Els TÒV Baonta "Hasov, because the inhabitants of Antioch, being accus-
an oration on the worship of the sun, addressed to tomed to shave themselves, ridiculed Julian, who
Sallustius, his old military councillor and friend, allowed his beard to grow, in the ancient fashion.
an oration on the worship of the sun, addressed to tomed to shave themselves, ridiculed Julian, who
Sallustius, his old military councillor and friend, allowed his beard to grow, in the ancient fashion.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - b
For the fragments and various spe- ness of a sister, the young prince obtained an inter-
culations concerning the history of this piece, see view with Constantius, and having succeeded in
Garnier, Append. ad Diss. VI. vol. i. p. 388. calming the emperor's suspicions, was allowed to
## p. 645 (#661) ############################################
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JULIANC'S.
lead a private life at Athens (A. D. 355). Athens | in Dauphiné), be set out in the spring of 356 to
was then the centre of Greek learning, and there drive the barbarians back over the Rhine. In
Julian spent a short but delightful period in in- this campaign he fought against the Alemanni, the
tercourse with the most celebrated philosophers, invaders of Southern Gaul. He made their first
scholars, and artists of the time, and in the society acquaintance near Rheims, and paid dearly for it:
of a company of young men who were devoted to they fell unexpectedly upon his rear, and two
the pursuit of knowledge, and among whom was legions were cut to pieces. But as he nevertheless
Gregory Nazianzen, who became afterwards 80 advanced towards the Rhine, it seems that the
celebrated as a Christian orator. Among those principal disadvantage of his defeat was only a loss
learned men Julian was not the least in renown, of men. In the following spring (357) he intended
and he attracted universal attention both by his to cross the Rhine, and to penetrate into the
talents and his knowledge. The study of Greek country of the Alemanni ; and he would have
literature and philosophy was his principal and executed his plan but for the strange conduct of
favourite pursuit. He had been brought up by the Roman general Barbatio, who was on his
Greeks and among Greeks, and his predilection for march from Italy with an army of 25,000, or
whatever was Greek was of course very natural ; perhaps 30,000 men, in order to effect his junction
but he did not neglect Latin literature, and we with Julian. A sufficient number of bonts wns
learn from Ammianus Marcellinus (xvi. 5), that collected at Basel for the purpose of throwing a
he had a fair knowledge of the Latin language, bridge over the Rhine, and provisions were kept
which was then still spoken at the court of Con- there for supporting his troops, but Barbatio re-
stantinople. While Julian lived in happy retire mained inactive on the left bank, and proved his
ment at Athens, the emperor was bent down by treacherous designs by burning both the ships and
the weight of public affairs, and the empire being the provisions. In consequence of this, Julian
exposed to the invasions of the Persians in the east, was compelled to adopt the defensive, and the Ale-
and of the Germans and Sarmatians in the west manni, headed by their king Chnodomarius, crossed
and the north, he followed the advice of Eusebia, the Rhine, and took up a position near Strassburg
in opposition to his eunucho, in conferring the rank (August, 1. D. 357). ' Their army was 35,000
of Caesar upon Julian, who was accordingly, re strong: Julian had only 13,000 veterans ; but
called from Athens and summoned to Milan, where he did not decline the engagement, and, after
Constantius was residing. Julian obeyed reluc- a terrible conflict, he gained a decisive victory,
tantly: the Greek Minerva had more charms for wbich was chiefly owing to the personal valour
him than the Roman Jupiter, and he was too well of the young prince. Six thousand of the barba-
acquainted with the mythology of his ancestors rians remained on the field, perhaps as many were
not to know that even the embraces of Jupiter are slain in their flight or drowned in the Rhine, and
sometimes fatal. On the 6th of November, A. D. their king Chnodomarius was made prisoner. The
355, Julian was solemnly proclaimed Caesar, and loss of the Romans in this memorable battle is
received, as a guarantee of the emperor's sincerity, stated by Ammianus Marcellinus to have been
the hand of his sister Helena, who was the only 243 privates and four officers ; but this is
youngest child of Constantine the Great. At the not credible. Chnodomarius was well treated by
same time he was invested with the government of Julian, who sent him to the court of Constantius.
the provinces beyond the Alps, but some time (CHNODOMARIUS. )
elapsed before he set out for Gaul, where he was Immediately after this victory Julian invaded
to reside, and during this time he began to accas- the territory of the Alemanni on the right bank
tom himself to behave with that composure and of the Rhine, but more for the purpose of exbibit-
artificial dignity which suited a person of his ing his power than of making any permanent
exalted station, but which corresponded so little conquests, for he advanced only a few miles, and
with his taste and habits. When he first entered then returned and led bis troops against the
upon public life he was timid and clumsy, and he Franks, who had conquered the tract between the
used afterwards to laugh at his own awkwardness Scheldt, the Maas, and the Lower Rhine. Some
on those occasions. The internal peace of Gaol of the Frankish tribes he drove back into Germany,
was still suffering from the consequences of the and others he allowed to remain in Gaul, on con-
revolt of Sylvanus, and her frontiers were assailed dition of their submitting to the Roman authority.
by the Germans, who had crossed the Rhine, Upon this he invaded Germany a second time, in
burnt Strassburg, Trèves, Cologne, and many other 358, and a third time in 359, in order to make
flourishing cities, and made devastating inroads the Alemanni desist from all further attempts
into the midland provinces of Ganl. Accustomed upon Gaul, and he not only succeeded, but returned
to the quiet occupations of a scholar, Julian seemed with 20,000 Romans, whom the Alemanni had
little fitted for the command in the field, but he taken, and whom he compelled them to give up.
found an experienced lieutenant in the person of The peace of Gaul being now established, Julian
the veteran general Sallustius, and the wisdom he exerted himself to rebuild the cities that had been
had learned in the schools of Greece was not ruined on the frontiers of Germany: among those
merely theoretical philosophy, but virtue: tempe- rebuilt and fortified by him were Bingen, Ander-
rate to the extreme, he despised the luxuries of a nach, Bonn, and Neuss, and, without doubt,
Roman court, and his food and bed were not better Cologne also, as this city had been likewise laid in
than those of a common soldier. In his adminis- asbes by the Germans. As the constant inroads
tration he was just and forbearing; and never dis- of the barbarians had interrupted all agricultural
couraged by. adversity nor inflated by success, he pursuits in those districts, there was a great scarcity
showed himself worthy to reign over others, be- of corn, but Julian procured an abundant supply
cause he could reign over himself.
by sending six hundred barges to England, which
Julian arrived in Gaul late in A. D. 355, and, came back with a sufficient quantity for both
after having stayed the winter at Vienna (Vienne grinding and sowing. The minimum of the quan-
TT 3
## p. 646 (#662) ############################################
646
JULIANUS.
JULIANUS.
tity of corn thus exported from England has been | Antioch, from whence he had superintended the
calculated at 120,000 quarters, and it has been Persian war. Informed of his plans, Julian re-
justly observed that the state of agriculture in this solved to thwart them by quickness and energy.
country must have been in an advanced condition, At Basel on the Rhine he divided his army into two
since so much corn could be exported nearly alto-corps: one, commanded by Novitta, was to march
gether at the same time. Julian bestowed the through Rhaetia and Noricum ; the other, under
same care upon the other provinces of Gaul, and the orders of Jovius and Jovinus, was to cross the
the country evidently recovered under his admi- Alps and march through the north-eastern corner of
nistration, although the power with which he was Italy: both divisions were to unite at Sirmium, a
a
invested was by no means extensive enough to town on the Savus, now Save. Julian, at the head
check the system of rapacity and oppression which of a small but chosen body of 3000 veterans, plunged
characterises the government of the later Roman into the wildernesses of the Marcian, now Black
emperors. His usual residence was Paris : he Forest ; and for some time the rival of Constantius
caused the large island in the Seine, which is now seemed to be lost in those dark glens whence issue
called l'île de la Cité, and whereupon stood ancient the sources of the Danube. But when Noritta,
Paris or Lutetia, to be surrounded by a stone wall Jovius and Jorinus arrived at Sirmium, they be-
and towers, and he built the Thermae Juliani, a held, to their joy and astonishment, the active
palace with baths, the extensive remains of which, Julinn with his band, who had descended the
"les thermes de Julien,” are still visible in the Danube and had already defeated the extreme out-
Rue de la Harpe, between the palace of Cluny and posts of Lucilian, the lieutenant of Constantius in
the School of Medicine.
ihose regions.
While Julian became more and more popular in From Sirmium Julian moved upon Constanti-
the provinces entrusted to his administration, and nople: the officers of Constantius fled before him,
his fame was spreading all over the empire, Con- but the inhabitants received him with acclamations
stantius once more gave way to the suggestions of of joy ; and at Athens, Rome, and other important
jealousy and distrust, and believed that Julian cities, he was either publicly or privately acknow-
aimed at popularity in order to gain for himself ledged as emperor, having previously sent expla-
the supreme authority. It happened that in A. D. natory letters to the authorities of those distant
360 the eastern provinces were again threatened places. Informed of the unexpected appearance of
by the Persians. Constantius commanded Julian Julian on the Danube, Constantius set out from
to send to the frontiers of Persia four of his best Syria to defend his capital ; and a terrible civil
legions and a number of picked soldiers from his war threatened to desolate Italy and the East,
other troops, apparently that he might be able to when Constantius suddenly died at Mopsocrene in
apprehend him, which it was impossible to do Cilicia, on the third of November, A. D. 36),
while he was surrounded by so many thousands of leaving the whole empire to the undisputed posses-
devoted warriors. This order surprised Julian in sion of Julian. On the 11th of December follow-
April 360: to obey it was to expose Gaul to new ing, Julian made his triumphal entrance into Con-
inroads of the Germans, and Britain to the m- stantinople. Shortly afterwards the mortal remains
vages of the Scots and Picts, whose incursions had of Constantius arrived in the Golden Horn, and
assumed such a dangerous character that Julian had were buried by Julian in the church of the Holy
just despatched Lupicinus to defend the island ; Apostles with great solemnity and magnificence.
but to disobey the order was open revolt. His While Julian thus gave a Christian burial to the
soldiers also were unwilling to march into Asia ; but body of his rival, he bad long ceased to be a
Julian, notwithstanding the dangers that awaited Christian himself. According to Julian's own
him, resolved to obey, and endeavoured to persuade statement (Epist. ii. ), he was a Christian up to his
his troops to submit quietly to the will of their twentieth year; and the manner in which he
master. His endeavours were in vain. In the praises his tutor, Mardonius, seems to imply that
night large bodies of soldiers surprised the palace Mardonius and the philosopher Maximus first caused
of Julian, and proclaimed him emperor. He had him to love the religion of the ancient Greeks,
hid himself in his apartments; but they soon dis- without, however, precisely estranging him from
covered him, dragged him, though respectfully, the Christian religion, which seems to have been
before the assembled troops, and compelled him to the effect of his study of the ancient Greek philo
accept the crown. Upon this he despatched Pen- sophers. The vile hypocrisy of the base and cruel
tadius and Eutherius with a conciliatory message Constantius, the conviction of Julian that Con-
to Constantius, in which, however, he positively stantine the Great bad at first protected, and after-
demanded to be acknowledged as Augustus, and to wards embraced, Christianity from mere political
be invested with the supreme authority in those motives, the persecuting spirit manifested equally
provinces over which he had ruled as Caesar, viz. by the Orthodox and Arians against one another,-
Gaul, Spain, and Britain. The conditions of Julian had also a great share in the conversion of Julian.
were haughtily declined ; and after a considerable During ten years he dissembled his apostacy,
time had elapsed in fruitless negotiations, which which was, however, known to many of his friends,
Julian employed in making two more expeditions and early suspected by his own brother Gallus ;
beyond the Rhine against the Franks and the and it was not till he had succeeded to the throne
Alemanni, he at last resolved to wage open war, that he publicly avowed himself a pagan. Our
and to march upon Constantinople. His army was space does not allow us to enter into the details
numerous and well disciplined, and the frontier of his apostacy, and we must refer the reader to
along the Rhine in an excellent state of defence: the sources cited below. His apostacy was no
his troops, who had refused leaving Gaul without sooner known than the Christians feared a cruel
him, now joyfully left it with him. Meanwhile, persecution, and the heathens hoped that paganism
Constantius likewise collected a strong army, and would be forced upon all who were not heathens ;
gave directions for the defence of his capital from | but they were both disappointed by an edict of
## p. 647 (#663) ############################################
JULIANUS.
647
JULIANUS.
Julian, in which he proclaimed a perfect toleration | down behind them by his orders, to convince the
of all parties. He was not, however, impartial in soldiers that a retreat was no plan of their master.
his conduct towards the Christians, since he pre- From Circesium he continued marching along the
ferred pagans as his civil and military officers, Euphrates till he came to that nartow neck of land
forbade the Christians to teach rhetoric and gram- which separates the Euphrates from the Tigris in
mar in the schools, and, in order to annoy them, the latitude of Ctesiphon. This portion of the route
allowed the Jews to rebuild their great temple at lies partly through a dreary desert, where the
Jerusalem*, and compelled the followers of Jesus to Romans experienced some trifling losses from the
pay money towards the erection of pagan temples, light Persian horse, who hovered round them, and
and, in some instances, to assist in building them. occasionally picked up stragglers or assailed the
Had Julian lived longer he would have seen that rear or the van. Previous to crossing the neck of
his apostacy was not followed by those effects, either land, Julian besieged, stormed, and burned Peri-
religious or political, which he lattered himself sabor, a large town on the Euphrates ; and while
would take place : he would have learnt that crossing that tract, he was delayed some timo
paganism, as he understood it, was not the religion under the walls of Maogamalcha, which he like
of the great mass of pagans, and that paganism, as wise took after a short siege and razed to the
it actually existed, was a rotten institution, desti- ground. Julian now accomplished a most difficult
tute of all religious and moral discipline; and he and extraordinary task: he conveyed his whole
would have witnessed that, however divided the fleet across the above-mentioned neck of land, by
Christians were, there was something better and an ancient canal called Nahar-Malcha, which, how-
healthier in Christianity than futile subjects for ever, he was obliged to deepen before he could
subtle controversies,
trust his ships in such a passage ; and, as the
Soon after his accession Julian set out for canal joined the Tigris below Ctesiphon, he looked
Antioch, where he remained some time busy in for and found an old cut, dug by Trajan, from
organising a powerful army for the invasion, and Colche to a place somewhat above Ctesiphon,
perhaps subjugation, of Persia. The people of which, however, he was likewise compelled to make
Antioch received him coolly: they were Christians, deeper and broader, so that at last his feet run
but also the most frivolous and luxurious people safely out into the Tigris. The canal of Nabar-
in the East, and they despised the straightforward Malcha is now called the canal of Saklawiyeh, or
and somewhat rustic manners of an emperor who Isa ; it joins the Tigris a little below Baghdad,
had formed his character among stern Celts and and it still affords a communication between the
Germans. At Antioch Julian made the acquaint- two rivers. Through a very skilful manoeuvre, he
ance of the orator Libanius ; but the latter was brought over his army on the left bank of the
unable to reconcile the emperor to the sort of life Tigris,-a passage not only extremely difficult on
which prevailed in that splendid city. He there account of the rapid current of the Tigris, but
fore withdrew to Tarsus in Cilicia, where he took rendered still more so through the stout resistance
up his winter-quarters. In the following spring of a Persian army, which, however, was routed and
(March, 363) he set out for Persia. The different pursued to the walls of Ctesiphon. The city would
corps of his army met at Hierapolis, where they have been entered by the Romans together with
passed the Euphrates on a bridge of boats, and the fugitive Persians, but for the death of their
thence moved to Carthae, now Harran, a town leader, Victor. Julian was now looking out for the
in Mesopotamia about fifty miles E. N. E. from arrival of Procopius and Sebastianus, and the main
Hierapolis. Julian's plan was to march upon army of the Armenian king, Arsaces or Tiranus.
Ctesiphon, but in order to deceive the Persian He was sadly disappointed: his lieutenants did
king, Sapor, he despatched Procopius and Sebas- not arrive, and Tiranus arranged for a body of his
tianus with 30,000 men against Nisibis (east of Armenians to desert which had joined the Romans
Carrhae), while he himself wheeled suddenly round previously, and which now secretly withdrew from
to the south, following the course of the Euphrates the Roman camp at Ctesiphon. Julian neverthe-
• on its left or Mesopotamian side. Procopius and less began the siege of that vast city, which was
Sebastianus were to join Arsaces Tiranus, king of defended by the flower of the Persian troops, king
Armenia, and Julian expected to effect a junction Sapor, with the main body of his army, not having
with their united forces in the environs of Ctesi- yet arrived from the interior of Persia. Unable to
phon ; but the treachery of Arsaces prevented the take the city, and desirous of dispersing the king's
accomplishment of his plan, as is mentioned below army, Julian imprudently followed the advice of a
[Compare Vol. I. p. 363, b. ). While Julian marched Persian nobleman of great distinction, who appeared
along the Euphrates in a south-eastern direction, in the Roman camp under the pretext of being
he was accompanied by a fleet of 1100 ships, fifty persecuted by Sapor, and who recommended the
of which were well-armed galleys, and the rest emperor to set out in search of the Persian king.
barges, carrying a vast supply of provisions and In doing so, Julian would have been compelled to
military stores. At Circesium, situated on the abandon his fleet on the Tigris to the attacks of a
confluence of the Chaboras, now the Khabur, with hostile and infuriated populace : this he avoided by
the Euphrates, he arrived at the Persian frontier, setting fire to his ships,--the best thing he could
which ran along the lower part of the Chaboras, have done, if his march into the interior of Persia
and he entered the Persian territory on the 7th of had been dictated by absolute necessity ; but
April, 363, at the head of an army of 65,000 as he was not obliged to leave the city, even suc-
veterans. The bridge of the Chaboras was broken cess would not have compensated for the loss of
1200 ships. In proportion as the Romans ad-
Respecting the alleged miracle which inter- vanced eastward, the country became more and
rupted the Jews in this work, see the judicious re more barren, and Sapor remained invisible. The
marks in Lardner's Jewish and Heathen Testimonies, treachery of the Persian noble was discovered after
rol. iv.
his secret flight, and Julian was obliged to retreat.
тт 4
## p. 648 (#664) ############################################
648
JULIANUS.
JULIANUS.
He took the direction of the province of Corduene. I his contemporaries, and we trace in his writings the
The Persians now appeared : swarms of light influence of the Platonists no less than that of
horse were seen hovering round the army; larger Plato, Aristotle, Thucydides, and so many other
bodies followed, and ere long Sapor, with his main writers of the golden age. There is, however, one
army, came in sight, and harassed fearfully the circumstance which reconciles the reader to many.
rear of the Romans. Still the Romans remained of the author's defects: Julian did not merely
victorious in many a bloody engagement, especially write for writing's sake, as so many of his contem-
at Maronga ; but it was in the month of June, and poraries did, but he shows that he bad bis subjects
the oppressive heat, and the want of water and really at heart, and that in literature as well as in
provisions had a pernicious effect upon the troops. business his extraordinary activity arose from the
On the 26th of June the Roman rear was suddenly wants of a powerful mind, which desired to improve
assailed by the Persians, and Julian, who com- itself and the world. In this respect Julian excites
manded the van, hastened to the relief of the rear our sympathy much more, for instance, than the
without his cuirass, the heat making a heavy rhetorician Libanius
armour almost insupportable. The Persians were The following are the editions of the entire works
repulsed, and filed in confusion. Julian was pursu- of Julian :-Juliani Imperatoris Opera quae extant,
ing them with the utmost bravery, when in the with a Latin translation by P. Martinius
and C. Can-
middle of the mélée he was shot by an arrow, that toclarus, and the author's life by Martinius, Paris,
pierced through his liver. He fell from his horse 1583, 8vo. : Juliani Opera, quae quidem reperiri po-
inortally wounded, and was conveyed to his tent. tuerunt, omnia, Paris, 1630, 4to. , by Petavius with
Feeling his death approaching, he took leave of his notes and a Latin translation. A better edition than
friends with touching words, but certainly not with either of the two preceding is:Juliani Impera-
that fine and elegant speech with which . Immianus toris Opera, quae supersunt omnia, Leipzig, 1696, fol. ,
Marcellinus (xxv. 3) makes him bid farewell to by Ezechiel Spanheim, who perused an excellent co-
the world.
dex, which enabled him to publish a much purer text
Jovian was chosen emperor in his stead, on the than Petavius, and he added the notes of Petavius
field of battle. (JOVIANUS. )
and his translation, which he corrected, as well as
We cannot enter into a long description of Ju- an excellent commentary of his own. This edition
lian's character. His talents, his principles, and contains 63 letters of Julian. Spanheim further
his deeds, were alike extraordinary. His pride was added to it S. Cyrilli, Alesandrini Archiepiscopi,
to be called by others and by himself a philosopher, contra impium Julianum Libri Decem, which is the
yet many facts prove that he was very superstitious. more valuable as Cyrillus was one of the most able
Most Christian writers abused and calumniated | adversaries of Julian, as is mentioned below. The
him because he abandoned Christianity: if they following is a list of Julian's works, with the prin-
had pitied him they would have acted more in ac- cipal separate editions of each :-
cordance with that sublime precept of our religion, 1. Letters. The first collection, published by
which teaches us to forgive our enemies. It must Aldus, Venice, 1499, 4to. , contains only 48 letters;
ever be recollected that the bigotry, the hypocrisy, Spanheim published 63 in his edition of the works
and the uncharitableness, of the majority of the of Julian ; others were found in later times, foar of
Christians of Julian's time, were some of the prin- which are printed in Fabricius, Biblioth. Graec. ;
cipal causes that led to his apostacy. In reading the last and best edition is by L. H. Heyler, Mainz,
the ancient authorities, the student ought to bear 1828, 8vo. ; it contains 83 letters, with a Latin
in mind that the heathen writers extol Julian far translation and a commentary of the editor. There
too high, and that the Christians debase him far are besides some fragments of lost letters. Among
too low.
the letters of Julian, there is also one which was
Julian was great as an emperor, unique as a written to him by his brother Gallus, in A. D. 353,
man, and remarkable as an author. He wrote an who advises him to remain faithful to the Christian
immense number of works, consisting of orations religion. The authenticity of several letters is con-
on various subjects, historical treatises, satires, tested. They treat on various subjects, and are of
and letters : most of the latter were intended for great importance for the history of the time. One,
public circulation. All these works are very ela- which was addressed to the senate and people of
borately composed, so much so as to afford a fa- Athens, and in which the author explains the mo-
tiguing and monotonous reading to those who peruse tives of his baving taken up arms against the em-
them merely for their merits as specimens of Greek peror Constantius, is an interesting and most im-
literature ; but they are at the same time very important historical document
portant sources for the history and the opinions of II. Orations. 1. 'Eykulov #pos Tór aŭtorpá-
the age on religion and philosophy. Julian also topa Kwvorávtior, with a Latin translation by
tried to write poetry, but he was no poet: he Petavius, Paris, 1614, 8vo. : an encomium of the
lacks iinagination, and his artificial manner of em- emperor Constantius, in which Julian is not con-
bellishing prose shows that he had no poetical sistent with his usual feelings of contempt and hatred
vein. He was a man of reflection and thought, but towards that emperor. In general Julian speaks
possessed no creative genius. His style is remark- very badly of the whole imperial family, and even
ably pure for his time, and shows that he had not Constantine the Great does not escape his severe
only studied the classical Greek historians and phi- censure. Wyttenbach, in the work quoted below, has
losophers, but had so far identified himself with his written some excellent observations on this work. 2.
models, that there is scarcely a page in his works | Περί των Αυτοκράτορος Πράξεων, η περί Βασιλείας,
where we do not meet with either reminiscences two orations on the deeds and the reign of the em-
from the classical writers, or visible efforts to express peror Constantius, which are of great importance
his ideas in the same way as they did. With this for the knowledge of the time: in the complete
painful imitation of his classical models he often editions. Julian wrote these orations in Gaul, and
unites the exaggerated and over-elaborate style of | betrays in many a passage his preference of pagan-
## p. 649 (#665) ############################################
JULIANUS.
619
JULIANUS.
ism to Christianity, as well as his enthusiastic | Antioch, with occasional ironical confessions of the
love of the new Platonic philosophy. 3. Eugeblas author's own faults, who was induced to write this
This Baoiridos 'Eynuov, an encomiurn on the em- amusing piece during his stay at Antioch, as men-
press Eusebia, the patroness of Julian: ed. Peta- tioned above. Julian chose the title Migonuyws
vius, Paris, 1614, 8vo. 4.
Els TÒV Baonta "Hasov, because the inhabitants of Antioch, being accus-
an oration on the worship of the sun, addressed to tomed to shave themselves, ridiculed Julian, who
Sallustius, his old military councillor and friend, allowed his beard to grow, in the ancient fashion.
first in Gaul and afterwards in Germany: ed. by Editions : by Petrus Martinius, Paris, 1567, 8vo. ,
Theodorus Marcilius, Paris, 1583. 8vo. ; by Vin- 1583, 8vo. ; by H. I. Lasius, together with the
centius Marinerius, Madrid, 1625, 8vo. 5. Els Caesares, and a German translation of both, Greifs-
Tthe unrépa Tv Orwv, an oration on the mother wald, 1770, 8vo. ; there are also English, French,
of gods (Cybele) : Julian visited the temple of and German translations of the Misopogon. The
Cybele at Pessinus, and restored her worship. 6. following English translations of some of the minor
Είς τους απαιδεύτους Κύνας ; and 7. Προς Ηρά- productions of Julian are worthy of mention:
κλειον Κυνικόν, περί του πως Κυνιστέυν, και εί* Julian's Letter to the Bostrens," translated by
πρέπει τώ Κυνί μύθους πράττειν, two orations on the Earl of Shaftesbury, in his “ Characteristics,"
true and false Cynicism, the latter addressed to the London, 1733, 12mo. ; two Orations of the Em-
Cynic Heracleius. 8. 'Em Tô dfúsq Toll ázalo peror Julian, viz. to the Sun, and to the Mother
Tárov Zatlovoriou napauvontinós, a letter to the of the Gods, with notes, &c. . London, 1793, 8vo.
aforesaid Sallustius, in which he consoles himself | The English literature is rich in works on Julian.
and his friends on the recal of Sallustius, by the IV. Poems. Three epigrams of little import-
emperor Constantius, from Gaul to the East. 9. A ance, in the “ Anthologia Graeca," and a fourth,
letter, or more correctly dissertation, addressed to discovered by Boissonade, in the “ Analecta," and
his former tutor, the philosopher Themistius, on the in Heyler's edition of Julian's Letters.
difficulty the author thinks he would experience in V. Lost Works. The niost important is, Kard
showing himself so perfect an emperor as Themis Xprotiavô, a refutation of the Christian religion,
tius expected.
in seven books, according to Hieronymus, al-
III. Other Works. 1. Kaioapes Luutóolov, though Cyrill only speaks of three. These three
the “ Caesars or the Banquet," a satirical com- books were directed against the dogmatical part of
position, which Gibbon justly calls one of the most the Christian religion, as contained in the Gospels ;
agreeable and instructive productions of ancient and it is against this part of the work that Cyrill
wit. Julian describes the Roman emperors ap- wrote his famous work “Υπέρ της των Χριστια-
proaching one after the other to take their seat Γνων ευαγούς θρησκείας, προς τα του εν αθέοις
round a table placed in the heavens ; and as they | 'IovAcavoû, which is separately printed in Spanheim's
come up, their faults, vices, and crimes, are cen- edition of the works of Julian. All the copies
sured with a sort of bitter mirth by old Silenus, of Julian's work which could be found were de-
whereupon each Caesar defends himself as well as stroyed by order of the emperor Theodosius II. , and
he can, that is, as well as Julian allows him to do; the whole would have been lost for ever but for
but in this Julian shows much partiality, especially Cyrill, who gives extracts from the three first
towards Constantine the Great and other members books in his refutation of Julian. But these extracts
of the imperial family. Alexander the Great also are far from giving an adequate idea of the work.
appears. He and other great heroes at last ac- Cyrill confesses that he had not ventured to copy
knowledge that a royal philosopher is greater than several of the weightiest arguments of the author.
a royal hero, and the piece finishes with a great The Kard Xpuotiavê was likewise refuted by
deal of praise bestowed upon Julian by himself. | Apollinaris, whose Λόγος υπέρ αληθείας κατά
There are many editions and translations of this l 'lovliavou, however, is lost, as are the refutations
remarkable production. Of these, the most im- of Photius and Philippus of Sida. The marquis
portant are the text with a Latin translation by d'Argens, a chamberlain to Frederic the Great,
C. Cantoclarus, Paris, 1577, 8vo. , the Editio Prin- king of Prussia, translated the extracts made by
ceps; the same, Ibid. 1583, 8vo. ; the same, corrected Cyrill, and tried to complete them, according to
by Frederic Sylburg, in the third volume of his some, at the suggestion of his master. The title of
Romanae Historiae Scriptores Minores, and sepa- the translation is, Défense du Paganisme par
rately, Frankfort, 1590, fol. ; by Petrus Cunaeas, l'Empereur Julien, en Grec et en Français," &c.
with an elegant Latin translation, Leyden, 1612, &c. , Berlin, 1764, 8vo. ; lb. (Geneva), 1768, 8vo. ;
12mo. , 1632, 12mo. ; the same with the notes of Ib. 1769, 2 vols. 8vo. The marquis was any thing
Cellarius, Leipzig, 1693, 8vo. , 1735, 8vo. The but a Christian, and his opinions on Julian and
best editions are by J. M. Heusinger, Gotha, 1736, Paganism were attacked by G. F. Meier in his
8vo. , 1741, 8vo. , and by Harless, the editor of Beurtheilung der Betrachtungen des Marquis
Fabricius, Bibl. Graeca, Erlangen, 1785, 8vo. An d'Argens über Julian,” Halle, 1764, 8vo. ; by W.
English translation of the Caesares, the Misopogon, Crichton,“ Betrachtungen über den AbfallJulian's;"
and several other productions of Julian, is contained and by others. Other lost works of Julian are :
in “ Select Works of the Emperor Julian, and some nepl tv tpcov oxuátwv; Nepl toll tóbev od
Pieces of the Sophist Libanius, &c. , with Notes from κακά κατά τους απαιδεύτους ; Τα καλούμενα
Petav, La Bléterie, Gibbon, &c. , and a translation Kpória; Memoirs on his Campaigns in Germany;
of La Bléterie's Vie de Jovien, by John Duncombe," his Journal, in which he used to write down the
London, 1784, 8vo. Several French, German, events of every day; and others, especially many
Italian, and Dutch translations are mentioned by letters.
Fabricius.
Julian composed his works in the following
2. 'AytiOxukos Moonywv," the Antiochian, or chronological order:—The Encomia on Constantius;
the Enemy of the Beard, "a severe satire on the licen- the Encomium on the Empress Eusebia, not before
tious and effeminate manners of the inhabitants of A. D. 356 ; the Letter to Sallustius, in A. D. 360;
66
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050
JULIANUS.
JULIANUS.
the Letter to the Senate and the People of Athens, phrase " The luminary of the law," may be inferren
in A. D. 360 ; the Letter to Themistius, and the from the epigram* of his contemporary Theaetetus
Oration on Helius, in 361 ; the Kaioapes, in the Scholasticus preserved in the Anthologia Graeca
winter of 361-362, or perhaps in the following (vol. iii. p. 216, ed. Jacobs), among other epigrams
year; most of his extant Letters during the same addressed to the statues of eminent men :-
period ; one of his Orations on false Cynicism, and
Τούτον Ιουλιανόν, νομικόν φάος, είπον ιδούσαι
that on the Mother of Gods, as well as a Letter on
the restoration of ancient Hellenism, of which a frag-
Ρώμη και Βερόη, «Πάντα φύσις δύναται. »
ment is extant, in 362; the Misopogon in the be Hunc videntes Julianum, splendidum juris decus,
ginning of 363; and the Kard Xpiotiavwv, finished Roma Berytusque, Nil non, inquiunt, natura quit.
during his expedition against the Persians, in the To this same Julianus is attributed the authorship
summer of 363.
of three epigrams in the same collection (vol. ii.
(The works of Julian ; Amm. Marc. 5, 8-xxv. p. 230) headed ’lovasavoù ’AVTuÝVOOpos. Alciatus
5 ; most of the Orations and Epistles of Libanius, (Purerg. ii. 46) calls Julianus patricius and ex-
especially, Orutio Parentulis ; Ad Antiochenos de consul, but without sufficient authority; and Hu-
Imperutoris Ira; De Nece Juliuni ulciscenda ; ber Goltzius, in his preface to the edition of the
Socrates, H. E. lib. iii. ;. Zonar. lib. xiii. ; 20- Epitome of the Novells, which was published at
sim. lib. iii. ; Eutrop. x. 14, &c. ; Themist. Orat. Bruges in 1565, thinks it likely that the author of
iv. ; Gregor. Nazianz. Orat. iii. iv. x. xxi. ; So the Epitome was identical with the consul Julia-
zomen. lib. v. vi. ; Mamertinus in Panegyric. Vet.
nus, to whom Priscian dedicates his grammar.
(Mamertinus was Comes Largitionum to Julian,
That the author of the Epitome was a professor
whom he accompanied in Gaul, and on his me-
is shown by varions forms of expression occurring
morable expedition down the Danube); Aurel. in that work which are known to have been usual
Vict. Constuntius in fin. ; Moses Chorenensis
, among the professors of the Lower Empire ; as, for
lib. iii. ; Theophanes, pp. 29–44, ed. Paris : example, the word didicimus, at the beginning of
Fabric. Bibl. Graeca, vol. vi. p. 719, &c.
For
the 67th constitution of the Epitome. It is also
other sources, especially ecclesiastical writers, and clear, from internal evidence, that the author was a
with regard to Julian's apostacy, we refer the resident in Constantinople, which in c. 216 and
reader to Fabricius, the notes to the splendid life 358 he calls haec ciritas, although in neither case
of Julian by Gibbon, in his Decline and Fall, and does the Novell of Justinian which he is abstract-
the Abbé de la Bléterie's Vie de Julien, of which ing contain a parallel expression.
there is an English translation ; Neander, Ueber
The collection of Novells translated and abridged
den Kuiser Julian, Leipz. 1812; Wiggers, Dissert. by Julianus is referred by Freherus, in his Chrono-
de Juliano Apostata, Rostock, 1810, of which there logia prefixed to the Jus Graeco-Romanum, to the
is a new edition in German in Illgen's Zeitschrift
für Hist. Theol. 1837, vol. vii. ; Schulze, De Ju- year A. D. 570, and this date has been followed by
the majority of legal historians ; but there is every
liani Philosophin et Moribus, 1839; Teuffel, De
reason to believe that the Epitome was completed
Juliuno religionis Christiani contemptore, Tübingen. during the life of Justinian, in A. D. 556. In it
1844. )
(W. P. ] Justinian is uniformly called noster imperator, while
preceding emperors, as Leo and Justinus, are called
Divus Leo and Divus Justinus. In the abstracts
of Novells 117 and 134 there is no allusion to the
subsequent legislation of Justinian, which again
permitted divortium bona gratia. In the original col-
lection, also, no Novell of later date than the year
A. D. 556 is abstracted.
The original collection consists of 124, or at
JULIA'NUS, the Graeco-Roman Jurist. A most 125, constitutions. These again are divided
Latin Epitome of the Novells of Justinian is extant
into chapters, which, in the editions subsequent to
under this name. In one MS. the work is attributed
A, D 1561, are doubly numbered, one numbering
to Joannes, a citizen of Constantinople ; in some, running through the work from the commencement,
no author is named ; but in several the translation and another beginning anew with each constitution.
and abridgment are ascribed to Julianus, a professor The 125 constitutions make 564 chapters. This
(antecessor) at Constantinople. It is remarkable will explain the different modes of citation. Thus
that no jurist of the name is recorded among the const. I consists of four chapters, and const. 2 of
compilers employed by Justinian, and no professor five chapters. The fourth chapter of const. 2 might
of the name occurs in the inscription of the Const. be cited as c. 9, or as const. 2, c. 4. Again, the
Omnem addressed by Justinian in A. D. 533 to the 8th constitution, the whole of which makes one
professors of law at Constantinople and Berytus. chapter (the 48th), may be cited as const. 8, or as
Among the extracts from contemporaries of Jus- c. 44.
All that follows the 125th constitution in
tinian, which were originally appended to the text
of the Basilica, there is not one that bears the name
* In this epigram, by 'Pun we are probably to
of Julianus. In Basil. 16. tit. 1.
culations concerning the history of this piece, see view with Constantius, and having succeeded in
Garnier, Append. ad Diss. VI. vol. i. p. 388. calming the emperor's suspicions, was allowed to
## p. 645 (#661) ############################################
JULIANUS.
645
JULIANC'S.
lead a private life at Athens (A. D. 355). Athens | in Dauphiné), be set out in the spring of 356 to
was then the centre of Greek learning, and there drive the barbarians back over the Rhine. In
Julian spent a short but delightful period in in- this campaign he fought against the Alemanni, the
tercourse with the most celebrated philosophers, invaders of Southern Gaul. He made their first
scholars, and artists of the time, and in the society acquaintance near Rheims, and paid dearly for it:
of a company of young men who were devoted to they fell unexpectedly upon his rear, and two
the pursuit of knowledge, and among whom was legions were cut to pieces. But as he nevertheless
Gregory Nazianzen, who became afterwards 80 advanced towards the Rhine, it seems that the
celebrated as a Christian orator. Among those principal disadvantage of his defeat was only a loss
learned men Julian was not the least in renown, of men. In the following spring (357) he intended
and he attracted universal attention both by his to cross the Rhine, and to penetrate into the
talents and his knowledge. The study of Greek country of the Alemanni ; and he would have
literature and philosophy was his principal and executed his plan but for the strange conduct of
favourite pursuit. He had been brought up by the Roman general Barbatio, who was on his
Greeks and among Greeks, and his predilection for march from Italy with an army of 25,000, or
whatever was Greek was of course very natural ; perhaps 30,000 men, in order to effect his junction
but he did not neglect Latin literature, and we with Julian. A sufficient number of bonts wns
learn from Ammianus Marcellinus (xvi. 5), that collected at Basel for the purpose of throwing a
he had a fair knowledge of the Latin language, bridge over the Rhine, and provisions were kept
which was then still spoken at the court of Con- there for supporting his troops, but Barbatio re-
stantinople. While Julian lived in happy retire mained inactive on the left bank, and proved his
ment at Athens, the emperor was bent down by treacherous designs by burning both the ships and
the weight of public affairs, and the empire being the provisions. In consequence of this, Julian
exposed to the invasions of the Persians in the east, was compelled to adopt the defensive, and the Ale-
and of the Germans and Sarmatians in the west manni, headed by their king Chnodomarius, crossed
and the north, he followed the advice of Eusebia, the Rhine, and took up a position near Strassburg
in opposition to his eunucho, in conferring the rank (August, 1. D. 357). ' Their army was 35,000
of Caesar upon Julian, who was accordingly, re strong: Julian had only 13,000 veterans ; but
called from Athens and summoned to Milan, where he did not decline the engagement, and, after
Constantius was residing. Julian obeyed reluc- a terrible conflict, he gained a decisive victory,
tantly: the Greek Minerva had more charms for wbich was chiefly owing to the personal valour
him than the Roman Jupiter, and he was too well of the young prince. Six thousand of the barba-
acquainted with the mythology of his ancestors rians remained on the field, perhaps as many were
not to know that even the embraces of Jupiter are slain in their flight or drowned in the Rhine, and
sometimes fatal. On the 6th of November, A. D. their king Chnodomarius was made prisoner. The
355, Julian was solemnly proclaimed Caesar, and loss of the Romans in this memorable battle is
received, as a guarantee of the emperor's sincerity, stated by Ammianus Marcellinus to have been
the hand of his sister Helena, who was the only 243 privates and four officers ; but this is
youngest child of Constantine the Great. At the not credible. Chnodomarius was well treated by
same time he was invested with the government of Julian, who sent him to the court of Constantius.
the provinces beyond the Alps, but some time (CHNODOMARIUS. )
elapsed before he set out for Gaul, where he was Immediately after this victory Julian invaded
to reside, and during this time he began to accas- the territory of the Alemanni on the right bank
tom himself to behave with that composure and of the Rhine, but more for the purpose of exbibit-
artificial dignity which suited a person of his ing his power than of making any permanent
exalted station, but which corresponded so little conquests, for he advanced only a few miles, and
with his taste and habits. When he first entered then returned and led bis troops against the
upon public life he was timid and clumsy, and he Franks, who had conquered the tract between the
used afterwards to laugh at his own awkwardness Scheldt, the Maas, and the Lower Rhine. Some
on those occasions. The internal peace of Gaol of the Frankish tribes he drove back into Germany,
was still suffering from the consequences of the and others he allowed to remain in Gaul, on con-
revolt of Sylvanus, and her frontiers were assailed dition of their submitting to the Roman authority.
by the Germans, who had crossed the Rhine, Upon this he invaded Germany a second time, in
burnt Strassburg, Trèves, Cologne, and many other 358, and a third time in 359, in order to make
flourishing cities, and made devastating inroads the Alemanni desist from all further attempts
into the midland provinces of Ganl. Accustomed upon Gaul, and he not only succeeded, but returned
to the quiet occupations of a scholar, Julian seemed with 20,000 Romans, whom the Alemanni had
little fitted for the command in the field, but he taken, and whom he compelled them to give up.
found an experienced lieutenant in the person of The peace of Gaul being now established, Julian
the veteran general Sallustius, and the wisdom he exerted himself to rebuild the cities that had been
had learned in the schools of Greece was not ruined on the frontiers of Germany: among those
merely theoretical philosophy, but virtue: tempe- rebuilt and fortified by him were Bingen, Ander-
rate to the extreme, he despised the luxuries of a nach, Bonn, and Neuss, and, without doubt,
Roman court, and his food and bed were not better Cologne also, as this city had been likewise laid in
than those of a common soldier. In his adminis- asbes by the Germans. As the constant inroads
tration he was just and forbearing; and never dis- of the barbarians had interrupted all agricultural
couraged by. adversity nor inflated by success, he pursuits in those districts, there was a great scarcity
showed himself worthy to reign over others, be- of corn, but Julian procured an abundant supply
cause he could reign over himself.
by sending six hundred barges to England, which
Julian arrived in Gaul late in A. D. 355, and, came back with a sufficient quantity for both
after having stayed the winter at Vienna (Vienne grinding and sowing. The minimum of the quan-
TT 3
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646
JULIANUS.
JULIANUS.
tity of corn thus exported from England has been | Antioch, from whence he had superintended the
calculated at 120,000 quarters, and it has been Persian war. Informed of his plans, Julian re-
justly observed that the state of agriculture in this solved to thwart them by quickness and energy.
country must have been in an advanced condition, At Basel on the Rhine he divided his army into two
since so much corn could be exported nearly alto-corps: one, commanded by Novitta, was to march
gether at the same time. Julian bestowed the through Rhaetia and Noricum ; the other, under
same care upon the other provinces of Gaul, and the orders of Jovius and Jovinus, was to cross the
the country evidently recovered under his admi- Alps and march through the north-eastern corner of
nistration, although the power with which he was Italy: both divisions were to unite at Sirmium, a
a
invested was by no means extensive enough to town on the Savus, now Save. Julian, at the head
check the system of rapacity and oppression which of a small but chosen body of 3000 veterans, plunged
characterises the government of the later Roman into the wildernesses of the Marcian, now Black
emperors. His usual residence was Paris : he Forest ; and for some time the rival of Constantius
caused the large island in the Seine, which is now seemed to be lost in those dark glens whence issue
called l'île de la Cité, and whereupon stood ancient the sources of the Danube. But when Noritta,
Paris or Lutetia, to be surrounded by a stone wall Jovius and Jorinus arrived at Sirmium, they be-
and towers, and he built the Thermae Juliani, a held, to their joy and astonishment, the active
palace with baths, the extensive remains of which, Julinn with his band, who had descended the
"les thermes de Julien,” are still visible in the Danube and had already defeated the extreme out-
Rue de la Harpe, between the palace of Cluny and posts of Lucilian, the lieutenant of Constantius in
the School of Medicine.
ihose regions.
While Julian became more and more popular in From Sirmium Julian moved upon Constanti-
the provinces entrusted to his administration, and nople: the officers of Constantius fled before him,
his fame was spreading all over the empire, Con- but the inhabitants received him with acclamations
stantius once more gave way to the suggestions of of joy ; and at Athens, Rome, and other important
jealousy and distrust, and believed that Julian cities, he was either publicly or privately acknow-
aimed at popularity in order to gain for himself ledged as emperor, having previously sent expla-
the supreme authority. It happened that in A. D. natory letters to the authorities of those distant
360 the eastern provinces were again threatened places. Informed of the unexpected appearance of
by the Persians. Constantius commanded Julian Julian on the Danube, Constantius set out from
to send to the frontiers of Persia four of his best Syria to defend his capital ; and a terrible civil
legions and a number of picked soldiers from his war threatened to desolate Italy and the East,
other troops, apparently that he might be able to when Constantius suddenly died at Mopsocrene in
apprehend him, which it was impossible to do Cilicia, on the third of November, A. D. 36),
while he was surrounded by so many thousands of leaving the whole empire to the undisputed posses-
devoted warriors. This order surprised Julian in sion of Julian. On the 11th of December follow-
April 360: to obey it was to expose Gaul to new ing, Julian made his triumphal entrance into Con-
inroads of the Germans, and Britain to the m- stantinople. Shortly afterwards the mortal remains
vages of the Scots and Picts, whose incursions had of Constantius arrived in the Golden Horn, and
assumed such a dangerous character that Julian had were buried by Julian in the church of the Holy
just despatched Lupicinus to defend the island ; Apostles with great solemnity and magnificence.
but to disobey the order was open revolt. His While Julian thus gave a Christian burial to the
soldiers also were unwilling to march into Asia ; but body of his rival, he bad long ceased to be a
Julian, notwithstanding the dangers that awaited Christian himself. According to Julian's own
him, resolved to obey, and endeavoured to persuade statement (Epist. ii. ), he was a Christian up to his
his troops to submit quietly to the will of their twentieth year; and the manner in which he
master. His endeavours were in vain. In the praises his tutor, Mardonius, seems to imply that
night large bodies of soldiers surprised the palace Mardonius and the philosopher Maximus first caused
of Julian, and proclaimed him emperor. He had him to love the religion of the ancient Greeks,
hid himself in his apartments; but they soon dis- without, however, precisely estranging him from
covered him, dragged him, though respectfully, the Christian religion, which seems to have been
before the assembled troops, and compelled him to the effect of his study of the ancient Greek philo
accept the crown. Upon this he despatched Pen- sophers. The vile hypocrisy of the base and cruel
tadius and Eutherius with a conciliatory message Constantius, the conviction of Julian that Con-
to Constantius, in which, however, he positively stantine the Great bad at first protected, and after-
demanded to be acknowledged as Augustus, and to wards embraced, Christianity from mere political
be invested with the supreme authority in those motives, the persecuting spirit manifested equally
provinces over which he had ruled as Caesar, viz. by the Orthodox and Arians against one another,-
Gaul, Spain, and Britain. The conditions of Julian had also a great share in the conversion of Julian.
were haughtily declined ; and after a considerable During ten years he dissembled his apostacy,
time had elapsed in fruitless negotiations, which which was, however, known to many of his friends,
Julian employed in making two more expeditions and early suspected by his own brother Gallus ;
beyond the Rhine against the Franks and the and it was not till he had succeeded to the throne
Alemanni, he at last resolved to wage open war, that he publicly avowed himself a pagan. Our
and to march upon Constantinople. His army was space does not allow us to enter into the details
numerous and well disciplined, and the frontier of his apostacy, and we must refer the reader to
along the Rhine in an excellent state of defence: the sources cited below. His apostacy was no
his troops, who had refused leaving Gaul without sooner known than the Christians feared a cruel
him, now joyfully left it with him. Meanwhile, persecution, and the heathens hoped that paganism
Constantius likewise collected a strong army, and would be forced upon all who were not heathens ;
gave directions for the defence of his capital from | but they were both disappointed by an edict of
## p. 647 (#663) ############################################
JULIANUS.
647
JULIANUS.
Julian, in which he proclaimed a perfect toleration | down behind them by his orders, to convince the
of all parties. He was not, however, impartial in soldiers that a retreat was no plan of their master.
his conduct towards the Christians, since he pre- From Circesium he continued marching along the
ferred pagans as his civil and military officers, Euphrates till he came to that nartow neck of land
forbade the Christians to teach rhetoric and gram- which separates the Euphrates from the Tigris in
mar in the schools, and, in order to annoy them, the latitude of Ctesiphon. This portion of the route
allowed the Jews to rebuild their great temple at lies partly through a dreary desert, where the
Jerusalem*, and compelled the followers of Jesus to Romans experienced some trifling losses from the
pay money towards the erection of pagan temples, light Persian horse, who hovered round them, and
and, in some instances, to assist in building them. occasionally picked up stragglers or assailed the
Had Julian lived longer he would have seen that rear or the van. Previous to crossing the neck of
his apostacy was not followed by those effects, either land, Julian besieged, stormed, and burned Peri-
religious or political, which he lattered himself sabor, a large town on the Euphrates ; and while
would take place : he would have learnt that crossing that tract, he was delayed some timo
paganism, as he understood it, was not the religion under the walls of Maogamalcha, which he like
of the great mass of pagans, and that paganism, as wise took after a short siege and razed to the
it actually existed, was a rotten institution, desti- ground. Julian now accomplished a most difficult
tute of all religious and moral discipline; and he and extraordinary task: he conveyed his whole
would have witnessed that, however divided the fleet across the above-mentioned neck of land, by
Christians were, there was something better and an ancient canal called Nahar-Malcha, which, how-
healthier in Christianity than futile subjects for ever, he was obliged to deepen before he could
subtle controversies,
trust his ships in such a passage ; and, as the
Soon after his accession Julian set out for canal joined the Tigris below Ctesiphon, he looked
Antioch, where he remained some time busy in for and found an old cut, dug by Trajan, from
organising a powerful army for the invasion, and Colche to a place somewhat above Ctesiphon,
perhaps subjugation, of Persia. The people of which, however, he was likewise compelled to make
Antioch received him coolly: they were Christians, deeper and broader, so that at last his feet run
but also the most frivolous and luxurious people safely out into the Tigris. The canal of Nabar-
in the East, and they despised the straightforward Malcha is now called the canal of Saklawiyeh, or
and somewhat rustic manners of an emperor who Isa ; it joins the Tigris a little below Baghdad,
had formed his character among stern Celts and and it still affords a communication between the
Germans. At Antioch Julian made the acquaint- two rivers. Through a very skilful manoeuvre, he
ance of the orator Libanius ; but the latter was brought over his army on the left bank of the
unable to reconcile the emperor to the sort of life Tigris,-a passage not only extremely difficult on
which prevailed in that splendid city. He there account of the rapid current of the Tigris, but
fore withdrew to Tarsus in Cilicia, where he took rendered still more so through the stout resistance
up his winter-quarters. In the following spring of a Persian army, which, however, was routed and
(March, 363) he set out for Persia. The different pursued to the walls of Ctesiphon. The city would
corps of his army met at Hierapolis, where they have been entered by the Romans together with
passed the Euphrates on a bridge of boats, and the fugitive Persians, but for the death of their
thence moved to Carthae, now Harran, a town leader, Victor. Julian was now looking out for the
in Mesopotamia about fifty miles E. N. E. from arrival of Procopius and Sebastianus, and the main
Hierapolis. Julian's plan was to march upon army of the Armenian king, Arsaces or Tiranus.
Ctesiphon, but in order to deceive the Persian He was sadly disappointed: his lieutenants did
king, Sapor, he despatched Procopius and Sebas- not arrive, and Tiranus arranged for a body of his
tianus with 30,000 men against Nisibis (east of Armenians to desert which had joined the Romans
Carrhae), while he himself wheeled suddenly round previously, and which now secretly withdrew from
to the south, following the course of the Euphrates the Roman camp at Ctesiphon. Julian neverthe-
• on its left or Mesopotamian side. Procopius and less began the siege of that vast city, which was
Sebastianus were to join Arsaces Tiranus, king of defended by the flower of the Persian troops, king
Armenia, and Julian expected to effect a junction Sapor, with the main body of his army, not having
with their united forces in the environs of Ctesi- yet arrived from the interior of Persia. Unable to
phon ; but the treachery of Arsaces prevented the take the city, and desirous of dispersing the king's
accomplishment of his plan, as is mentioned below army, Julian imprudently followed the advice of a
[Compare Vol. I. p. 363, b. ). While Julian marched Persian nobleman of great distinction, who appeared
along the Euphrates in a south-eastern direction, in the Roman camp under the pretext of being
he was accompanied by a fleet of 1100 ships, fifty persecuted by Sapor, and who recommended the
of which were well-armed galleys, and the rest emperor to set out in search of the Persian king.
barges, carrying a vast supply of provisions and In doing so, Julian would have been compelled to
military stores. At Circesium, situated on the abandon his fleet on the Tigris to the attacks of a
confluence of the Chaboras, now the Khabur, with hostile and infuriated populace : this he avoided by
the Euphrates, he arrived at the Persian frontier, setting fire to his ships,--the best thing he could
which ran along the lower part of the Chaboras, have done, if his march into the interior of Persia
and he entered the Persian territory on the 7th of had been dictated by absolute necessity ; but
April, 363, at the head of an army of 65,000 as he was not obliged to leave the city, even suc-
veterans. The bridge of the Chaboras was broken cess would not have compensated for the loss of
1200 ships. In proportion as the Romans ad-
Respecting the alleged miracle which inter- vanced eastward, the country became more and
rupted the Jews in this work, see the judicious re more barren, and Sapor remained invisible. The
marks in Lardner's Jewish and Heathen Testimonies, treachery of the Persian noble was discovered after
rol. iv.
his secret flight, and Julian was obliged to retreat.
тт 4
## p. 648 (#664) ############################################
648
JULIANUS.
JULIANUS.
He took the direction of the province of Corduene. I his contemporaries, and we trace in his writings the
The Persians now appeared : swarms of light influence of the Platonists no less than that of
horse were seen hovering round the army; larger Plato, Aristotle, Thucydides, and so many other
bodies followed, and ere long Sapor, with his main writers of the golden age. There is, however, one
army, came in sight, and harassed fearfully the circumstance which reconciles the reader to many.
rear of the Romans. Still the Romans remained of the author's defects: Julian did not merely
victorious in many a bloody engagement, especially write for writing's sake, as so many of his contem-
at Maronga ; but it was in the month of June, and poraries did, but he shows that he bad bis subjects
the oppressive heat, and the want of water and really at heart, and that in literature as well as in
provisions had a pernicious effect upon the troops. business his extraordinary activity arose from the
On the 26th of June the Roman rear was suddenly wants of a powerful mind, which desired to improve
assailed by the Persians, and Julian, who com- itself and the world. In this respect Julian excites
manded the van, hastened to the relief of the rear our sympathy much more, for instance, than the
without his cuirass, the heat making a heavy rhetorician Libanius
armour almost insupportable. The Persians were The following are the editions of the entire works
repulsed, and filed in confusion. Julian was pursu- of Julian :-Juliani Imperatoris Opera quae extant,
ing them with the utmost bravery, when in the with a Latin translation by P. Martinius
and C. Can-
middle of the mélée he was shot by an arrow, that toclarus, and the author's life by Martinius, Paris,
pierced through his liver. He fell from his horse 1583, 8vo. : Juliani Opera, quae quidem reperiri po-
inortally wounded, and was conveyed to his tent. tuerunt, omnia, Paris, 1630, 4to. , by Petavius with
Feeling his death approaching, he took leave of his notes and a Latin translation. A better edition than
friends with touching words, but certainly not with either of the two preceding is:Juliani Impera-
that fine and elegant speech with which . Immianus toris Opera, quae supersunt omnia, Leipzig, 1696, fol. ,
Marcellinus (xxv. 3) makes him bid farewell to by Ezechiel Spanheim, who perused an excellent co-
the world.
dex, which enabled him to publish a much purer text
Jovian was chosen emperor in his stead, on the than Petavius, and he added the notes of Petavius
field of battle. (JOVIANUS. )
and his translation, which he corrected, as well as
We cannot enter into a long description of Ju- an excellent commentary of his own. This edition
lian's character. His talents, his principles, and contains 63 letters of Julian. Spanheim further
his deeds, were alike extraordinary. His pride was added to it S. Cyrilli, Alesandrini Archiepiscopi,
to be called by others and by himself a philosopher, contra impium Julianum Libri Decem, which is the
yet many facts prove that he was very superstitious. more valuable as Cyrillus was one of the most able
Most Christian writers abused and calumniated | adversaries of Julian, as is mentioned below. The
him because he abandoned Christianity: if they following is a list of Julian's works, with the prin-
had pitied him they would have acted more in ac- cipal separate editions of each :-
cordance with that sublime precept of our religion, 1. Letters. The first collection, published by
which teaches us to forgive our enemies. It must Aldus, Venice, 1499, 4to. , contains only 48 letters;
ever be recollected that the bigotry, the hypocrisy, Spanheim published 63 in his edition of the works
and the uncharitableness, of the majority of the of Julian ; others were found in later times, foar of
Christians of Julian's time, were some of the prin- which are printed in Fabricius, Biblioth. Graec. ;
cipal causes that led to his apostacy. In reading the last and best edition is by L. H. Heyler, Mainz,
the ancient authorities, the student ought to bear 1828, 8vo. ; it contains 83 letters, with a Latin
in mind that the heathen writers extol Julian far translation and a commentary of the editor. There
too high, and that the Christians debase him far are besides some fragments of lost letters. Among
too low.
the letters of Julian, there is also one which was
Julian was great as an emperor, unique as a written to him by his brother Gallus, in A. D. 353,
man, and remarkable as an author. He wrote an who advises him to remain faithful to the Christian
immense number of works, consisting of orations religion. The authenticity of several letters is con-
on various subjects, historical treatises, satires, tested. They treat on various subjects, and are of
and letters : most of the latter were intended for great importance for the history of the time. One,
public circulation. All these works are very ela- which was addressed to the senate and people of
borately composed, so much so as to afford a fa- Athens, and in which the author explains the mo-
tiguing and monotonous reading to those who peruse tives of his baving taken up arms against the em-
them merely for their merits as specimens of Greek peror Constantius, is an interesting and most im-
literature ; but they are at the same time very important historical document
portant sources for the history and the opinions of II. Orations. 1. 'Eykulov #pos Tór aŭtorpá-
the age on religion and philosophy. Julian also topa Kwvorávtior, with a Latin translation by
tried to write poetry, but he was no poet: he Petavius, Paris, 1614, 8vo. : an encomium of the
lacks iinagination, and his artificial manner of em- emperor Constantius, in which Julian is not con-
bellishing prose shows that he had no poetical sistent with his usual feelings of contempt and hatred
vein. He was a man of reflection and thought, but towards that emperor. In general Julian speaks
possessed no creative genius. His style is remark- very badly of the whole imperial family, and even
ably pure for his time, and shows that he had not Constantine the Great does not escape his severe
only studied the classical Greek historians and phi- censure. Wyttenbach, in the work quoted below, has
losophers, but had so far identified himself with his written some excellent observations on this work. 2.
models, that there is scarcely a page in his works | Περί των Αυτοκράτορος Πράξεων, η περί Βασιλείας,
where we do not meet with either reminiscences two orations on the deeds and the reign of the em-
from the classical writers, or visible efforts to express peror Constantius, which are of great importance
his ideas in the same way as they did. With this for the knowledge of the time: in the complete
painful imitation of his classical models he often editions. Julian wrote these orations in Gaul, and
unites the exaggerated and over-elaborate style of | betrays in many a passage his preference of pagan-
## p. 649 (#665) ############################################
JULIANUS.
619
JULIANUS.
ism to Christianity, as well as his enthusiastic | Antioch, with occasional ironical confessions of the
love of the new Platonic philosophy. 3. Eugeblas author's own faults, who was induced to write this
This Baoiridos 'Eynuov, an encomiurn on the em- amusing piece during his stay at Antioch, as men-
press Eusebia, the patroness of Julian: ed. Peta- tioned above. Julian chose the title Migonuyws
vius, Paris, 1614, 8vo. 4.
Els TÒV Baonta "Hasov, because the inhabitants of Antioch, being accus-
an oration on the worship of the sun, addressed to tomed to shave themselves, ridiculed Julian, who
Sallustius, his old military councillor and friend, allowed his beard to grow, in the ancient fashion.
first in Gaul and afterwards in Germany: ed. by Editions : by Petrus Martinius, Paris, 1567, 8vo. ,
Theodorus Marcilius, Paris, 1583. 8vo. ; by Vin- 1583, 8vo. ; by H. I. Lasius, together with the
centius Marinerius, Madrid, 1625, 8vo. 5. Els Caesares, and a German translation of both, Greifs-
Tthe unrépa Tv Orwv, an oration on the mother wald, 1770, 8vo. ; there are also English, French,
of gods (Cybele) : Julian visited the temple of and German translations of the Misopogon. The
Cybele at Pessinus, and restored her worship. 6. following English translations of some of the minor
Είς τους απαιδεύτους Κύνας ; and 7. Προς Ηρά- productions of Julian are worthy of mention:
κλειον Κυνικόν, περί του πως Κυνιστέυν, και εί* Julian's Letter to the Bostrens," translated by
πρέπει τώ Κυνί μύθους πράττειν, two orations on the Earl of Shaftesbury, in his “ Characteristics,"
true and false Cynicism, the latter addressed to the London, 1733, 12mo. ; two Orations of the Em-
Cynic Heracleius. 8. 'Em Tô dfúsq Toll ázalo peror Julian, viz. to the Sun, and to the Mother
Tárov Zatlovoriou napauvontinós, a letter to the of the Gods, with notes, &c. . London, 1793, 8vo.
aforesaid Sallustius, in which he consoles himself | The English literature is rich in works on Julian.
and his friends on the recal of Sallustius, by the IV. Poems. Three epigrams of little import-
emperor Constantius, from Gaul to the East. 9. A ance, in the “ Anthologia Graeca," and a fourth,
letter, or more correctly dissertation, addressed to discovered by Boissonade, in the “ Analecta," and
his former tutor, the philosopher Themistius, on the in Heyler's edition of Julian's Letters.
difficulty the author thinks he would experience in V. Lost Works. The niost important is, Kard
showing himself so perfect an emperor as Themis Xprotiavô, a refutation of the Christian religion,
tius expected.
in seven books, according to Hieronymus, al-
III. Other Works. 1. Kaioapes Luutóolov, though Cyrill only speaks of three. These three
the “ Caesars or the Banquet," a satirical com- books were directed against the dogmatical part of
position, which Gibbon justly calls one of the most the Christian religion, as contained in the Gospels ;
agreeable and instructive productions of ancient and it is against this part of the work that Cyrill
wit. Julian describes the Roman emperors ap- wrote his famous work “Υπέρ της των Χριστια-
proaching one after the other to take their seat Γνων ευαγούς θρησκείας, προς τα του εν αθέοις
round a table placed in the heavens ; and as they | 'IovAcavoû, which is separately printed in Spanheim's
come up, their faults, vices, and crimes, are cen- edition of the works of Julian. All the copies
sured with a sort of bitter mirth by old Silenus, of Julian's work which could be found were de-
whereupon each Caesar defends himself as well as stroyed by order of the emperor Theodosius II. , and
he can, that is, as well as Julian allows him to do; the whole would have been lost for ever but for
but in this Julian shows much partiality, especially Cyrill, who gives extracts from the three first
towards Constantine the Great and other members books in his refutation of Julian. But these extracts
of the imperial family. Alexander the Great also are far from giving an adequate idea of the work.
appears. He and other great heroes at last ac- Cyrill confesses that he had not ventured to copy
knowledge that a royal philosopher is greater than several of the weightiest arguments of the author.
a royal hero, and the piece finishes with a great The Kard Xpuotiavê was likewise refuted by
deal of praise bestowed upon Julian by himself. | Apollinaris, whose Λόγος υπέρ αληθείας κατά
There are many editions and translations of this l 'lovliavou, however, is lost, as are the refutations
remarkable production. Of these, the most im- of Photius and Philippus of Sida. The marquis
portant are the text with a Latin translation by d'Argens, a chamberlain to Frederic the Great,
C. Cantoclarus, Paris, 1577, 8vo. , the Editio Prin- king of Prussia, translated the extracts made by
ceps; the same, Ibid. 1583, 8vo. ; the same, corrected Cyrill, and tried to complete them, according to
by Frederic Sylburg, in the third volume of his some, at the suggestion of his master. The title of
Romanae Historiae Scriptores Minores, and sepa- the translation is, Défense du Paganisme par
rately, Frankfort, 1590, fol. ; by Petrus Cunaeas, l'Empereur Julien, en Grec et en Français," &c.
with an elegant Latin translation, Leyden, 1612, &c. , Berlin, 1764, 8vo. ; lb. (Geneva), 1768, 8vo. ;
12mo. , 1632, 12mo. ; the same with the notes of Ib. 1769, 2 vols. 8vo. The marquis was any thing
Cellarius, Leipzig, 1693, 8vo. , 1735, 8vo. The but a Christian, and his opinions on Julian and
best editions are by J. M. Heusinger, Gotha, 1736, Paganism were attacked by G. F. Meier in his
8vo. , 1741, 8vo. , and by Harless, the editor of Beurtheilung der Betrachtungen des Marquis
Fabricius, Bibl. Graeca, Erlangen, 1785, 8vo. An d'Argens über Julian,” Halle, 1764, 8vo. ; by W.
English translation of the Caesares, the Misopogon, Crichton,“ Betrachtungen über den AbfallJulian's;"
and several other productions of Julian, is contained and by others. Other lost works of Julian are :
in “ Select Works of the Emperor Julian, and some nepl tv tpcov oxuátwv; Nepl toll tóbev od
Pieces of the Sophist Libanius, &c. , with Notes from κακά κατά τους απαιδεύτους ; Τα καλούμενα
Petav, La Bléterie, Gibbon, &c. , and a translation Kpória; Memoirs on his Campaigns in Germany;
of La Bléterie's Vie de Jovien, by John Duncombe," his Journal, in which he used to write down the
London, 1784, 8vo. Several French, German, events of every day; and others, especially many
Italian, and Dutch translations are mentioned by letters.
Fabricius.
Julian composed his works in the following
2. 'AytiOxukos Moonywv," the Antiochian, or chronological order:—The Encomia on Constantius;
the Enemy of the Beard, "a severe satire on the licen- the Encomium on the Empress Eusebia, not before
tious and effeminate manners of the inhabitants of A. D. 356 ; the Letter to Sallustius, in A. D. 360;
66
## p. 650 (#666) ############################################
050
JULIANUS.
JULIANUS.
the Letter to the Senate and the People of Athens, phrase " The luminary of the law," may be inferren
in A. D. 360 ; the Letter to Themistius, and the from the epigram* of his contemporary Theaetetus
Oration on Helius, in 361 ; the Kaioapes, in the Scholasticus preserved in the Anthologia Graeca
winter of 361-362, or perhaps in the following (vol. iii. p. 216, ed. Jacobs), among other epigrams
year; most of his extant Letters during the same addressed to the statues of eminent men :-
period ; one of his Orations on false Cynicism, and
Τούτον Ιουλιανόν, νομικόν φάος, είπον ιδούσαι
that on the Mother of Gods, as well as a Letter on
the restoration of ancient Hellenism, of which a frag-
Ρώμη και Βερόη, «Πάντα φύσις δύναται. »
ment is extant, in 362; the Misopogon in the be Hunc videntes Julianum, splendidum juris decus,
ginning of 363; and the Kard Xpiotiavwv, finished Roma Berytusque, Nil non, inquiunt, natura quit.
during his expedition against the Persians, in the To this same Julianus is attributed the authorship
summer of 363.
of three epigrams in the same collection (vol. ii.
(The works of Julian ; Amm. Marc. 5, 8-xxv. p. 230) headed ’lovasavoù ’AVTuÝVOOpos. Alciatus
5 ; most of the Orations and Epistles of Libanius, (Purerg. ii. 46) calls Julianus patricius and ex-
especially, Orutio Parentulis ; Ad Antiochenos de consul, but without sufficient authority; and Hu-
Imperutoris Ira; De Nece Juliuni ulciscenda ; ber Goltzius, in his preface to the edition of the
Socrates, H. E. lib. iii. ;. Zonar. lib. xiii. ; 20- Epitome of the Novells, which was published at
sim. lib. iii. ; Eutrop. x. 14, &c. ; Themist. Orat. Bruges in 1565, thinks it likely that the author of
iv. ; Gregor. Nazianz. Orat. iii. iv. x. xxi. ; So the Epitome was identical with the consul Julia-
zomen. lib. v. vi. ; Mamertinus in Panegyric. Vet.
nus, to whom Priscian dedicates his grammar.
(Mamertinus was Comes Largitionum to Julian,
That the author of the Epitome was a professor
whom he accompanied in Gaul, and on his me-
is shown by varions forms of expression occurring
morable expedition down the Danube); Aurel. in that work which are known to have been usual
Vict. Constuntius in fin. ; Moses Chorenensis
, among the professors of the Lower Empire ; as, for
lib. iii. ; Theophanes, pp. 29–44, ed. Paris : example, the word didicimus, at the beginning of
Fabric. Bibl. Graeca, vol. vi. p. 719, &c.
For
the 67th constitution of the Epitome. It is also
other sources, especially ecclesiastical writers, and clear, from internal evidence, that the author was a
with regard to Julian's apostacy, we refer the resident in Constantinople, which in c. 216 and
reader to Fabricius, the notes to the splendid life 358 he calls haec ciritas, although in neither case
of Julian by Gibbon, in his Decline and Fall, and does the Novell of Justinian which he is abstract-
the Abbé de la Bléterie's Vie de Julien, of which ing contain a parallel expression.
there is an English translation ; Neander, Ueber
The collection of Novells translated and abridged
den Kuiser Julian, Leipz. 1812; Wiggers, Dissert. by Julianus is referred by Freherus, in his Chrono-
de Juliano Apostata, Rostock, 1810, of which there logia prefixed to the Jus Graeco-Romanum, to the
is a new edition in German in Illgen's Zeitschrift
für Hist. Theol. 1837, vol. vii. ; Schulze, De Ju- year A. D. 570, and this date has been followed by
the majority of legal historians ; but there is every
liani Philosophin et Moribus, 1839; Teuffel, De
reason to believe that the Epitome was completed
Juliuno religionis Christiani contemptore, Tübingen. during the life of Justinian, in A. D. 556. In it
1844. )
(W. P. ] Justinian is uniformly called noster imperator, while
preceding emperors, as Leo and Justinus, are called
Divus Leo and Divus Justinus. In the abstracts
of Novells 117 and 134 there is no allusion to the
subsequent legislation of Justinian, which again
permitted divortium bona gratia. In the original col-
lection, also, no Novell of later date than the year
A. D. 556 is abstracted.
The original collection consists of 124, or at
JULIA'NUS, the Graeco-Roman Jurist. A most 125, constitutions. These again are divided
Latin Epitome of the Novells of Justinian is extant
into chapters, which, in the editions subsequent to
under this name. In one MS. the work is attributed
A, D 1561, are doubly numbered, one numbering
to Joannes, a citizen of Constantinople ; in some, running through the work from the commencement,
no author is named ; but in several the translation and another beginning anew with each constitution.
and abridgment are ascribed to Julianus, a professor The 125 constitutions make 564 chapters. This
(antecessor) at Constantinople. It is remarkable will explain the different modes of citation. Thus
that no jurist of the name is recorded among the const. I consists of four chapters, and const. 2 of
compilers employed by Justinian, and no professor five chapters. The fourth chapter of const. 2 might
of the name occurs in the inscription of the Const. be cited as c. 9, or as const. 2, c. 4. Again, the
Omnem addressed by Justinian in A. D. 533 to the 8th constitution, the whole of which makes one
professors of law at Constantinople and Berytus. chapter (the 48th), may be cited as const. 8, or as
Among the extracts from contemporaries of Jus- c. 44.
All that follows the 125th constitution in
tinian, which were originally appended to the text
of the Basilica, there is not one that bears the name
* In this epigram, by 'Pun we are probably to
of Julianus. In Basil. 16. tit. 1.
