which
it is and ought to be our chief object to remove. "
This, declared MacDonald, is precisely the view of
the Labor Government today. But MacDonald went
further, and, with singular frankness, took up the
challenge to discuss "The Red Menace" in realistic
terms. "Germany is closer to the danger, closer to
propaganda, has suffered far more, not merely in
words thrown at her but in deeds done within Ger-
many. If there was any uprising, any trouble, Ger-
many would be in trouble, would be involved and
whirling in the maelstrom long before we either at
home or abroad would be involved, and yet Germany
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? 118 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
today retains diplomatic relations with Moscow. "
This statement deserves more than casual atten-
tion for the light it throws on two remarkable charac-
teristics of Europe's attitude toward the Soviet
Union: First, the matter-of-fact assumption that
"trouble" from the Soviet Union, "whirling in the
maelstrom," may be admitted to the realm of possi-
bilities, may even be publicly and officially mentioned
by the Prime Minister of a Government maintaining
correct relations with Moscow, and, second, the com-
fortable assurance on the part of all that Germany
will receive that impact first.
Finally, however, out of the fog emerged the real
substance of the debate. Sir Austen had intended to
attack MacDonald on the charge that the Soviets had
violated their promise not to spread propaganda, had
incited to rebellion in India. Curiously enough, he
had completely omitted to specify the indictment, an
omission that a colleague later made good with quo-
tations from a Communist International circular on
the new program of the Indian Communist Party.
But at the end of his speech Sir Austen did remem-
ber the one concrete charge, "the Government have
never succeeded with their diplomatic relations in se-
curing as much trade as America has constantly had
without diplomatic relations. "
On this key the debate continued. "We all wish,"
retorted the Prime Minister, "that trade returns
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 119
from Russia were better, but when the trade agree-
ment was abrogated and denounced in 1927 what
happened? Trade went down. When relations were
resumed trade began to go up, and it is very extraor-
dinary that in the first three months of 1930 the ex-
ports of British products to Russia were ? 1,000,000
sterling and in the first three months of 1931 they
were ? 1,500,000 sterling. "
This did not satisfy Mr. Churchill, but in his dis-
satisfaction he too revealed that not the existence of
trade with the Soviet Union but lack of more trade
with the Soviet Union was what rankled. "You," he
exclaimed to the Prime Minister, "are responsible for
the lamentable failure to trade between the two coun-
tries. The United States have done far more trade
and more profitable trade. They have sold a much
larger quantity of goods. "
If any further statement of the Conservative posi-
tion were required Commander Locker-Lampson, he
who believed that Lenin was paid by the Germans
and Gandhi by the Bolsheviks, provided it when in
the same address he summed up with, "there is no
one on this side of the house who is against trade with
Russia. We signed the trade agreement of 1921 and
voted for it. We would vote again for agreements
that would facilitate and encourage trade with that
great country. We are ready to trade with Mormons
or with anybody else who is ready to pay. "
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? 120 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
Back on this familiar ground the Under Secretary
of State of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Dalton, struck the
note that harmonizes not only the conflicting parties
in the House no matter how they vote but that repre-
sents as well the feeling of the entire Continent of
Europe. It is the one sentiment common to Italians,
Frenchmen, Belgians, the Dutch, the Germans, the
British. "We shall be gravely disappointed," he as-
serted, "unless in the near future we get a consider-
able increase of orders from the Soviet Union. "
The vote was taken. Two hundred and twenty-three
who said they believed that more Soviet orders could
be gotten by breaking off diplomatic relations voted
against the Government. Two hundred and forty-
three who believed that more Soviet orders could be
gotten by maintaining diplomatic relations voted
with the Government. The Government was saved.
Soviet trade had never been in danger.
This matter of stating the result of the vote is
open to one objection. It is certainly true that many
of the Conservatives, who today argue somewhat spe-
ciously perhaps and perhaps without meaning it that
more trade would follow from a break in diplomatic
relations because America had enjoyed more trade
without diplomatic relations, would not have troubled
about trade at all in more prosperous times. There
was a time when Winston Churchill and his fellow
extremists were in principle and in practice against
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 121
all relations with the Soviet Union whether profit-
able or unprofitable.
But the world economic crisis has had this curious
double-edged effect on the Soviet Union in its rela-
tions to the outside world. On the one hand the fall
in commodity prices has had a most injurious effect
upon the Soviet's economic plans. On the other hand
that same crisis has made virtually the entire world of
bourgeois business men and politicians much more
sensitive to opportunities for trade with the Soviet
Union. In the present state of the economic affairs
of Great Britain no party could afford to take a
stand that would exclude chances of trade, not even
with "Forces of Evil Incorporated" as many Con-
servatives believe the Soviets to be.
Despite this acknowledged fact, however, there are
individuals and individual organizations whose prin-
ciple remains "better bankruptcy than barter with
the devil. " There for example is Commander Carlyon
Bellairs of the Conservatives, who has organized "The
Trade Defense Union" to fight for a common front
against the "Soviet slave war" and who together
with the "American Coalition of Patriotic Societies"
is laboring for a complete embargo on Russian trade.
The fact that the Soviet factory worker considers
himself not merely no slave but the master of his
country, the fact that the proletariat of Russia
thoroughly approves the expropriation and exile to
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? 122 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
timber camps of "kulaks," the fact that the Five-
Year Plan is being pushed to completion as much by
zealotry as by terror and more by piecework and
premiums than by disciplinary measures--these facts
do not prevent the Trade Defense Union from de-
claring in its pamphlets that "Russia has been trans-
formed into a vast slave state with an enslaved popu-
lation of 160,000,000. Working with slave labor in
shifts day and night for 360 days out of 365, they
gain on us one year in every five. It is a question of
fighting for the life of free labor in civilized coun-
tries against the greatest menace the world has ever
known, namely, the slave labor of 160,000,000
people, increasing by 3,650,000 a year, harnessed to
the most modern mass production machinery. "
The Trade Defense Union believes the Five-Year
Plan will succeed but cannot conceive that it can suc-
ceed except by the use of slave labor. Commander
Bellairs is not interested in maintaining trade with
the Soviet Union, but his arguments against it are
by no means widely accepted in Britain, even among
those not personally acquainted with the inaccuracy
of the statements concerning the 160,000,000 Rus-
sian slaves.
There too is the "Christian Protest Movement" un-
der Prebendary Gough, counterpole of the Moscow
"League of the Godless," to arouse the conscience of
the Christian world against the Soviet persecution
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 123
of the church. "The Christian Protest Movement"
also has no interest in maintaining trade with the
godless.
There are the "Young Britons" and the "British
Fascists Ltd. " who have furnished Aldous Huxley
with rich material for satire. There is the "Economic
League" that supplies speakers with notes for dia-
tribes on dumping. It has no objection to British ex-
ports to the Soviet Union, but regards Soviet exports
to Great Britain as an unqualified catastrophe.
Finally, there is the "Anti-slavery and Aborigines
Protection Society" that exposed to the world the
slave barracks of the Belgian King Leopold's Puta-
mayo rubber plantations and by that exposure put
an end to the system, and that intends to do the same
for the timber camps of Russia. It intends, in the
words of an authority who certainly should know
its intentions "to awaken the conscience of the Soviet
authorities, to bring the moral pressure of the world
to bear to enforce reforms. "
Some persons in Britain today recall the days of
Gladstone and his nation wide, successful campaign
against the Turkish atrocities in Bulgaria. But a
city banker analysing the prospects in Russo-Britain
relations said to me, "if the Soviets would only put
a few more orders in this country the chances of a
break in relations would be materially diminished. "
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? CHAPTER XIII
London:
England alone of all the countries in Europe so
far visited on this trip of investigation is genuinely
excited about "The Red Trade Menace" and the
fight against it, though at times partaking of the na-
ture of shadow boxing, is at the forefront of public
consciousness.
Organs of the Conservative press attend to this.
From their columns the Red threat glowers daily.
Hardly a pound of Russian goods can cross a gro-
cery counter without the finger of Tory reproach
pointing at the purchaser. Every boatload of Soviet
wares that touches British land is welcomed with
headlines, "Red Russia's Ruthless Trade War,"
"Moscow's Shock' Dumping," "Grave Peril. " The
"Alexy Rykoff," a Soviet ship, put in at Hays
Wharf and the correspondent of the most violently
anti-Soviet newspaper in England, visiting her, re-
ports in an aggrieved half column, "Cold Reception,"
"No one to Greet Us. "
It is precisely this phase of "Fighting the Red
Trade Menace" that may be described as partaking
of the nature of shadow boxing. For under the influ-
124
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 125
ence of political expediency this phase of the con-
test is carried out with so little regard for propor-
tion and so little reference to reality that proponents
of Soviet trade are able to counter it with simple and
effective arguments.
In one breath the anti-Soviet Party announces that
the Soviet Government is bankrupt and that it is
purchasing vast amounts of war material. In another
breath it declares the Five-Year Plan an utter failure
and that it will overwhelm the British market with
manufactured goods.
The arrival of two shiploads of Soviet butter
evoked a panic in the Tory press that could hardly
have been exceeded if ships loaded with dynamite
had arrived. It was days before representatives of
the British Butter Trade managed to point out that
whereas Russia before the war was the second largest
exporter of butter in the world, she is now the sixth,
and whereas she exported in 1930 about 10,000 tons,
and that England last year took but one-fiftieth of
her butter imports from Russia, and that when all
was said and done the menace to British dairy
farmers was from Danish, and not Russian, butter.
Quieter, but no less bitterly, goes on the fight over
trade returns as they come in from month to month.
In this fight there have developed two whole schools
of foreign trade students, who in their zeal to prove
different points from the same figures resemble theo-
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? 126 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
logians expounding Scripture or Bolsheviks disput-
ing paragraphs from the works of Lenin.
The chief concern of one school is to prove that
trade with the Soviet Union is a delusion and a snare
and more particularly that the resumption of diplo-
matic relations in November, 1929 and the signing
of a temporary commercial agreement in April, 1930,
were followed by a decrease in Soviet orders to
Britain. Furthermore, to prove America has enjoyed
more profit from Soviet trade without diplomatic
recognition than Britain has enjoyed with full rela-
tions.
The chief concern of the other school is to prove
the opposite. Both use the same exegetical methods,
both quote chapter and verse.
The anti-Soviet party cites with satisfaction the
figures of the British Customs House showing that in
the first quarter of 1931 the Soviet Union sold
Britain goods to the value of 6,433,886 pounds ster-
ling and bought from Britain only to the value of
1,425,113 pounds. This passivity of balance they
exclaim is ruinous.
Was it ruinous, retort Soviet friends, when in 1913
Britain bought from imperial Russia 40,270,539
pounds worth of goods and sold to imperial Russia
only 18,102,683 pounds? And, anyway, point out
Soviet sympathizers, Britain is selling more and more
to the Soviet Union, for in the first quarter of 1929
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 127
British sales to Russia were 729,344 pounds sterling;
in the first quarter of 1930 they were 1,127,258
pounds and in the first quarter of 1931, 1,425,113
pounds.
Undismayed, the anti-Soviet party calls in a
pundit, former employee of the Soviet trade delega-
tion in London, one of the "new emigration" of those
who, having been ordered to return to Moscow, find it
expedient often for perfectly sound reasons having to
do with their health to refuse to go.
This authority discovers and announces in "The
Statist" of London that in the six months from
October, 1929, to March, 1930, after the resumption
of diplomatic relations, but before the signing of the
temporary trade agreement, Soviet purchases in
England amounted to only 6,308,853 pounds, obvi-
ous proof that trade agreements ruin trade.
But the pundit meets his equal when the editor of
the "Bank for Russian Trade Review" swears on his
oath that the total value of Soviet purchases from
Britain in the whole year, October, 1929, to Septem-
ber, 1930, amounted to ? 15,400,000 sterling, com-
pared to ? 9,346,322 worth of Russian purchases in
the year from October, 1928, to September, 1929.
Obvious proof that trade agreements help trade.
The latest communique from this battle of statis-
tics gives voice to the Emigre authority broadcasting
that "according to absolutely reliable private in-
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? 128 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
formation" Soviet purchases for the half-year, Octo-
ber, 1930, to March, 1931, amount to no more than
? 5,000,000 sterling, compared to ? 6,308,853 ster-
ling of purchases in the six months, April, 1930, to
September, 1931.
Speedier foreign trade tabulations would enable
the two schools to carry on their comparisons from
day to day with twenty-four hour reports on the last
shilling's worth of business done. In the present tem-
per of the British business world the tabulations
would find readers. For others, however, this phe-
nomenon is chiefly significant as proof of the intense
interest British business takes today in every chance
to turn a penny, as proof of the predominant impor-
tance given to the trade aspect of British relations
with the Soviet Union, and as confirmation of the
city banker's remark that a few more Soviet orders
in this country would change the complexion of Brit-
ish feelings toward "the Red Trade Menace. "
Meanwhile, behind the political racket and behind
the hairsplitting over trade returns there is go-
ing on a much more significant effort in serious busi-
ness circles to find a solution for the problem of com-
mercial relationships between the Soviet Union and
the non-Soviet world. These circles have already to a
large extent defined their field of action.
of the sort of surrender that often has taken place
when capitalist groups in Europe, at first inveighing
against Soviet trade, are offered definite immediate
profit. The central office of the "Dutch Agrarian
Committee," an organization of more than 400
farmers' cooperatives, last June took a strong line
on the Russian question and published resolutions to
the effect that no patriotic Dutchman should trade
with the Soviet Union, no upright merchant should
lend his hand to aid the Soviets, no right thinking
citizen should become "an accomplice to Soviet
methods," in the words of the resolution.
Nine months later the Dutch Agrarian Committee,
on behalf of its member cooperatives who were in
-
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? 104 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
need of barley for fodder, succumbed to the attractive
prices offered by the Soviet trade representative and
purchased a quantity described by the Dutch press
as "considerable. " At one stroke the Soviet trade
representative had disposed of a "considerable" quan-
tity of barley fodder, had silenced forever the pious
protestations of the Dutch Agrarian Committee and
had made it difficult for similar protests to be taken
seriously by Dutch governmental authorities in the
future. Dutch wits had material for their lampoons
and the prestige of the Soviet trade representative
rose.
So far only two important Dutch interests have
been so nearly touched by Soviet competition that a
movement toward reprisal could have been expected.
There are the sugar and petroleum interests. The
very important Dutch Java Corporation, producing
nearly one-sixth of all the world's supply of cane
sugar, possesses thirty of the ninety votes in the In-
ternational Sugar Council organized in Brussels by
Thomas L. Chadbourne. This council was able to
unite in its attempt to limit the export of sugar all
sugar-producing countries in the world with the ex-
ception of the Dominican Republic, Peru and the
Soviet Union.
It is recalled with deep feeling by the Sugar Coun-
cil that at a previous assembly of sugar magnates the
Soviet Union was represented and that at the moment
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 105
when the comfortable impression had got about that
even the Soviet Union was about to enter the agree-
ment, news reached the Council that the Soviets in
one transaction had disposed of 100,000 tons of sugar
in India at a price and on terms that were declared
to be completely offside. It was asserted that the Rus-
sians had not only sold at a price considerably be-
low the market, but had agreed that if the market
sank still lower before delivery a sum would be ac-
cepted equivalent to the market price on delivery.
The significant fact in this incident is that India
is the bailiwick of the Java sugar producers, is known
as "the Java market. " Dutch sugar interests were
hit hardest by the Soviet's sales in the Java market
but so far the voice of Dutch sugar interests has not
been publicly audible in Holland itself in any serious
protest against the continuance of trade relations
with the Soviet Union.
The reason for this reluctance on the part of the
injured Dutch sugar interests to launch reprisals
against the Soviet Union in the form of a demand for
an embargo or limitation upon Soviet imports into
Holland is the fact that the Sugar Council still hopes
to bring the Soviets into their agreement. In this hope
they are encouraged by the Soviet's generally favor-
able attitude toward attempts at restrictive schemes
for raising world commodity prices.
It is a mistake to believe that the Soviet Union
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? 106 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
is in principle or practice against participation in
world pools for the control of commodity prices.
There are only two conditions indispensable for
Soviet cooperation in any such pool. The first is that
the net return in foreign currency to the Soviet
Union from its exports under a control pool shall be
at least as much as the return would have been from
a larger volume of Soviet exports outside such a pool;
second, that no such pool shall impose restrictions as
to the total Soviet production, be it in wheat, sugar,
oil, timber, or what not.
These two conditions made plain by the Soviet
delegates, both at the international negotiations over
sugar and over wheat, point at the same time to the
conclusion that the Soviet Union is only participat-
ing in such international efforts out of the necessities
of the moment and not from any intention perma-
nently to cooperate with the capitalist world.
Temporary cooperation is justified in Soviet's
eyes at the present juncture of Soviet affairs. For
once the principle had been adopted of building up
the Soviet Union and letting the world revolution
take care of itself until the Soviet Union became in-
dependent, the requirements of the Five-Year Plan
had to come ahead of any objections to helping out
the bourgeois world.
The Five-Year Plan peremptorily demands that
imports be kept up to the Plan level; that means that
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 107
returns from exports must be retained at the Plan
level. The decline of world commodity prices, how-
ever, by forcing the Soviet Union to export up to 50
per cent more than had been planned in order to ob-
tain the planned level of the returns from exports
has hit the Soviet Union harder than it has any other
country, and for this reason the Soviet Union for the
moment has more to gain than any other country by
a world pool agreement that would permit an equal
return in value from a diminished export quantity.
It may be remarked that this would be the atti-
tude equally of any non-Soviet country. But the
Soviet Union's inexorable refusal to accept any
scheme such as that proposed by the Americans at
the London wheat conference, that by limitation of
production might bring about the desired rise in
prices, differentiates the Soviet Union from all bour-
geois countries. Some bourgeois countries have also
protested against the limitation of production, argu-
ing that the trouble in the world markets is not over-
production but faulty distribution and undercon-
sumption. But these countries are open to argument
on the point, are willing for concessions to give in.
Not the Soviet Union.
For the Soviet Union is in a unique position. Un-
der an export quota scheme that would return for a
smaller quantity of exports an amount of money
equivalent to that which would have been obtained
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? 108 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
from a larger quantity of exports outside a quota
scheme, the Soviet Union is able to continue to in-
crease production and yet dispose advantageously of
its increased production on the home market.
And the Soviet Union is the only country in a po-
sition to do this, for it is the only country whose in-
ternal market is not saturated.
At the same time by entering into any export
quota system, the Soviet Union encourages the de-
crease of production in all other countries except the
Soviet Union, for the natural effect of an export
quota system restricting the outlet should ultimately
be to reduce the amount produced in a capitalist
country. And this tendency toward a reduction is
encouraged in most capitalist countries by govern-
mental advice to farmers to diversify crops and limit
the area sown to the great staples. While this is going
on in capitalist countries, however, the Soviet Union,
alone among the principal producing nations, not
only does not discourage increased production but
strives with every ounce of energy to raise produc-
tion to ever higher levels. Enabled during the dura-
tion of the quota system to dispose of its increased
production on the home market, but always able to
take it away again from the home market if desir-
able, the Soviet Union is thus in a position at the
expiration of an export quota agreement to appear
upon the world market with a still larger volume of
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 109
the commodity in question or, in case of a new ex-
port quota agreement, to claim a larger quota by
reason of its larger supplies. But even if the Soviet
internal market were saturated, it is conceivable that
the same policy would be feasible for the Soviet
Union and only for the Soviet Union. For through its
unique state control of national economy the Soviet
Union would be in a position, if necessary, to store
quantities of commodities against the time when, the
export quota having accomplished its effect of reduc-
ing production in bourgeois countries, Soviet reserves
could be released to the market in a volume and at a
price calculated to achieve the desired goal of obtain-
ing permanent control of the market.
That this is the ultimate Soviet goal for many
commodities is not denied by Soviet spokesmen. Cer-
tainly not in the case of wheat, for the assertion too
frequently has been made by the Soviet authorities
that Russia is the natural source of Europe's supply
of bread. It is considerations like these that move
American, British and Dutch petroleum trusts to in-
creasing apprehension over the growth of the Soviet
oil production. So obvious has this apprehension be-
come that a responsible American oil man, occupied
for many profitable years in observation of the inter-
national oil game, told me that in his opinion the
time was not far distant--he named three years--
when Standard, Shell and Anglo-Persian would sink
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? 110 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
their differences and approach the Soviet oil trust
with an offer of a very large loan in return for the
privilege of a monopoly on the distribution of Soviet
oil products in the world. Not, be it observed, that
the capitalist oil trusts would combine their re-
sources to inflame public opinion, lay down embar-
goes, choke off Soviet oil, but that the capitalist oil
trusts, that have in part and on occasion tried these
methods and found them wanting, would approach
the Soviets with gifts to purchase by persuasion what
they could not achieve by force. This was the Ameri-
can oil man's considered opinion. "Now," he said, "I
think the Soviets would take such an offer if the loan
were large enough. In three years, perhaps, they
won't. "
Meanwhile, Europe's chief agitator against the
"Bolshevik menace" is Sir Henri Deterding. Sir
Henri's name is used to frighten naughty children in
Soviet Union. Sir Henri does not deny, indeed af-
firms that his efforts have been extensive, intensive
and well financed to organize international public
opinion against the Soviet Union. Yet in Holland
itself, home of Sir Henri's Royal Dutch Shell Com-
pany, where Sir Henri rates as the country's most
influential figure, Sir Henri has not been able to in-
duce even his own Government to impose the faintest
restriction upon Soviet trade.
For one definition of "dumping" is giving much,
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 111
and asking little, while Holland's traders relate of
themselves
"In matters of commerce the fault of the Dutch
Is in giving too little and asking too much. "
Whatever the rest of the world may say, think or
do about the Soviet Union, the Russians and Dutch
appear for the moment to be pleasantly contented
with each other's commercial policies.
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? CHAPTER XII
London:
A top hat shone in the dim light of the doorway.
Tall, slim, bemonocled, the owner of the hat strode
in, seated himself on a bench, pulled the topper down
over his eyes. He then extended his long legs, elevated
them to a level with his chin and settled his feet
firmly on the table in front of him.
The man with his feet on the table was flanked on
both sides by other men with their feet on the table.
Most of these men wore black cutaway coats and pin-
striped gray trousers.
On the other side of the table sat another row of
men, also with their feet on the table. They wore
business suits.
At the far end of the table sat a man in a black
gown. He read a paragraph. Sir Austen Chamberlain
thereupon took his feet off the table, his colleagues,
the Tory leaders of the Opposition, took their feet off
the table, Mr. Ramsay MacDonald, Prime Minister
of his Majesty's Government, and all his Ministers on
the other bench took their feet off the table and Sir
Austen, doffing his topper, rose, adjusted his monocle
and drawled, "I naturally regret "
It was the House of Commons about to listen to the
best dressed ex-Foreign Minister in Europe open the
112
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 113
debate on Russia. In the next three hours in this
oldest, most important Parliament in the Eastern
Hemisphere, where extreme formality is linked with
the intimacy of a club, a listener could detect if not
the precise future of Russo-British relations at least
all the elements that determine that future. He could
establish that if the Labor Party stays in, the United
Kingdom will continue to trade with the Soviet Union,
but if the Conservative Party comes in, the United
Kingdom will also continue to trade with the Soviet
Union, though perhaps with reservations. These possi-
ble reservations deserve more detailed treatment later.
Nevertheless this is the one country so far visited
in Europe where Russia is a major public issue,
where there is an active violent anti-Soviet movement,
an equally active, equally violent pro-Soviet move-
ment, dozens of private organizations to wage the
battle on individual issues and masses of information
and huge masses of misinformation about it all.
Around the Conservative Party group the antago-
nists of the Soviet Union. Around the Labor Party
group the proponents of close cooperation with the
Soviet Union.
The fog of dispute is deepened uniquely here by the
fact that the British alone among European peoples
possess the typically Anglo-Saxon capacity to be
moved by arguments of sentiment to let moral issues
play a genuinely effective role in politics. The British
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? 114 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
people have been moved to a degree by the Soviets'
treatment of the church. They have been moved to
another degree by the campaign against "slave la-
bor" in Russia. Neither of these issues interests the
Continent at all. Here they play a role and Tory
spokesmen were delighted when they coined the
phrase, "Slave Labor Party" to fling at MacDonald.
These elements cannot be overlooked, yet the rec-
ord of the House of Commons puts the emphasis of
British interest in their relations to Russia on a dif-
ferent note. The House has just refused to pass a bill
to prohibit the import of the products of forced la-
bor, and Winston Churchill, most brilliant, most bit-
ter and most Chauvinist British arch-enemy of the
Bolsheviks, despite his indignation at Communist
propaganda in India, despite his profound sympathy
for "Russian conscripts," concluded his contribution
to this debate in the House with an argument that
boiled down meant "let us break diplomatic relations
with the Soviet Union, for if we do so, we shall re-
ceive more Soviet orders. America proves it. "
To any one interested in the present condition and
future prospects of the world's relations with the
Soviet Union this debate in Commons must be of in-
terest.
For in all Europe Great Britain is the only country
where even a threat to Soviet economic expansion can
be detected and this threat could conceivably have
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE US
such consequences that, no matter how remote its
execution into action may appear, it deserves the clos-
est attention.
Great Britain takes nearly one-third of the Soviet
Union's total exports. If Britain were to embargo these
Soviet goods it is difficult to see where they could be
sent. It was this consideration that led the German
Government to refuse to take any more than $75,000,-
000 worth of new orders from the Soviet a few months
ago, though Moscow offered to buy $125,000,000
worth over and above the normal year's purchases.
The reduction by one-third or even by one-fourth
or fifth of the Soviet Union's exports, especially if
it came suddenly, would impose a serious strain upon
Moscow's ability to meet her obligations. Informed
opinion in conservative banking circles believes that
Moscow would meet her obligations anyway, even if she
had to sell the treasures of the Hermitage and dump
the crown jewels of Nicholas in one glittering $100,-
000,000 heap on the Amsterdam diamond market. For
Soviet credit is an imperative condition for the fulfill-
ment of the Five-Year Plan. But the risk, nevertheless,
of credits to the Soviet Union, whatever that risk may
normally be, would indubitably be increased by a
British embargo and it was apprehension of a Brit-
ish embargo on Soviet goods that more than anything
else kept Germany from taking that extra $50,000,-
000 of orders badly as she wanted them.
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? 116 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
To what degree that apprehension was justified is
one of the most important points to be established in
this entire investigation of Russo-European relations.
Moscow itself is puzzled. Moscow believes that profits
come before patriotism in every capitalist country.
But Moscow has trouble judging when politics come
before profit. And Moscow is quite confused when pity
and passion join politics in obscuring the otherwise
matter of fact view that greed rules the world.
On this puzzle the House of Commons debate shed
much light. And had it not been the least instructive,
its entertainment value remained high.
Said Mr. Haycock, Labor, "Russia is the most
wonderful country in the world. "
Said Commander Locker-Lampson, Conservative,
"Lenin was a German agent and today Russian
rubles would be found in the pockets of Mr.
Gandhi,
if he wore breeches like the rest of us. "
Said Sir Rennell Rodd, Conservative, "A former
colleague of mine who at one time represented in
Russia a foreign Government told me of a discovery
which he made in his own bedroom at the Embassy,
of a microphone fixed into the wall behind the cur-
tains of his bed which would enable any observations
he might make to his wife to be transmitted at once
to headquarters. "
Said Mr. Haycock, "Scotland Yard forged a copy
of Pravda to mislead British workers. "
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 117
Said Mr. Churchill, "I see that a gentleman named
Menjinsky, chief of the GPU. has said 'as long as
there are idiots to take our signature seriously and
to put their trust in it we must promise everything
that is being asked and as much as one likes, if we
can only get something tangible in exchange. ' "
Mr. Churchill cited no source. Nobody cited any
sources save Mr. MacDonald. The Prime Minister,
replying to Sir Austen Chamberlain's plea for break-
ing relations merely cited Sir Austen Chamberlain,
who in June 25, 1926, when he was Foreign Minister
and when the members of his own party were urging
him to break with Russia, had said: "It would create
division where we seek union and would in its echoes
abroad increase the uncertainty, increase the fears,
increase the instability of European conditions, which
it is and ought to be our chief object to remove. "
This, declared MacDonald, is precisely the view of
the Labor Government today. But MacDonald went
further, and, with singular frankness, took up the
challenge to discuss "The Red Menace" in realistic
terms. "Germany is closer to the danger, closer to
propaganda, has suffered far more, not merely in
words thrown at her but in deeds done within Ger-
many. If there was any uprising, any trouble, Ger-
many would be in trouble, would be involved and
whirling in the maelstrom long before we either at
home or abroad would be involved, and yet Germany
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? 118 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
today retains diplomatic relations with Moscow. "
This statement deserves more than casual atten-
tion for the light it throws on two remarkable charac-
teristics of Europe's attitude toward the Soviet
Union: First, the matter-of-fact assumption that
"trouble" from the Soviet Union, "whirling in the
maelstrom," may be admitted to the realm of possi-
bilities, may even be publicly and officially mentioned
by the Prime Minister of a Government maintaining
correct relations with Moscow, and, second, the com-
fortable assurance on the part of all that Germany
will receive that impact first.
Finally, however, out of the fog emerged the real
substance of the debate. Sir Austen had intended to
attack MacDonald on the charge that the Soviets had
violated their promise not to spread propaganda, had
incited to rebellion in India. Curiously enough, he
had completely omitted to specify the indictment, an
omission that a colleague later made good with quo-
tations from a Communist International circular on
the new program of the Indian Communist Party.
But at the end of his speech Sir Austen did remem-
ber the one concrete charge, "the Government have
never succeeded with their diplomatic relations in se-
curing as much trade as America has constantly had
without diplomatic relations. "
On this key the debate continued. "We all wish,"
retorted the Prime Minister, "that trade returns
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 119
from Russia were better, but when the trade agree-
ment was abrogated and denounced in 1927 what
happened? Trade went down. When relations were
resumed trade began to go up, and it is very extraor-
dinary that in the first three months of 1930 the ex-
ports of British products to Russia were ? 1,000,000
sterling and in the first three months of 1931 they
were ? 1,500,000 sterling. "
This did not satisfy Mr. Churchill, but in his dis-
satisfaction he too revealed that not the existence of
trade with the Soviet Union but lack of more trade
with the Soviet Union was what rankled. "You," he
exclaimed to the Prime Minister, "are responsible for
the lamentable failure to trade between the two coun-
tries. The United States have done far more trade
and more profitable trade. They have sold a much
larger quantity of goods. "
If any further statement of the Conservative posi-
tion were required Commander Locker-Lampson, he
who believed that Lenin was paid by the Germans
and Gandhi by the Bolsheviks, provided it when in
the same address he summed up with, "there is no
one on this side of the house who is against trade with
Russia. We signed the trade agreement of 1921 and
voted for it. We would vote again for agreements
that would facilitate and encourage trade with that
great country. We are ready to trade with Mormons
or with anybody else who is ready to pay. "
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? 120 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
Back on this familiar ground the Under Secretary
of State of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Dalton, struck the
note that harmonizes not only the conflicting parties
in the House no matter how they vote but that repre-
sents as well the feeling of the entire Continent of
Europe. It is the one sentiment common to Italians,
Frenchmen, Belgians, the Dutch, the Germans, the
British. "We shall be gravely disappointed," he as-
serted, "unless in the near future we get a consider-
able increase of orders from the Soviet Union. "
The vote was taken. Two hundred and twenty-three
who said they believed that more Soviet orders could
be gotten by breaking off diplomatic relations voted
against the Government. Two hundred and forty-
three who believed that more Soviet orders could be
gotten by maintaining diplomatic relations voted
with the Government. The Government was saved.
Soviet trade had never been in danger.
This matter of stating the result of the vote is
open to one objection. It is certainly true that many
of the Conservatives, who today argue somewhat spe-
ciously perhaps and perhaps without meaning it that
more trade would follow from a break in diplomatic
relations because America had enjoyed more trade
without diplomatic relations, would not have troubled
about trade at all in more prosperous times. There
was a time when Winston Churchill and his fellow
extremists were in principle and in practice against
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 121
all relations with the Soviet Union whether profit-
able or unprofitable.
But the world economic crisis has had this curious
double-edged effect on the Soviet Union in its rela-
tions to the outside world. On the one hand the fall
in commodity prices has had a most injurious effect
upon the Soviet's economic plans. On the other hand
that same crisis has made virtually the entire world of
bourgeois business men and politicians much more
sensitive to opportunities for trade with the Soviet
Union. In the present state of the economic affairs
of Great Britain no party could afford to take a
stand that would exclude chances of trade, not even
with "Forces of Evil Incorporated" as many Con-
servatives believe the Soviets to be.
Despite this acknowledged fact, however, there are
individuals and individual organizations whose prin-
ciple remains "better bankruptcy than barter with
the devil. " There for example is Commander Carlyon
Bellairs of the Conservatives, who has organized "The
Trade Defense Union" to fight for a common front
against the "Soviet slave war" and who together
with the "American Coalition of Patriotic Societies"
is laboring for a complete embargo on Russian trade.
The fact that the Soviet factory worker considers
himself not merely no slave but the master of his
country, the fact that the proletariat of Russia
thoroughly approves the expropriation and exile to
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? 122 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
timber camps of "kulaks," the fact that the Five-
Year Plan is being pushed to completion as much by
zealotry as by terror and more by piecework and
premiums than by disciplinary measures--these facts
do not prevent the Trade Defense Union from de-
claring in its pamphlets that "Russia has been trans-
formed into a vast slave state with an enslaved popu-
lation of 160,000,000. Working with slave labor in
shifts day and night for 360 days out of 365, they
gain on us one year in every five. It is a question of
fighting for the life of free labor in civilized coun-
tries against the greatest menace the world has ever
known, namely, the slave labor of 160,000,000
people, increasing by 3,650,000 a year, harnessed to
the most modern mass production machinery. "
The Trade Defense Union believes the Five-Year
Plan will succeed but cannot conceive that it can suc-
ceed except by the use of slave labor. Commander
Bellairs is not interested in maintaining trade with
the Soviet Union, but his arguments against it are
by no means widely accepted in Britain, even among
those not personally acquainted with the inaccuracy
of the statements concerning the 160,000,000 Rus-
sian slaves.
There too is the "Christian Protest Movement" un-
der Prebendary Gough, counterpole of the Moscow
"League of the Godless," to arouse the conscience of
the Christian world against the Soviet persecution
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 123
of the church. "The Christian Protest Movement"
also has no interest in maintaining trade with the
godless.
There are the "Young Britons" and the "British
Fascists Ltd. " who have furnished Aldous Huxley
with rich material for satire. There is the "Economic
League" that supplies speakers with notes for dia-
tribes on dumping. It has no objection to British ex-
ports to the Soviet Union, but regards Soviet exports
to Great Britain as an unqualified catastrophe.
Finally, there is the "Anti-slavery and Aborigines
Protection Society" that exposed to the world the
slave barracks of the Belgian King Leopold's Puta-
mayo rubber plantations and by that exposure put
an end to the system, and that intends to do the same
for the timber camps of Russia. It intends, in the
words of an authority who certainly should know
its intentions "to awaken the conscience of the Soviet
authorities, to bring the moral pressure of the world
to bear to enforce reforms. "
Some persons in Britain today recall the days of
Gladstone and his nation wide, successful campaign
against the Turkish atrocities in Bulgaria. But a
city banker analysing the prospects in Russo-Britain
relations said to me, "if the Soviets would only put
a few more orders in this country the chances of a
break in relations would be materially diminished. "
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? CHAPTER XIII
London:
England alone of all the countries in Europe so
far visited on this trip of investigation is genuinely
excited about "The Red Trade Menace" and the
fight against it, though at times partaking of the na-
ture of shadow boxing, is at the forefront of public
consciousness.
Organs of the Conservative press attend to this.
From their columns the Red threat glowers daily.
Hardly a pound of Russian goods can cross a gro-
cery counter without the finger of Tory reproach
pointing at the purchaser. Every boatload of Soviet
wares that touches British land is welcomed with
headlines, "Red Russia's Ruthless Trade War,"
"Moscow's Shock' Dumping," "Grave Peril. " The
"Alexy Rykoff," a Soviet ship, put in at Hays
Wharf and the correspondent of the most violently
anti-Soviet newspaper in England, visiting her, re-
ports in an aggrieved half column, "Cold Reception,"
"No one to Greet Us. "
It is precisely this phase of "Fighting the Red
Trade Menace" that may be described as partaking
of the nature of shadow boxing. For under the influ-
124
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 125
ence of political expediency this phase of the con-
test is carried out with so little regard for propor-
tion and so little reference to reality that proponents
of Soviet trade are able to counter it with simple and
effective arguments.
In one breath the anti-Soviet Party announces that
the Soviet Government is bankrupt and that it is
purchasing vast amounts of war material. In another
breath it declares the Five-Year Plan an utter failure
and that it will overwhelm the British market with
manufactured goods.
The arrival of two shiploads of Soviet butter
evoked a panic in the Tory press that could hardly
have been exceeded if ships loaded with dynamite
had arrived. It was days before representatives of
the British Butter Trade managed to point out that
whereas Russia before the war was the second largest
exporter of butter in the world, she is now the sixth,
and whereas she exported in 1930 about 10,000 tons,
and that England last year took but one-fiftieth of
her butter imports from Russia, and that when all
was said and done the menace to British dairy
farmers was from Danish, and not Russian, butter.
Quieter, but no less bitterly, goes on the fight over
trade returns as they come in from month to month.
In this fight there have developed two whole schools
of foreign trade students, who in their zeal to prove
different points from the same figures resemble theo-
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? 126 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
logians expounding Scripture or Bolsheviks disput-
ing paragraphs from the works of Lenin.
The chief concern of one school is to prove that
trade with the Soviet Union is a delusion and a snare
and more particularly that the resumption of diplo-
matic relations in November, 1929 and the signing
of a temporary commercial agreement in April, 1930,
were followed by a decrease in Soviet orders to
Britain. Furthermore, to prove America has enjoyed
more profit from Soviet trade without diplomatic
recognition than Britain has enjoyed with full rela-
tions.
The chief concern of the other school is to prove
the opposite. Both use the same exegetical methods,
both quote chapter and verse.
The anti-Soviet party cites with satisfaction the
figures of the British Customs House showing that in
the first quarter of 1931 the Soviet Union sold
Britain goods to the value of 6,433,886 pounds ster-
ling and bought from Britain only to the value of
1,425,113 pounds. This passivity of balance they
exclaim is ruinous.
Was it ruinous, retort Soviet friends, when in 1913
Britain bought from imperial Russia 40,270,539
pounds worth of goods and sold to imperial Russia
only 18,102,683 pounds? And, anyway, point out
Soviet sympathizers, Britain is selling more and more
to the Soviet Union, for in the first quarter of 1929
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? FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE 127
British sales to Russia were 729,344 pounds sterling;
in the first quarter of 1930 they were 1,127,258
pounds and in the first quarter of 1931, 1,425,113
pounds.
Undismayed, the anti-Soviet party calls in a
pundit, former employee of the Soviet trade delega-
tion in London, one of the "new emigration" of those
who, having been ordered to return to Moscow, find it
expedient often for perfectly sound reasons having to
do with their health to refuse to go.
This authority discovers and announces in "The
Statist" of London that in the six months from
October, 1929, to March, 1930, after the resumption
of diplomatic relations, but before the signing of the
temporary trade agreement, Soviet purchases in
England amounted to only 6,308,853 pounds, obvi-
ous proof that trade agreements ruin trade.
But the pundit meets his equal when the editor of
the "Bank for Russian Trade Review" swears on his
oath that the total value of Soviet purchases from
Britain in the whole year, October, 1929, to Septem-
ber, 1930, amounted to ? 15,400,000 sterling, com-
pared to ? 9,346,322 worth of Russian purchases in
the year from October, 1928, to September, 1929.
Obvious proof that trade agreements help trade.
The latest communique from this battle of statis-
tics gives voice to the Emigre authority broadcasting
that "according to absolutely reliable private in-
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? 128 FIGHTING THE RED TRADE MENACE
formation" Soviet purchases for the half-year, Octo-
ber, 1930, to March, 1931, amount to no more than
? 5,000,000 sterling, compared to ? 6,308,853 ster-
ling of purchases in the six months, April, 1930, to
September, 1931.
Speedier foreign trade tabulations would enable
the two schools to carry on their comparisons from
day to day with twenty-four hour reports on the last
shilling's worth of business done. In the present tem-
per of the British business world the tabulations
would find readers. For others, however, this phe-
nomenon is chiefly significant as proof of the intense
interest British business takes today in every chance
to turn a penny, as proof of the predominant impor-
tance given to the trade aspect of British relations
with the Soviet Union, and as confirmation of the
city banker's remark that a few more Soviet orders
in this country would change the complexion of Brit-
ish feelings toward "the Red Trade Menace. "
Meanwhile, behind the political racket and behind
the hairsplitting over trade returns there is go-
ing on a much more significant effort in serious busi-
ness circles to find a solution for the problem of com-
mercial relationships between the Soviet Union and
the non-Soviet world. These circles have already to a
large extent defined their field of action.
