No More Learning

When
Herod addresses Jesus in a jumble of French and Latin, and
Jesus gives no answer, the bystanders think He is afraid of the
boisterous tyrant. But, above all, the figure of Judas is repre-
sented in a way more dramatic and more impressive than in any
other medieval mystery, both in the scene where he offers his
services as betrayer, and in another where, in an agony of
remorse, he implores the high priest to take back the money and
spare Jesus. He is coldly refused, and, when he grows more and


## p. 47 (#71) ##############################################

Towneley Mysteries
47
more violently importunate, Caiaphas bids him be off, or he will
be taught how to behave to his betters.
The so-called Towneley Mysteries are preserved in a MS of
the second half of the fifteenth century, and consist of thirty-two
plays. They were, probably, intended to be produced by the
crafts of Wakefield town, and it seems that, in this case, they were
not played on movable scenes but on fixed stages erected along
the route of the procession, so that the actors did not go to
the spectators, but vice versa. The characteristic feature of this
collection is a certain realistic buoyancy and, above all, the
abundant display of a very robust kind of humour. Thus, the
merry devil Tutivillus has found access into the last judgment
scene (which, otherwise, is in accordance with the corresponding
play in the York collection); the family quarrels in Noah's house-
hold are nowhere else depicted so realistically; and, in the shepherds’
Christmas Eve scenes, the adventures of Mak the sheep-stealer
take the foremost place. But the most grotesque figure of all
is certainly Cain, who appears as the very type of a coarse and
unmannerly rustic. According to medieval tradition, the reason
why the Lord did not look graciously upon Cain's offering was
that Cain offered it unwillingly; and thence grew the commonplace
of church literature, that Cain was the prototype of stingy
peasants who tried to evade the obligation of paying tithes to the
priests. Though moral teaching does not play a great part in
mysteries, clerical authors repeatedly made use of the occasion
to impress the payment of tithe upon peasants as an important
moral duty; and nowhere is this done with so palpable a directness
as here. Cain selects sixteen sheaves for his offering, and, in doing
SO, he feels more and more heavy at heart, until, instead of sixteen,
he gives but two. And when, after the ungracious reception of
his offering, he swears and curses, the Lord Himself appears and
says that the recompense for the offering will be exactly according
as Cain delivers his tithes in a right or in a wrong proportion.
After this long-drawn-out scene, the murder of the brother is
treated quite shortly, almost en bagatelle. Joseph, who, in the
York Plays, was described with evident tenderness, here has a
few humorous features. After receiving the order for the flight
to Egypt, he complains of the troubles that marriage has brought
upon him, and warns the young people in his audience not to
marry. Again, the boisterous tone of the tyrants is in this drama
accentuated with particular zest.
Of the Chester Plays (twenty-five parts), five complete MSS


## p. 48 (#72) ##############################################

48
The Early Religious Drama
-
from the period between 1591 and 1607 have been preserved.
They were doubtless intended for representation on perambu-
lating pageants. It might seem astonishing that the performance
used to take place at Whitsuntide, not on Corpus Christi day;
however, this is not unexampled; at Norwich, for instance,
processional plays were acted on Whit Sunday, at Lincoln on
St Anne's day (26 July). But, besides this, the stage arrangement
here has several peculiarities of its own. Dramatic life is not
so fully developed as in other processional plays; the Chester
Plays, in fact, remind us of the medieval German processional plays
of Zerbst and Künzelsau, from which we still may see how the
procession gradually assumed a dramatic character. As in these,
there appears in the Chester Plays an expositor,' who intervenes
between actors and audience; instead, however, of his place being
with the rest of the actors on the stage vehicle, he accompanies
them on horseback. He declares expressly that he is about to
explain to the unlearned among his audience the connection and
the deeper meaning of the performances; he joins moral reflections
to the actions represented; sometimes, he supplies a narrative of
events passed over in the plays. The contents of several scenes
are chiefly instructive or didactic, such as the offering of bread
and wine by Melchizedek, or the prophecies of Ezekiel, Zechariah,
Daniel and St John concerning the end of the world. The
traditional humorous figures of Noah's wife, and of the shepherds
on Christmas Eve, are still kept up; but, generally speaking, the
original purpose of these processions, namely, a representation of
the ecclesiastical history of the world in its chief passages, appears
more plainly here than in the York and Wakefield Plays, which,
for the sake of what was theatrically effective, almost entirely
neglected the original instructive element. It may be further
noted that, at Chester, processional plays were not all acted
consecutively on a single day, the performance being spread
over Whit Monday and the two following days of the week.
A collection of plays standing altogether apart is preserved in
a MS of 1468, with the much later title Ludus Coventriae; whence
they are generally known as Coventry Plays. Their Coventry origin
is a matter of doubt on the ground of their language, and the
collection has certainly nothing whatever to do with the Corpus
Christi plays of the Coventry crafts (preserved in fragments), which
were of high fame in the fifteenth century and were several times
honoured by the presence of English kings. Where and how this
text was performed is quite unknown. It is preceded by a
!
t
1
1


## p. 49 (#73) ##############################################

Saints' Plays
49
prologue, in which the stanzas are recited alternately by three
standard-bearers (vexillatores) and contain an invitation to witness
the performance to be given on the following Sunday at some town
unnamed. According to this prologue, the play is to consist of
forty pageants; but, to this, the divisions of the text fail to
correspond. Evidently, we have before us no processional, but a
'standing' play, made up of elements originally not forming a whole;
nevertheless, this is the only text that does not show any verbal
correspondences with other collected mysteries. By their didactic
spirit, the Coventry Plays are allied to the Chester Plays; in the
former, too, we have an intermediary between actors and public,
who appears in a doctor's robes under the name Contemplario.
The text of the plays is overcharged with curiosities of medieval
theology; when, for example, Mary, three years old, mounts the
fifteen steps of the Temple, the priest allegorically explains these
steps as the way from Babylon to the heavenly Jerusalem. But,
even here, & realistic tendency is not altogether absent; as, for
instance, when the author dramatises the events of the apocryphal
Gospel of pseudo-Matthew, where Mary is brought into court for
suspected infidelity; in the history of the adulteress, too, occur
some very realistic additions. The soldiers at Christ's tomb are
depicted with admirable humour.
Dramas from legends of the saints, performances of which
are mentioned in English deeds and chronicles-for example, those
of St Laurence, St Botolph, St George, St Christina—were, probably,
of a character analogous to the numerous medieval dramas of this
kind that have been preserved in other countries, especially in
France. At least, the single English play preserved that is based
on a saint's legend, that of Mary Magdalene (about 1500), as
has been noticed before, decidedly exhibits reminiscences of the
French manner. It consists of 2144 lines, about one-half of which
are filled with events of the saint's life until the resurrection; then
follows the legend of her stay in Provence, where she converts
the heathen king of Marseilles by her sermons and miracles.
The comic element is represented by a priest at the king's court
and his impudent acolyte, who says a burlesque service before
the priest bids all present pray to ‘Mahownde. ' A short play
(of 927 lines), on the profanation of a consecrated host by the
Jews, is to be classed with miracle-plays; in the end, the evil-
doers are converted and baptised. In this class, we may also
include a lost play on king Robert of Sicily. It is based on a story,
a
from Gesta Romanorum, of a monarch who, for his over-proud
4
E. L. V.
CH. III.


## p. 50 (#74) ##############################################

50 The Early Religious Drama
consciousness of power, is punished by an angel assuming his
shape and dignity, while he is in his bath. This play was acted at
Lincoln in 1453; on the occasion of a performance of Kynge Robert
of Cicylye at Chester, in 1529, we learn, from a letter addressed
from that town to a gentleman in the royal court, that the piece
was 'penned by a godly clerke' and had been previously acted, in
the reign of Henry VII; evidently, under Henry VIII, a play was
no longer thought quite unobjectionable in which a frank lesson
was given to the great ones of this world.
Finally, three plays from the later Middle Ages must be
mentioned which remind us of the simpler dramatic forms of past
ages. Of one of these, the first part was designed for performance
on Good Friday afternoon, the second for Easter morning; the
first contains lengthy complaints of the Virgin Mary, such as also
occur in other countries in the Good Friday service; here, the
author could make the most ample use of the extant contemplative
literature. In the second part, the complaints of the repentant
Peter occupy much space. For performance on St Anne's day
(26 July), a play was written which comprises the murder of the
Innocents and the purification of Mary; the poet, who offers excuses
himself for his sympyll cunning,' apprises us that, in the foregoing
year, the adoration of the shepherds and the magi had been pro-
duced, and that the dispute in the temple was to be presented in
the year following; and a comic personage, the messenger of
Herod, mars with his stale jests the tragical scene of the murder
of the Innocents. Similar in style is a play on the conversion
of Paul the apostle.
That the production of mysteries was a pious and godly
work, so long as humour did not enter into them too largely,
seems, in the period during which this species of plays
flourished, to have been as little doubted in England as in other
countries. It was believed that men were effectually deterred from
sin if the punishment of it by the devil was shown forth in a play ;
a
that, by the bodily representation of the sufferings of Christ and
the saints, spectators could be moved to tears of pity, and, in
this way, become possessed of the gratia lacrimarum, to which
medieval ascetics attached a great value. And, besides, they
ught that it was very useful for common folk to see the events
of sacred history thus bodily and visually presented before them
and that, since occasional relaxation was a common need, religious
plays were indisputably better than many other diversions. A
singular exception to this universal opinion occurs in an English


## p. 51 (#75) ##############################################

Early Moralities
51
tract, composed towards the end of the fourteenth century, and
evidently connected with the Wyclifite movement? The author
of this tract points out that, by the mysteries, people are drawn
away from more precious works of love and repentance, and
allows no moral value to the tears of spectators of the passion,
since Christ Himself blamed the women who wept for Him. In
several points, the author's ideas already resemble the later
puritan opposition to the stage.
The religious dramas hitherto discussed were chiefly designed
to serve the purpose of visibly representing the facts of Scripture;
but, in the later Middle Ages, there grew up another kind of
dramatic poetry with a moralising, didactic tendency; the
dramatis personae were now, altogether or for the most part,
personified abstractions. This species is also international; in
France, it was called moralité, and, accordingly, in England, literary
historians generally use the name of ‘morality' for a play of this
class, whereas, anciently, they were called “moral plays' or “moral
interludes. The theme running through all these plays is the
contention between the personified good and bad powers of the
soul for the possession of man: a subject first dealt with in
Christian literature about the year 400 by Prudentius in his
allegorical epic Psychomachia, where the great battle between
virtues and vices is, like a Homeric combat, broken up into a
series of single fights between Ira and Patientia, Superbia and
Humilitas, Libido and Pudicitia, and so forth. Prudentius was
one of the authors most frequently read in schools during the
Middle Ages, and the main subject of his poem was sundry times
imitated; so, in the Vision of Piers the Plowman, where the
combat is imagined as the siege of a castle in which man and
Christianity are shut up. In all these imitations, man, as the
object of battle, takes a more prominent place than with Pru-
dentius.
But it was only at a comparatively late date that the conten-
tion between the good and the bad powers of the soul was put
into dramatic form: no instances are to be found earlier than
the last decades of the fourteenth century. About this time, a
brotherhood existed at York, formed for the express purpose of
producing the Pater Noster play. Wyclif? tells us, that this was
'a play setting forth the goodness of our Lord's Prayer, in which
play all manner of vices and sins were held up to scorn, and
the virtues were held up to praise. It would seem that this
'
1 Cf. vol. vi, chap. xiv.
? De officio pastorali, cap. 15.
2
4-2


## p. 52 (#76) ##############################################

52
The Early Religious Drama
play was founded on an idea in medieval moralising literature,
according to which each of the seven supplications of the Pater
Noster contained a means of protection against one of the seven
deadly sins; and the correctness of this supposition is attested by
the fact that one of the plays acted by the York brotherhood had
the title Ludus Accidiae (“ a play of sloth'). Most probably, this
play belonged to the species of moralities; and we may form the
same conclusion as to a play on the Creed, which, from 1446, was
acted every ten years by the Corpus Christi brotherhood at York.
But, from the fifteenth century, we possess English and French
examples fully revealing to us the character of the new species.
Probably from about the middle of this century date three
moralities, which are handed down together in one MS, all
three of which represent the allegorical combat for the soul of
man. In The Castle of Perseverance, Humanum Genus, the repre-
sentative of mankind, is introduced first as a child, finally as an
old man ; in youthful age, he falls into the power of the mortal sin
Luxuria, but is brought by Poenitentia to trust himself to Con-
fessio, who leads him to the castle of perseverance, visible in the
centre of the circular scene; the assault of the vices against the
castle is victoriously foiled. But, in his old days, Humanum Genus
succumbs to the temptations of Avaritia ; so, after his death, the
evil angel claims the right to drag him into hell, but he is set free
by God at the prayers of Pity and Peace. In the morality
Mankynd, there are numerous additions of a rough kind of
humour. The chief representative of the evil principle is our
old acquaintance, the merry devil Tutivillus, who begins the
work of temptation by stealing from man his implement of work,
a spade. In the morality to which modern editors give the title
Mind, Will and Understanding, there reigns more of the subtle
scholastic spirit; here, it is not a single representative of
humanity who is courted by allegorical figures, but the three mental
faculties which give the piece its title appear, each one by itself.
Besides them, Anima appears as a distinct character, first in a
white robe, then, after the three faculties of the soul have been
tempted astray, 'in a most horrible guise, uglier than a devil. '
Another fragment of a morality has been preserved, to which the
title The Pride of Life has been given ; the MS seems to belong
to the first half of the fifteenth century; here, the typical
representative of humanity is a king who, putting full trust in his
knights, Strength and Health, will not think of death and things
beyond the grave, although his queen and a pious bishop try to


## p. 53 (#77) ##############################################

Every-man
53
move his conscience; he considers that he still has time to turn
pious, the church will not run away from him. As appears from
the prologue, the portion of the play which is lost was to show how
the king, in the fulness of his sin, is called away by death, and
how devils are about to take his soul; but, at this point, the
Mother of God was to intercede with her prayers and to point
out to the Judge of the world that the body, not the soul,
was the really guilty part. Thus, it was intended to weave into
the texture of the play one of those debates between body and
soul that had been & widely popular subject in medieval
literature.
The most famous, however, among all these moralities is
Every-man, whose date of composition cannot be defined precisely;
we only know that the earliest printed editions, both undated,
must belong to the period between 1509 and 1530; but so
early as 1495 a Dutch translation was printed? . Every-man treats,
in allegorical style, of the hour of death, and thus deals with a
sphere of ideas which, in the devotional literature of the later
Middle Ages, is one of the main subjects; the most famous
book of that sort, Ars moriendi, was published in an English
translation by Caxton in 1491. The poet endeavoured to give
dramatic animation to his subject by making use of a parable
which is told in the legend of Barlaam and Josaphat: how a man
had three friends, of whom one only declared himself ready to
accompany him before the throne of the judge before whom he is
summoned This friend symbolises a man's good deeds, which
alone accompany him after death before the throne of God and
interpose their prayers for him. The series of scenes—how, first,
Death, as God's summoner, bids man come ; how, then, Fellow-
ship, Kindred and others, when asked to bear him company, by
empty phrases talk themselves out of the affair-exercises
1 Some take this Dutch Elckerlijk for the original of the English morality; but
de Raaf, who inverts the relation, is, most probably, correct. The most convincing
instance pointed out by bim is v. 778 f. , where it appears, beyond doubt, that the
Dutch text must have come from the English. Every-man, after receiving the last
sacraments, says to his fellows:
Now set eche of you on this rodde your bondo
And shortly folwe me. . . . ,
wbere Elckerlijk has (vv. 749 f. ):
Slaet an dit roeyken alle u hant
Ende volghet mi haestelic na desen.
Here, roeyken=virga has been written by a misunderstanding for rodde = crux: it is
evident that Every-man-Elckerlijk had in his hand one of those crosses for the dying
which play an important part in the Ars moriendi literature.
1


## p. 54 (#78) ##############################################

54 The Early Religious Drama
its impressive power even today, not only in the reading but
also on the stage. Only Good-deeds, who lies on the ground
fettered by Every-man's sins, declares herself ready to assist him.
How Every-man is directed by Good-deeds to Knowledge and
Confession, and, finally, leaves the world well prepared, is shown
forth in the last part of the play, where the Catholic point of view
is insisted on with much unction and force. The comic element
disappears almost entirely.
Generally, however, the tendency to give a certain prominence
to the comic element grows more and more distinct; above all,
allegorical representatives of the vices are more and more richly
endowed with realistic features, especially with local jokes concern-
ing London. This is shown, e. g. , in Nature, composed by Henry
Medwall, chaplain of archbishop Morton of Canterbury (1486—
1500), who is also mentioned in the play. Here, we see how
Sensuality drives away Reason from man's side; how, after
all, man is reconciled to Reason by Age; but how Avarice
comes in at the end, and gives the chaplain an opportunity for
a bitter attack upon his own profession. In the morality The
World and the Child (printed 1522), man, the object of strife
between allegorical figures, appears, successively, as child, youth
and man; he is persuaded by Folly to lead a dissolute life
in London; nor is it until, reduced to a low state, he quits
Newgate prison, that good spirits regain possession of him.
Similar in character are the moralities Hick Scorner (printed
before 1534) and Youth (printed 1555), which both seem to
date back to the pre-reformation period. So, probably, does the
morality Magnyfycence, the only play by Skelton that has been
preserved; it was not printed till after his death. Here, instead
of the usual commonplaces from medieval devotional books, a
warning frequently given by classical and humanistic moralists is
allegorically represented, namely, that against excessive liberality
and false friends. In the same manner, Medwall, if we may
trust Collier's account, treated another humanistic commonplace,
namely, the persecution of Truth by Ignorance and Hypocrisy, in
an interlude acted before Henry VIII at Christmas 1514–15.
Skelton and Medwall are the earliest writers of plays in English
whose names have been preserved.
As Dodsley justly remarked, the importance of moralities
in the development of the drama lies in the fact that here the
course of action is not, as with mysteries, prescribed by
1 See vol. III of the present work, chap. iv.


## p. 55 (#79) ##############################################

The Comic Element
55
tradition; the individual author's own inventive power is of
much greater importance. Besides, otherwise than in the case of
mysteries, hearing is more important than seeing. In the
stage arrangement of a morality, however, the costume of
allegorical characters, the choice of symbolic colours for clothes,
the providing of the different figures with emblems illustrating
their moral essence, were all matters of first-rate importance. And
the greater significance of the spoken word in moralities also
accounts for the fact that several of these plays are extant in
contemporary prints, which is not the case with any of the
mysteries.
Besides the serious drama, in which an admixture of the comic
element was seldom wanting, there existed, in the Middle Ages, a
very popular kind of short farce, which was acted at festive
and convivial meetings by professional minstrels or by young
fellows who combined for the purpose? But, of these, an
account has been given in a previous chapter. From France and
Germany, numerous farces of this kind have come down to us; not
so from England, where they were also highly popular, but where,
unfortunately, one only has been preserved, and this but in
fragments. Besides the Interludium de Clerico et Puella', com-
posed, to judge by the handwriting, toward the beginning of the
fourteenth century, we possess an account of another play which
proves that in England, just as in France, events and problems of
the day were satirised in these farces. Bishop Grandison, in 1352,
forbade the youth of Exeter, on pain of excommunication, to act
a satirical play which they had prepared against the drapers' guild
of the town; at the same time, drapers were called upon not to
push their prices too high; thus, evidently, the guild was itself the
cause of the hostile feeling.
The humanistic and reforming movement naturally exercised
everywhere a powerful influence on the drama, which, up to that
time, had been a faithful expression of the medieval view of
life. In England, as in all other countries, the particular circum-
stances under which the movement took place left their traces on
the drama. Here, performances of mysteries on the medieval
· The usual name for such a farce was interlude (interludium); but this word, as
all other names of species in medieval theatrical terminology, has no precise and
definite application : it is, likewise, used for all kinds of religious drama. Among
the different etymologies which have been suggested for the word, that of Chambers
(vol. 11, p. 183) is the most plausible: • Interludium is not a ludus in the interval of some-
thing else, but a ludus carried on between (inter) two or more performers. '
3 Cf. Dame Siriz, ante, vol. 1, pp. 365-6, and chapter o of the present volume.
6


## p. 56 (#80) ##############################################

56
The Early Religious Drama
r
1
3
!
model continue far into the sixteenth century; for, in the first phase
of the reformation in England, when the domain of dogma proper
remained intact, the old religious plays could live on undisturbed.
Of course, in the reign of Henry VIII it could no longer be tolerated
that such a champion of papal supremacy as Thomas Becket
should, in his archiepiscopal see of Canterbury, be honoured every
year by a processional play. However, performances of mystery-
plays lasted even through the six years' reign of the protestant
king Edward VI; though, in the famous performances at York,
the scenes relating to the Virgin’s death, assumption and corona-
tion were suppressed; and a magnificent processional play,
instituted at Lincoln, in 1517, in honour of Mary's mother,
St Anne, a saint especially in fashion in the later Middle Ages,
came to an end in the very first year of the new reign, and the
apparel used for it was sold. In the reign of queen Mary,
mysteries were, of course, produced with particular splendour,
and the suppressed plays on St Thomas and St Anne also
experienced a short revival. But, even after the final victory
of protestantism under Elizabeth, people would not-especially in
the conservative north of England -miss their accustomed plays.
On this head, too, the citizens of York showed their great stiffness
to retain their wonted errors,' of which archbishop Grindal com-
plained. And, in Shakespeare's native county, during the poet's
boyhood and youth, the performance of religious plays was still in
full flower. Only towards the end of the century did mysteries
gradually cease; in Kendal, Corpus Christi plays were kept up
as late as the reign of James I; the inventory of the cap-
makers of Coventry for 1597 shows that, as in preceding years,
the guild still preserved faithfully the jaws of hell, a spade for
Adam, a distaff for Eve and other properties, probably hoping for a
revival of the old plays; but this hope proved illusory. Mysteries
came to an end, under the double influence of puritan enmity to
the stage and of the vigorous growth of Elizabethan drama.
Moralities proved more tenacious of life; in them, among the
representatives of the evil principle, a new realistic and comic
personage now appears with increasing distinctness. He probably
descended from the merry devil Tutivillus, who, as we have seen,
was taken over from the mysteries into the moralities. For this
combination of clown and devil, in the course of the sixteenth
century, the name 'Vice' came more and more into use. His
chief pleasure is to make mischief, and to set men against their
neighbours; his constant attribute is a dagger of lath; and it is
9
a


## p. 57 (#81) ##############################################

Tudor Moralities
57
a stock effect to make him, after having acted his part, return to
hell, riding on the back of his friend Lucifer.
For the rest, moralities continued to deal with the old
subject man, as an object of contention between the good and
the bad qualities of the soul. Such was the theme of Like will to
Like, by the schoolmaster Ulpian Fulwell (printed 1568), and of
the lost play, The Cradle of Security, where, as we have seen
in the case of The Pride of Life, the typical representative
of humanity appears as a king; he is subdued by Luxury and
other female personifications, who lay him in a cradle and put
on him a mask with a pig's snout.
But, besides these, there are other moralities extant, where,
as in Skelton's Magnyfycence, the old form is animated by new
matter. The most remarkable among these plays is the Interlude
of the Nature of the Four Elements by John Rastell (d 1536),
printer in London and brother-in-law of Sir Thomas More. Here,
man is diverted, by the allegorical figures of Sensual Appetite and
Ignorance, from the study of geography, into which Natura
naturata and Studious Desire are about to initiate him; the latter
shows him, in a map, the new countries discovered twenty years ago,
and expresses his regret that the English cannot claim the glory of
having been the discoverers. In the prologue, the author shows
himself a prudent and far-seeing man; he says it is not good
to study invisible things only and not to care for this visible
world. An educational and scientific tendency is also proper to
three plays in which the marriage of Wit and Science is repre-
sented; in his allegorical quest of a bride, Wit appears like the
hero of a romance of chivalry: he slays the monster Tediousness
and, thereby, wins the hand of his beloved. The oldest of these
plays dates from the reign of Henry VIII, and was composed by
a schoolmaster named Redford; the repeated variation of this
theme shows how familiar pedagogues were with the conception
of a regular course of study as a conflict sustained against hostile
powers. Similarly, in the morality All for Money, by Thomas
Lupton (printed 1578), the value of a scientific education is dwelt
upon, and, as has happened very often since the secularisa-
tion of the learned professions, the insufficient appreciation of
scholarly labours, and the inadequate reward meted out to them,
are lamented. These ideas Lupton symbolises by new allegorical
impersonations, some of the strangest creations in this kind of
literature, e. g. , Learning-with-Money, Learning-without-Money,
Money-without-Learning, Neither-Money-nor-Learning.


## p. 58 (#82) ##############################################

58
The Early Religious Drama
Sale
Of particular interest, in England as in France, is the treatment
of political and religious problems by authors of moralities.
Of political moralities, but few have been preserved. From Hall,
the chronicler, we learn that, at Christmas 1527—8, a play
entitled Lord Governaunce was acted at Gray's inn, which
cardinal Wolsey, who was present, took for a satire directed
against himself; but he was appeased by the assurance that the
piece was twenty years old. Of a remarkable drama, Albion
Knight, printed, probably, in 1566, we unfortunately possess but
a fragment; here, instead of the usual symbolical representative of
humanity at large, a personified England is the object of contest
between the allegorical representatives of good and evil powers.
Above all, however, the morality furnished an easy opportunity
for bringing the great ecclesiastical controversies on the stage,
where, as everywhere else, innovators showed far more skill
and activity than their conservative adversaries. The first drama
relating to the reformation of which we have knowledge is, how-
ever, directed against Luther; it was acted in Latin, in 1528, by the
pupils of St Paul's school, before Henry VIII, and seems, besides
some mockery about Luther's marriage, to have contained gross
flatteries addressed to the all-powerful cardinal Wolsey. And,
even after the king had broken with Rome, it was quite in
accordance with the despotic character of the English reforma-
tion that the spirit of the new movement was not advocated
and upheld to the same extent as elsewhere by dramatic satire.
Only when Thomas Cromwell endeavoured, jointly with Cranmer,
to advance the English reformation movement on the lines of
the German, and more resolutely than had originally lain in
the king's design, several favourites of the influential chan-
cellor are found seeking to work upon public feeling in favour
of his church policy. Foremost of all was the zealous, militant
theologian John Bale, in whose dramas an ardent hate of popery
is strangely combined with ponderous pedantry. The tendency of
most of the twenty-two 'comedies' enumerated by himself in his
Catalogus of 1548 is recognisable from the very titles, which
are extremely outspoken as to the 'adulterators of God's Word,'
the 'knaveries of Thomas Becket,' and so forth. Of the five
that are preserved, one, The Three Laws, belongs to the domain
of the moralities; it shows how the three laws which God
successively revealed to mankind-the law of nature, the law of
Moses, and the law of Christmare corrupted by hostile powers;
one of these powers, Sodomy, appears as a monk; and, in this party
,
IN


## p. 59 (#83) ##############################################

Controversial Plays
59
of course, the most monstrous things from the anti-clerical chronique
scandaleuse are brought out. In the beginning, the First Person
of the Trinity, with delightful naïveté, introduces Himself to the
public: 'I am God Father, a substance indivisible. '
A far more lively picture is unrolled by the Scottish statesman
and author, David Lyndsay, in his Pleasant Satyre of the Thrie
Estaitis, which was probably acted for the first time on Epiphany,
1540, before James V of Scotland. But of this, by far the longest
morality in the English language, designed for a great number of
actors and a large scene of action, an account has been given in an
earlier volume? Cromwell must surely have been well satisfied
when an account (which has been preserved) of the great success of
this play reached him.
But, just about this time, a change came over England.
Henry VIII proved more and more decidedly averse to any
alteration of ecclesiastical doctrine in the sense of the conti-
nental reformation movement; in 1540, Cromwell fell; and, in
1543, it was expressly forbidden to publish in songs, plays and
interludes any explanations of Holy Writ opposed to church
teaching, as fixed now or in the future by his majesty the king.
Bale, who was compelled to flee from England, complained that
dissolute plays were allowed, but such as taught Divine truth
persecuted.
But when, with the accession of Edward VI, the
protestant party regained the superiority, it was again shown
how English drama took part in all the fluctuations of English
church policy. Now, plays were produced such as Wever's Lusty
Juventus, where the traditional scheme of the morality is made
subservient to party interests, good abstractions assiduously
quoting the apostle Paul, while the devil and his fellows con-
tinually swear 'by the Mass' and 'by the Virgin' And when,
after Edward's early death, the Catholic reaction set in, 'in the
first year of the happy reign of queen Mary' (1563), 'a merry
interlude entitled Respublica' was acted at the Christmas festival
by boys, probably in the presence of the queen
duction, however, dogmatic controversies remain, for the most
part, unnoticed, the anonymous author inveighing chiefly against
those who, during the preceding reigns, under cover of religion,
had enriched themselves by church property. Evil allegorical
figures, who appropriate stolen goods, assume well-sounding
names, as is often the case in this class of literature, ever since the
example set by Prudentius, in whose Psychomachia, for instance,
1 See vol. nu of the present work, chap. VI, pp. 122 ff.
In this pro-


## p. 60 (#84) ##############################################

60 The Early Religious Drama
Avaritia, calls herself Parsimonia. So, here, Oppression assumes
the name of Reformation, Insolence that of Authority and so
forth. ' In one excellent scene, People' (the common man) com-
plains, in blunt popular language, of the new government. Of
course, this extremely interesting contribution towards a clear
perception of public feeling in the beginning of Mary's reign like-
wise ends with the triumph of the good cause.
Elizabeth did not favour the traditional usage of clothing
political and church agitation in dramatic form; for, so early as
1559, she issued directions to magistrates not to tolerate any
common interludes in the English tongue' in which questions of
religion or state government were touched upon. It seems, also,
that the traditional form had had its day. William Wager, in his
morality The longer thou livest, the more fool thou art, published,
probably, in the first years of Elizabeth's reign, conducts the hero
of the play, after a fashion with which we have now become
sufficiently acquainted, through the various stages of his life,
and, in the course of it, enters into theological controversy on the
protestant side, wherever an opportunity offers itself. So does the
anonymous author of The Trial of Treasure, where, in opposition
to the usual practice, two courses of life, a good and a bad, are
produced in contrast. George Wapull, again, in his morality The
Tide tarries no man (printed in 1576), shows himself as a partisan
of reformation. Another morality, Impatient Poverty, has recently
been discovered, which was published in 1560 and which exhibits
a slight resemblance to Skelton's Magnyfycence. Of yet another,
Wealth and Health, the year of publication is unknown; it was
entered in the Stationers' register as early as 1557, but the extant
copy of the play certainly belongs to the reign of Elizabeth.
A morality of even less importance is the likewise recently dis-
covered Johan the Evangelist, which derives its title from the
speaker of the moralising prologue and epilogue. The morality
New Custom (printed 1573) illustrates in a remarkable way the
occasional use, even by a rigorous puritan, of the dramatic form,
comic effects, of course, being entirely renounced.
1
३
5
1


## p. 61 (#85) ##############################################

CHAPTER IV
EARLY ENGLISH TRAGEDY
The history of renascence tragedy may be divided into three
stages, not definitely limited, and not following in strict chrono-
logical succession, but distinct in the main: the study, imitation
and production of Senecan tragedy; translation; the imitation
of Greek and Latin tragedy in the vernacular. This last stage,
again, falls into three sub-divisions: the treatment of secular
subjects after the fashion of sacred plays long familiar to
medieval Europe; the imitation of classical tragedy in its more
regular form and with its higher standards of art; the combina-
tion of these two types in a form of tragedy at once popular
and artistic.
It was, perhaps, only in England that the movement thus out-
lined attained its final development. For it may be questioned
whether French classical tragedy was ever truly popular, and
it is beyond doubt that renascence tragedy in Italy was not;
but the earlier phases of development may be most easily observed
in the history of Italian tragedy, in which other nations found not
only a spur to emulation, but models to imitate and a body of
critical principles laid down for their guidance.
All three nations had a share in the edition of Seneca which
Nicholas Treveth, an English Dominican who seems to have been
educated at Paris, prepared, early in the fourteenth century, at
the instance of cardinal Niccold Albertini di Prato, one of the
leading figures of the papal court at Avignon. But Italy very
soon took the lead in Senecan scholarship, and long maintained it.
Lovato de' Lovati (d. 1309) discussed Seneca's metres; Coluccio
Salutati, as early as 1371, questioned the tragedian's identity with
the philosopher and the Senecan authorship of Octavia; before
the end of the century, the tragedies were the subject of rival
lecture courses at Florence, and the long list of translations into
modern European languages had begun. But, above all, it was
in Italy that the important step was taken of imitating Seneca
in an original tragedy on a subject derived from medieval history.
>


## p. 62 (#86) ##############################################

62 Early English Tragedy
3
Albertino's Ecceriniswon for its author the laurel wreath, with which,
in 1315, he was solemnly crowned in the presence of the university
and citizens of Padua, and the cognomen of Mussatus, quasi musis
aptus. Other Latin tragedies by Italian authors followed; but two
centuries elapsed before a similar achievement was accomplished
in France and England. Italy also led the way in printing editions
of Seneca's text, and in the performance of his tragedies in Latin.
The composition of an Italian tragedy in the vernacular after
the classical model was preceded by a number of plays called by
literary historians mescidati, in which a secular subject was
developed in rimed measures, on a multiple stage, with a hesitating
division into acts and scenes. The connection of these with the
sacre rappresentazioni is obvious; but they show traces of classical
influence. For instance, Antonio Cammelli's Filostrato e Panfila
(1499), founded upon the first novel of the fourth day of the
Decameron, is opened by a prologue or argument spoken by
Seneca, and divided into five acts by choruses. In these, Love
(end of act 1), the four Sirens (act II), the three Fates (act III),
and Atropos individually (act iv) appear, besides the chorus
proper - prototypes of later intermediï and English dumb-
shows. The stricter classical form was established by Trissino's
Sofonisba (1515), which followed Greek, rather than Latin,
models, and is divided into episodes, not into Seneca's five
acts. It is noteworthy for its adoption of blank verse, and,
undoubtedly, had considerable influence, being twice printed in
1524 and often later in the century; but there is no proof that
it was acted before the celebrated production by the Olympic
academy at Vicenza in 1562, though a French version by Mellin
de Saint-Gelais was performed and published by 1559. The
predominant influence in Italian tragedy was, unquestionably, that
of Giambattista Giraldi Cinthio, whose Orbecche (acted at Ferrara
in 1541) is the first known regular tragedy in the vernacular
produced on a modern European stage. Its adoption of the
Senecan form, and of the Senecan rhetoric and sensational horrors,
decided the fate of Italian tragedy, and greatly influenced that
of other nations. Luigi Groto, a generation later, speaks of it as
the model of all subsequent tragedies, and Giraldi himself writes
of it in his Discorso sulle Comedie e sulle Tragedie:
The judicious not only have not found fault with it, but have deemed it
worthy of so great praise that in many parts of Italy it has been solemnly
presented. Indeed, it was so much the more pleasing that it speaks in all
· Neri, F. , La tragedia italiana del cinquecento, Florence, 1904.


## p. 63 (#87) ##############################################

Early Tragicomedies
63
the tongues which have knowledge of our own, and the most Christian king
did not disdain the command that it should be solemnly performed in his
tongue before his majesty.
It is difficult to establish any direct connection between Giraldi
and Elizabethan tragedy except through his novels, which furnished
plots to Whetstone, Greene and Shakespeare; but the influence
of his disciple Dolce is clearly proved. Early French tragedy
developed features of the Senecan model which were alien to
English taste and tradition-restriction of the action to a single
incident and expansion of the choral lyrics —and this is probably
the reason why its influence on the other side of the Channel was
slight. Jodelle's Cléopatre Captive (acted 1552, and printed 1574)
was, doubtless, known in England; and, at a later date, the countess
of Pembroke, with the assistance of Thomas Kyd and Samuel
Daniel, supported the classical theories of her brother's Apologie
by translations and imitations of Garnier? ; but Elizabethan tragedy
was not to be turned aside from the way marked out for it by
stage tradition and popular taste.
The first stage of evolution, as stated above, represented in
Italy by the drammi mescidati, has its counterpart in England in
tragicomedies such as Richard Edwards’s Damon and Pithias
(printed 1571, licensed 1566, and probably acted at Christmas, 1564),
John Pickeryng's Horestes (printed 1567), R. B. 's Apius and Vir-
ginia (printed 1575) and Thomas Preston's Cambises (licensed
1569–70). The first makes a rude attempt to copy Seneca's sticho-
mythia and borrows a passage from Octavia; the last mentions
Seneca's name in the prologue, but all alike have nothing classical
about them beyond the subject. Damon and Pithias and Apius
and Virginia are described on the title-pages of the early editions
as 'tragical comedies,' Cambises as 'a lamentable tragedy'; but
none of them has any real tragic interest-not even Horestes,
which is, perhaps, the dullest of the series. Damon and Pithias
shows a certain advance in its lack of abstract characters; but
the work of Edwards, if we may judge of it by what is extant,
1 In Jodelle's Cléopatre, the chorus takes up more than one third of the play-
607 lines out of 1554. Karl Boehm, in the six tragedies that he has examined in
Beiträge zur Kenntnis des Einflusses Seneca's auf die in der Zeit von 1552 bis 1562
erschienenen Französischen Tragödien (Münchener Beiträge, 1902), notes a considerable
increase in the lyric, and a decrease in the dramatic, elements as compared with Seneca ;
and a table prepared by John Ashby Lester shows that in five of Garnier's tragedies the
chorus takes up from one sixth to one fourth of the play. Lester's thesis, Connections
between the Drama oj France and Great Britain, particularly in the Elizabethan Period,
is in manuscript in the Harvard library.
• See post, chap. XII.
a
6


## p. 64 (#88) ##############################################

64
Early English Tragedy
was overrated by his contemporaries. The other three plays
are closely connected with moralities. In Apius and Virginia,
if we include Haphazard the Vice, half the characters are abstrac-
tions. About the same proportion holds in Cambises, where the
Vice Ambidexter enters 'with an old capcase on his head, an old
pail about his hips for harness, a scummer and a potlid by his
side, and a rake on his shoulder'; he is seconded in the usual
stage business of singing, jesting and fighting by three ruffians,
Huff, Ruff and Snuff. In Horestes, too, the abstract characters
are numerous ; the play opens with the conventional 'flouting'
and 'thwacking' of Rusticus and Hodge by the Vice, and closes
with the conventional moralising by Truth and Duty. Though the
literary value of these plays is slight, their obvious appeal to popular
favour gives them a certain interest. Horestes and Cambises
were evidently intended for performance by small companies,
the 'players names' (31 in number) of the former being devided
for VI to playe,' and the 38 parts of the latter for eight; Damon
and Pithias has been convincingly identified by W. Y. Durand'
with the 'tragedy’a performed before the queen at Whitehall
by the Children of the Chapel at Christmas, 1564, and the edition
of 1571 is provided with a prologue 'somewhat altered for the
proper use of them that hereafter shall have occasion to plaie it,
either in Private, or open Audience'; the stage direction in Apius
and Virginia, 'Here let Virginius go about the scaffold,' shows
that the author had the public presentation of his play in mind.
The stage directions are of importance, as illustrating the way
in which these early dramas were produced. In Horestes, the
action oscillates at first between Mycene and Crete, shifts to
Athens and ends at Mycene; but, throughout, the back of the
stage is, apparently, occupied by something representing the wall
of Mycene. After much marching about the stage, the Herald
approaches this object, and, in answer to his challenge, Clytem-
nestra speaks ‘over the wal,' refusing to surrender, Then we have
the direction :
Go and make your lively battel and let it be longe, eare you can win the
Citie, and when you have won it, let Horestes bringe out his mother by the
armes, and let the droom sease playing and the trumpet also, when she is
taken; let her knele downe and speake.
1. Some Errors concerning Richard Edwards’in Modern Language Notes, vol. xxm,
p. 131. “When and Where Damon and Pythias was acted,'in The Journal of Germanic
Philology, vol. iv, pp. 348–355.
2 So Cecil calls it in a note on the revels accounts. See Feuillerat, Documents
relating to the Ofice of the Revels in the Time of Queen Elizabeth (Bang's Materialien,
vol. XXI, p. 116, and notes on pp. 447–8).


## p. 65 (#89) ##############################################

Cambises. Horestes. Kynge Johan 65
After more fighting, Egistus is taken and hanged, apparently from
the same wall. 'Fling him of the lader and then let on bringe in
his mother Clytemnestra; but let her loke wher Egistus hangeth. . . .
Take downe Egistus and bear him out. ' The same realistic method
of presentation is to be noted in Apius and Virginia: 'Here tye
a handcarcher aboute hir eyes, and then strike of hir heade. ' In
Cambises, when execution is done on Sisamnes, the stage direction
reads: ‘Smite him in the neck with a sword to signify his death,'
and the dialogue continues:
PRAXASPES. Behold (0 king), how he doth bleed,
Being of life bereft.
KING. In this wise he shall not yet be left.
Pull his skin over his ears,
Flays him with a false skin. ' The deaths of Smirdis ('A little
bladder of vinegar pricked' to represent his blood) and of Cambises,
who enters 'without a gown, a sword thrust up into his side
bleeding,' further illustrate this point. Our early playwrights
were troubled by no scruples as to the interpretation of the
precepts about deaths on the stage, elaborated by the Italian
critics from Aristotle and Horace, which Giraldi discusses with
much learning and ingenuity in his Discorso. They accepted the
tradition of the miracle-plays, and handed on to the early theatres
a custom which was evidently in accord with popular taste.
The title of Horestes, 'A Newe Enterlude of Vice, Conteyning
the Historye of Horestes, &c. ' indicates its combination of historical
and moral interests, or, rather, the attempt-not very successful-
to subject what was regarded as history to a moral aim. The Vice
prompts Horestes to revenge his father by the murder of his
mother, for whom Nature pleads in vain; but, instead of suffering
retribution, as in Greek tragedy, he marries Hermione and is
crowned king of Mycene by Truth and Duty. The moralising
at the end of the play has no vital or logical connection with the
story, and is almost as conventional as the final prayer for Elizabeth,
her council, the nobility and spirituality, the judges, the lord mayor
and all his brethren, with the commonalty. In Bale's Kynge Johan,
historical facts and characters are adapted to religious, or, rather,
controversial, ends with elaborate ingenuity; but the spirit and
method of the drama remain those of the moral play. The
character of the king alone maintains, throughout, a well defined
personality. It is not until nearly the end of the first of the two
acts that Sedition assumes the name of Stephen Langton, Usurped
Power becomes the pope, Private Wealth becomes Pandulphus and
5
E. L. v.
CH, IV.


## p. 66 (#90) ##############################################

66 Early English Tragedy
6
Dissimulation Raymundus. Later, Dissimulation gives his name
as 'Simon of Swynsett,' and, obviously, is Raymundus no longer.
After the king's death, the action—if, indeed, there can be said
to be any—is carried on entirely by abstractions. In spite of
–
some interesting features, Kynge Johan belongs substantially
to an earlier type than the group of plays just considered, and
is, indeed, probably of earlier date.
No student of our drama, from Sir Philip Sidney onwards,
has failed to recognise the enormous step in advance made by
Thomas Norton and Thomas Sackville in Gorboduc, first acted,
before Queen Elizabeth, in January 1562. Its imitation of
Seneca's form and style is obvious; yet it shows independence,
not only in the choice of a native theme, but in the spirit in
which it is treated. Sidney praised it not only as 'full of stately
speeches, and well sounding phrases, clyming to the height of
Seneca his stile,' but also as 'full of notable moralitie, which it
doth most delightfully teach, and so obtayne the very end of
Poesie. ' It is significant that the publisher of the third edition
in 1590 printed Gorboduc as an annex to Lydgate's politico-moral
tract, The Serpent of Dissension. A modern critic says that 'the
play is rather a political argument than a simple tragedy. ' This
overstates the case; but the didactic intention of the dramatists
is obvious enough. The 'argument,' after recounting the tragic
fate of the principal characters, continues :
The nobilitie assembled and most terribly destroyed the rebels. And
afterwardes for want of issue of the prince, whereby the succession of the
crowne became uncertaine, they fell to civill warre, in which both they and
many of their issues were slaine, and the land for a long time almost desolate
and miserably wasted.
To these consequences for the realm at large, the whole of the
last act is given up; and, from the very beginning of the tragedy,
its political significance is insisted on. The first dumb-show is
directed particularly to this end.
Hereby was signified, that a state knit in unitie doth continue strong
against all force. But being divided, is easely destroyed. As befell apon
Duke Gorboduc dividing his land to his two sonnes which he before held in
Monarchie.
Nearly all the dialogue of the play-for the incidents occur
off the stage is delivered in the council chamber. The opening
scene, it is true, consists of a private conversation between Ferrex
and his mother; but the longest passage in it is an elaborate
political commonplace. After this short introductory scene,
1 Courtney, L. H. , in Notes and Queries, Ser. II, vol. 2, pp. 261-3.
3


## p. 67 (#91) ##############################################

Gorboduc
67
containing less than seventy lines in all, we have, in the first
act, nothing but discussions in the king's council, his decision to
divide the realm between his two sons being all that can properly
be described as action. Ferrex and Porrex, each with his good
and his evil counsellor, occupy the whole of act 11. In act III, we
are back in Gorboduc's council chamber, and the only incident
is recounted by a messenger. With act iv, according to the printer
of the first edition, Sackville's part begins; and this division is
borne out by the fact that the remaining acts show greater
power of thought and vigour of versification, more variety of tone
and richness of character and incident. The speech of Porrex in
his own defence has more dramatic significance than anything
the English stage had yet known; the incident of the attempted
poisoning, introduced by the dramatist into the story for the first
time', and not mentioned in acts I—III, and the young prince's
remorse at his brother's death, engage the sympathy of the
audience for his own untimely end, which is recounted with many
natural and moving touches by Marcella, an eye-witness of the
assassination, and, therefore, able to communicate more passion
than the conventional messenger. But, with act v, we are once
more in the dull round of political disquisition, broken only by the
soliloquy in which Fergus reveals his ambitious designs. The
tragedy ends with obvious allusions to the political situation of
the day :
Such one (my lordes) let be your chosen king,
Such one so borne within your native land,
Such one, preferre, and in no wise admitte
The heavie yoke of forreine governaunce :
Let forreine titles yelde to publike wealth.
One wonders how the queen took this, and, still more, how she
received the advice directed to her in the concluding speech:
This, this ensues, when noble men do faile
In loyall trouth, and subjectes will be kinges.
And this doth growe when loe unto the prince,
Whom death or sodeine happe of life bereaves,
No certaine heire remaines, such certaine heire,
As not all onely is the rightfull heire
But to the realme is so made knowen to be,
And trouth therby vested in subjectes hartes,
To owe fayth there where right is knowen to rest.
1 Sackville perhaps got a bint from Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Regum
Britanniae, Bk. II, chap. XVI: 'At Porrez majori cupiditate subductus, paratis insidiis
Perrecem fratrem interficere parat' (ed. San-Marte, p. 30). The treachery here is
attributed to the younger brother, who afterwards kills Ferrex in battle, so that the
incident has not, in the History, the dramatic significance given to it by Sackville.
5-2


## p. 68 (#92) ##############################################

68
Early English Tragedy
6
Alas, in Parliament what hope can be,
When is of Parliament no hope at all ?
Which, though it be assembled by consent,
Yet is not likely with consent to end,
While eche one for him selfe, or for his frend,
A gainst his foe, shall travaile what he may.
While now the state left open to the man,
That shall with greatest force invade the same,
Shall fill ambicious mindes with gaping hope;
When will they once with yelding hartes agree?
Or in the while, how shall the realme be used ?
No, no: then Parliament should have bene holden,
And certeine heirs appointed to the crowne,
To stay the title of established right,
And in the people plant obedience
While yet the prince did live, whose name and power
By lawfull sommons and authoritie
Might make a Parliament to be of force,
And might have set the state in quiet stay.
At the beginning of her reign, Elizabeth had given orders that
'common Interludes in the Englishe tongue' should refrain from
handling 'either matters of religion or of the governaunce of the
estate of the common weale,' 'beyng no meete matters to be wrytten
or treated upon, but by menne of aucthoritie, learning, and wisedome,
nor to be handled before any audience but of grave and discrete
persons' Presumably, the queen thought that these conditions
were fulfilled at the Christmas revels of the Inner Temple in
1561–2; for, a few days later, the tragedy was repeated before her
in her own ball; and, in 1563, Norton presented the same arguments
as those of the passage cited above on behalf of a committee of
the House of Commons in a petition for the limitation of the
succession to the crown?
It is clear that our first tragedy is very far from being a servile
imitation of Seneca. Its authors took over his general scheme of
five acts divided by choruses, his counsellors and messengers, his
rhetorical style and grave sententious precepts; in the reflective
passages, one often detects an echo of the Roman original, though
there is little direct imitation of phraseology, such as came to be
the fashion later. The plot bears a general resemblance to that
of Seneca's fragmentary Thebais; but the story is taken from
Geoffrey of Monmouth, and, as we have seen, it is developed on
independent lines. The direct stimulus to production probably
i Collier, vol. I, p. 167.
2 See Courtney, L. H. , u. 8. p. 261; Commons Journal, vol. I, pp. 62–64.
3 For the relation of Gorboduc to its sources, see a doctor's dissertation now in
course of publication at the university of Wisconsin by Watt, H. A. , Gorboduc; or
Ferrex and Porrex (1909).
>


## p. 69 (#93) ##############################################

Allegorical Dumb-shows
69
came from Italian example; but the authors modified the custom
of the Italian stage to suit their own ideas. It had long been the
practice in Italy to enliven dramatic performances with spectacular
entertainments between the acts, called intermedii. We have
noted such representations above in connection with Filostrato
e Panfila, and they were the invariable accompaniments of the
early productions of comedy, both in Latin and in the vernacular.
In tragedy, they were of rarer occurrence, choruses usually
taking their place; they were almost always allegorical in
character; sometimes they had relation to the subject of the
play, sometimes not; and they were presented both with and
without words. Though they figure largely in contemporary
accounts of dramatic entertainments, they were not always
included in printed editions of the plays; but Dolce published
those used to adorn the performance of his Troiane (1566), and
these may serve as an example of the type. After the first act
of the tragedy, there was a discourse between the chorus and
Trojan citizens on the misfortunes of their country; after the
second, Pluto appeared with the ghosts of the Trojan slain ; after
the third, Neptune and the council of the gods ; after the fourth,
other deities, especially Venus and Juno. The spectators often
paid more attention to these intermedii than to the drama, to the
disgust of dramatists, who were loud in their complaints? ; and
a contemporary critic remarks that they were of special interest
to foreign visitors, who did not understand Italian? . It can hardly
be doubted that this Italian practice gave the authors of Gorboduc
a hint for the establishment of a similar custom on the Elizabethan
stage. But, here again, they showed a certain originality. They
connected their allegorical dumb-shows with the subject of the
tragedy, and, by making them precede each act, instead of following,
as was the rule in Italy, gave them new weight and significance.
They were no longer mere shows, distracting the spectator from
the main theme of the drama, but helps to the understanding of it.
Norton and Sackville, doubtless, were familiar with such allegorical
representations at London, Coventry and elsewhere, as independent
tableaux in honour of the festival of a patron saint or a royal visit,
and they followed Italian example only in using them for the
purposes of tragedy. In the fourth dumb-show, the three furies
come from under the stage, as though out of hell’; and this, as well
1 Cf. Isabella d'Este's letters to her husband during her visit to Ferrara in 1502,
and Grazzini's prologue to La Strega (1582).
? See preface to d'Ambra's Cojanaria, acted at Florence in 1565.


## p. 70 (#94) ##############################################

70 Early English Tragedy
as the phrase in Machyn's diary' with reference to the second
performance, “ther was a grett skaffold in the hall,' seems to indicate
that the stage of Gorboduc was, substantially, that of the miracle-
plays.