real ooservance of an
equitable
peace, and to confine
himself to his own kingdom (which is most for our
interest), or we shall fight him on equal terms.
himself to his own kingdom (which is most for our
interest), or we shall fight him on equal terms.
Demosthenes - Leland - Orations
handle.
net/2027/nyp.
33433082193412 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www.
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 127
daunted freedom, forin no other manner can I speak. )
--It has been the constant custom of all the com-
manders who have sailed from this city (if I advance
a falsehood let me feel the severest punishment) to
take money from the Chians, and from the Ery-
thrians, and from any people that would give it; I
mean of the inhabitants of Asia. They who have
but one or two ships take a talent; they who com-
mand a greater force raise a larger contribution: and
the people who give this money, whether more or
less, do not give it for nothing (they are not so mad):
no; it is the price they pay to secure their trading
vessels from rapine and piracy, to provide them with
the necessary convoys, and the like; however they
may pretend friendship and affection, and dignify
those payments with the name of free gifts. It is
therefore evident, that as Diopitbes is at the head of
a considerable power, the same contributions will be
granted to him. Else, how shall he pay his soldiers 1
how shall he maintain them, who receives nothing
from you, and has nothing of his own ? From the
skies ? No ; but from what he can collect, and beg,
justly claim, a greater deference and respect is due to the original, where
we find a conclusion of a different nature, deduced in express terms. "It
has been the constant custom," says Demosthenes, " of all the com-
manders who have sniled from this city (if I advance a falsehood let mo
feel the severest punishment) to take money from the Chians, and from
the Erythrians, and from any people that would give it; I mean, of the
inhabitants of Asia. They who have but oneor two ships take a talent;
they who command a greater force raise a larger contribution : and the
people who give this money, whether more or less, do not give it for
nothing (they are not so mad): no; it is the price they pay to secure their
trading vessels from rapine and piracy, to provide them with the neces-
sary convoys, and the like; however they may pretend friendship and
affection, and dignify those payments with the name of free gifts. Il is
therefore evident, that as Diopilhes is at the head of a considerable
Cwer, the same contributions will be granted to htm. Else, how shall
pay his soldiers ? how shall he maintain them, who receives nothing
from you, and has nothing of his own 1 From the skies ? No; but from
what he can collect, and beg, and borrow. " Then follows the conclusion
from the whole : Ovlt OYN aXXo iroioveiv ol Kariiyopovvrcs tvviiiv^n
vpoXcyjvtriv liirairt, ifcc. So that the whole scheme of his accusers (or
the whole effect of tbelr accusations) is to warn nil people to grant him
nothing, &c. This is the meaning (or this Is the tendency) of their
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? 128 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and borrow. So that the whole scheme of his ac-
cusers is to warn all people to grant him nothing; as
he is to suffer punishment for crimes yet to be com-
mitted, not for any he hath-already committed, or in
which he hath already assisted. This is the mean-
ing of their clamours. " He is going to form sieges!
he leaves the Greeks exposed. " Have these men all
this tenderness for the Grecian colonies of Asia?
They then prefei the interests of foreigners to that
of their own country. This must be the case, if they
prevail to have another general sent to the Helles-
pont. If Diopithes commits outrages,--if he be
guilty of piracy, one single edict,1 Athenians--a
single edict will put a stop to such proceedings.
This is the voice of our laws; that such offenders
should be impeached ;2 and not opposed3 with such
1 One single edict. ]--In the Greek -irivaKiov, which in this place may
either signify the tablet which was fixed up in public, containing a cita
tion of the accused party, and an account of the crimes of which he was
accused; or that which was given to the judges who sat on his trial t>>
write their sentences on. I have chosen the first ofthese senses.
2 That such offenders should be impeached. ! --The Greek words
tioayy&civ and utrayYtXta, which I have translated to impeach, and im-
peachment, are terms in the Athenian judicature, and relate to those par-
ticular kind of actions which were not referred to any court of justice,
but immediately brought before the senate of five hundred, or assembly
of the people, and sometimes before the archon ; and in which both tho
accusation and defence were made by word of mouth, without any
written articles.
3 And not opposed, &c. ]--The accusers of Diopithes raised loud
clamours against his conduct. They insisted that he had committed
depredations on the Grecian colonies, and was meditating further hos-
tilities against them, contrary to his commission and instructions.
They declared that a force should be despatched to defend them; which
Demosthenes calls raising an army against Diopithes. " It is against
our enemies,'' says he, f whom our laws cannot reach, that we are to raise
our forces; when citizens have offended, we can impeach them," &c.
But this interpretation has been loaded with the heavy charge of ab-
surdity. If the translator had a right to pronounce so peremptorily and
so severely, he would declare thai, by the same rule, every ardent ex-
pression, every bold figure, every lively image,--in short, every thing in
eloquence not literally and strictly consonant to metaphysical truth
might be pronounced equally absurd. The meaning of the passage here
quoted is said to be, " We are not to protect the islanders bv our armies,
but to employ them against our enemies. " But why were they to raise
their armies against their enemies? Because their enemies were not
punishable by the laws. Those, therefore, against whom they were not
to raise their armies must have been such as were punishable by the
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 129
vast preparations of ships and money (this would
be the height of madness): it is against our enemies,
whom the laws cannot touch, that we ought, we
must maintain our forces, send out or navies, and
raise our contributions. But when citizens have
offended, we can decree, we can impeach, we can
recall. 1 These are arms sufficient; these are the
measures befitting men of prudence: they who would
raise disorder and confusion in the state may have
recourse to such as these men propose.
But dreadful as it is to have such men among us,
yet the most dreadful circumstance of all is this. You
assemble here, with minds so disposed, that if any
one accuses Diopithes, or Chares,2 or Aristophon,3 or
any citizen whatever, as the cause of our misfor
laws. This conclusion might perhaps be deemed natural and necessary,
even if the orator had notexpressly pointed out both those against whom
they were, and were not, to raise their armies. Km rovs tx^po^s~
against enemies: and em S1 i? ^af avrovs--but against ourselves, i. e.
"our own citizens.
1 We can recall. ]--In the original, we have the TlapaXos, that is, the
galley (so called, from the hero Paralus, who with Theseus signalized
himself against the Thebans). The Athenians had two galleys, the
Salaminian and Paralian, appointed for the most pressing occasions of
the state. In allusion to this usage, Pericles was called tne Salaminian
galley, because he affected to appear in public only on extraordinary
emergencies. When Lysander had beaten the Athenian fleet at the Hel-
lespont, the Paralian gahey was despatched with the melancholy news
to the people ; and when Alcibiades was recalled from Sicily to defend
himself against the charge of mipiety, theSalaminian galley was ordered
to bring him home. Both the one and the other were employed to recall
such generals as were superseded. --Tourreil.
2 Or Chares. ]--This apology, says M. Tourreil, savours a little of fac-
tion and cabal: their ill success might with great justice have been
charged on Chares. Indeed, what could have been exacted from a
general no less incapable than luxurious, who in all his military expe-
ditions drew after him a train of musicians, whom he kept in pay at the
expense of his troops ? Accordingly, his enterprises were unsuccessful:
and, to crown all his miscarriages, be lost the battle of Chaeronea. And
yet this Chares was able to support himself to the last by the credit of
those orators who protected him.
3 Or Aristophon. ]--Anothe Athenian general. Aristotle (Rhet. 1. ii.
c. 23) mentions a smart answei made to him by Iphicrates. Aristophon
accused him of having betrayed the fleet which he commanded. Iphi-
crates, with that confidence which an established reputation inspires,
asked him, " Would you be guilty of such a piece of treachery V " By
no means," answered he. " What! " returned the other, "can Iphicrates
fcave committed what Aristophon would refuse to doV1--Tourreil.
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? 130 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
tunas, you instantly break forth into acclamations
and applause. But if a man stands forth, and thus
declares the truth: " This is all trifling, Athenians!
It is to Philip we owe our calamities: he hath plunged
us in these difficulties: for had he observed his
treaty, our state would be in perfect tranquillity. "
This you cannot deny; but you hear it with the
utmost grief, as if it were the account of some dread-
ful misfortune. The cause is this--(for when I am
to urge the interest of my country, let me speak
boldly)--certain persons who have been intrusted
with public affairs have for a long time past rendered
you daring and terrible in council; but in all affairs
of war wretched and contemptible. Hence it is,
that if a citiztfn, subject to your own power and juris-
diction, be pointed out as the author of your misfor-
tunes, you hear the accusation with applause; but if
they are charged on a man who must first be con-
quered before he can be punished, then you are
utterly disconcerted: that truth is too severe to be
borne. Your ministers, Athenians, should take a
quite contrary course. They should render you
gentle and humane in council, where the rights of
citizens and allies come before you: in military
affairs they should inspire you with fierceness and
intrepidity; for here you are engaged with enemies,
with armed troops. But now, by leading you gently
on to their purposes, by the most abject compliance
with your humours, they have so formed and moulded
you, that in your assemblies you are delicate, and
attend but to flattery and entertainment; in your
affairs you find yourselves threatened with extremity
of danger.
And now, in the name of Heaven! suppose that
the states of Greece should thus demand1 an account
I Suppose that the states of Greece should thus demand, &c. ]--After
the taking of Olynthus, when the Athenians were at last prevailed on to
declare war in form against Philip, they sent embassies to all the states
? (Greece to represent the danger of his growing power, and to engage
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESTJS. 13l
f those opportunities which your indolence hath
lost. "Men of Athens! you are ever sending em-
bassies to us; you assure us that Philip is projecting
our ruin, and that, of all the Greeks, you warn us to
guard against this man's designs. " (And it is too
true we have done thus. ) " But, O most wretched
of mankind! when this man had been ten months
detained abroad; when sickness, and the severity
of winter, and the armies of his enemies rendered
it impossible for him to return home, you neither
restored the liberty of Euboea, nor recovered any of
your own dominions. But while you sit at home in
perfect ease and health (if such a state may be
called health), Eubcea is commanded by his two
tyrants ;t the one, just opposite to Attica, to keep you
perpetually in awe; the other to Scyathus. Yet you
have not attempted to oppose even this. No; you
have submitted; you have been insensible to your
wrongs; you have fully declared, that if Philip were
ten times to die, it would not inspire you with the
least degree of vigour. Why then these embassies,
these accusations, all this unnecessary trouble to
us ]"--If they should say this, what could we allege ?
what answer could we give ? I know not.
We have those among us who think a speaker
fully confuted by asking, " What then is to be done ? "
To whom I answer, with the utmost truth and just-
ness, " Not what we are now doing. "--But I shall
be more explicit, if they will be as ready to follow
as to ask advice.
First, then, Athenians, be firmly convinced of these
truths: that Philip does commit hostilities against
them to join against him. From hence the orator takes occasion . 0
introduce this beautiful prosopopceia, by which he throws out the bit-
terest reproaches against his countrymen, so artfully as not to give
them offence, and yet at the same time sets the slamefulness of their
misconduct in the strongest light. -- Tourreil.
1 By his two tyrants. ]--Philistides and Clitarchus: the one fixed at
Eretria, opposite io Attica; the other at Oreum, over-against Scyathus,
an island subject to Athens.
Voi. . I. --L
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? 132 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
us, and has violated the peace (and let us no longer
accuse each other of his crimes);--that he is the im-
placable enemy of this whole city, of the ground on
which this city stands, of every inhabitant within
these walls, even of those who imagine themselves
highest in his favour. If they doubt this, let them
think of Euthycrates and Lasthenes, the Olynthians.
They who seemed the nearest to his heart, the moment
they betrayed their country, were distinguished only
by the superior cruelty of their death. But it is
against our constitution that his arms are principally
directed; nor, in all his schemes, in all his actions,
hath he any thing so immediately in view as to sub-
vert it. And there ii in some sort a necessity for
this. He knows full well that his conquests, how-
ever great and extensive, can never be secure while
you continue free; but that, if once he meets with
any accident (and every man is subject to many),
all those whom he hath forced into his service will
instantly revolt, and fly to you for protection: for
you are not naturally disposed to grasp at empire
yourselves, but to frustrate the ambitious attempts
of others; to be ever ready' to oppose usurpation,
and assert the liberty of mankind; this is your pecu-
liar character. And therefore it is not without regret
that he sees in your freedom a spy on the incidents
of his fortune. Nor is this his reasoning weak or
trivial.
In the first place, therefore, we are to consider him
as the enemy of our state, the implacable enemy of
our free constitution. Nothing but the deepest sense
of this can give you a true, vigorous, and active
spirit. In the next place, be assured that every thing
he is now labouring, every thing he is concerting, he
is concerting against our city; and that, wherever
any man opposes him, he opposes an attempt against
these walls: for none of you can be weak enough
to imagine that Philip's desires are centred in those
paltry villages of Thrace; (for what name else can
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 133
one give to Drongilus, and Cabyle, and Mastira,' and
all those places he is now reducing to his obedience 1)
that he endures the severity of toils and seasons,
and braves the utmost dangers for these, and has no
designs on the ports, and the arsenals, and the navies,
and the silver mines, and all the other revenues of
Athens; but that he will leave them for you to
enjoy; while, for some wretched hoards of grain in
the cells of Thrace, he takes up his winter-quarters
in the horrors of a dungeon. 2 Impossible ! No;
these and all his expeditions are really intended to
facilitate the conquest of Athens.
Let us then approve ourselves men of wisdom;
and, fully persuaded of these truths, let us shake off
our extravagant and dangerous supineness; let us
supply the necessary expenses; let us call on our
allies; let us take all possible measures for keeping
up a regular army; so that, as he hath his force con-
stantly prepared to injure and enslave the Greeks,
yours too may be ever ready to protect and assist
them. If you depend on occasional detachments,
you cannot ever expect the least degree of success:
you must keep an army constantly on foot, provide
for its maintenance, appoint public treasurers, and by
all possible means secure your military funds; and
while these officers account for all disbursements, let
your generals be bound to answer for the conduct of
the war. Let these be your measures, these your
resolutions, and you will compel Philip to live in the
1 For what name else can one give to Drongilus, and Cabyle, and
Mastira, &c. ]--Drongilus and Cabyle, however the orator streets to
treat them with contempt, are yet mentioned in history. As to Mastira,
It is entirely Unknown: hence Harpocration suggested, that instead of
Mastira we should read Bastira; a town of Thrace of that name having
been mentioned in a history of Philip written by Anaximenes, a work a
long time lost. --Tourreil.
2 In the horrors of a dungeoa ]--In the original it is, in a Barathrum.
There was a ditch or cavern in Athens of that name, into whicn crimi-
nals were precipitated. So that by this figure he not only represents
the dreadful and deadly nature of the country, but at the same time sets
Philip in the light of a wicked wretch, who merited the vilest and most
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? 134
OKATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
real ooservance of an equitable peace, and to confine
himself to his own kingdom (which is most for our
interest), or we shall fight him on equal terms.
If any man thinks that the measures I propose will
require gTeat expense, and be attended with much
toil and trouble, he thinks justly. Yet let him con-
sider what consequences must attend the state if
these measures be neglected, and it will appear that
we shall really be gainers by engaging heartily in
this cause. Suppose some god should be our surety
(for no mortal ought tobe relied on in an affair of such
moment) that, if we continue quiet, and give up all our
interests, he will not at last turn his arms against us;
it would yet be shameful; it would (I call all the
powers of heaven to witness! ) be unworthy of you,
unworthy the dignity of your country, and the glory
of your ancestors, to abandon the rest of Greece to
slavery for the sake of private ease. I, for my part,
would die rather than propose so mean a conduct:
however, if there be any other person who will re-
commend it, be it so; neglect your defence; give up
your interesis! But if there be no such counsellor;
if, on the contrary, we all foresee that the farther
this man is suffered to extend his conquests, the
more formidable and powerful enemy we must find
in him, why this reluctance ? why do we delay? or
when, my countrymen, will we perform our duty ?
Must some necessity compel us? What one may
call the necessity of freemen not only presses us
now, but hath long since been felt: that of slaves, it
is to be wished, may never approach us. And how
do these differ? To a freeman, the disgrace of past
misconduct is the most urgent necessity; to a slave
stripes and bodily pains. Far be this from us! I
I would now gladly lay before you the whole con.
duct of certain politicians: but I spare them. One
thing only I shall observe: the moment that Philip
13 mentioned there is still one ready to start up, and
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 135
try, "What a happiness to live in peace! how-
grievous the maintenance of a great army! certain
persons have designs on our treasury ! " Thus they
delay their resolutions, and give him full liberty to
act as he pleases; hence you gain ease and indul-
gence for the present (which I fear may at some
time prove too dear a purchase); and these men
recommend themselves to your favour, and are well
paid for their service. But in my opinion there is no
need to persuade you to peace, who sit down already
thoroughly persuaded. Let it be recommended to
him who is committing hostilities: if he can be pre-
vailed on, you are ready to concur. Nor should we
think those expenses grievous which our security
requires, but the consequences which must arise if
such expenses be denied. Then as to plundering
our treasury; this must be prevented by intrusting it
to proper guardians, not by neglecting our affairs.
For my own part, Athenians, I am filled with indig-
nation when I find some persons expressing their
impatience, as if our treasures were exposed to plun-
derers, and yet utterly unaffected at the progress of
Philip, who is successively plundering every state
of Greece; and this, that he may at last fall with all
his fury on you.
What then can be the reason, Athenians, that, not-
withstanding all his manifest hostilities, all his acts
of violence, all the places he hath taken from us,
these men will not acknowledge that he hath acted
unjustly, and that he is at war with us; but accuse
those of embroiling you in a war who call on you to
oppose him, ahd to check his progress ? I shall tell
you. That popular resentment which may arise from
any disagreeable circumstances with which a war
may be attended (and it is necessary, absolutely
necessary that a war should be attended with many
such disagreeable circumstances) they would cast on
your faithful counsellors, that you may pass sentence
on them, instead of opposing Philip; and they turn
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? 136 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
accusers, instead of meeting the punishment due to
their present practices. This is the meaning of their
clamours that certain persons would involve you in
a war: hence have they raised all these cavils and
debates. I know full well, that before any Athenian
had ever moved you to declare war against him,
Philip had seized many of our dominions, and hath
now sent assistance to the Cardians. If you are
. resolved to dissemble your sense of his hostilities, he
would be the weakest of mankind if he attempted to
contradict you. But suppose he marches directly
against us, what shall we say in that case ? He will
si ill assure us that he is not at war: such were his
professions to the people of Oreum when his forces
were in the heart of their country; and to those of
Pherae, until the moment that he attacked their walls;
and thus he at first amused the Olynthians, until he
had marched his army into their territory. And will
you still insist, even in such a case, that they who call
on us to defend our country are embroiling us in a
war ? Then slavery is inevitable. There is no other
medium between an obstinate refusal to take arms
on your part, and a determined resolution to attack
us on the part of our enemy.
Nor is the danger which threatens us the same with
that of other people. It is not the conquest of Athens
which Philip aims at: no; it is our utter extirpation.
He knows full well that slavery is a state you would
not, or, if you were inclined, you could not submit
to; for sovereignty is become habitual to you. Nor
is he ignorant, that, at any unfavourable juncture, you
have more power to obstruct his enterprises than the
whole world besides.
Let us then be assured that we are contending for
the very being of our state ; let this inspire us with
abhorrence of those who have sold themselves to this
man, and let them feel the severity of public justice;
for it is not possible to conquer our foreign enemy
until we have punished those traitors who are serving
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESTJS. 137
him within our walls. Else, while we strike on
these as so many obstacles, our enemies must neces-
sarily prove superior to us. --And whence is it that he
dares treat you with insolence (1 cannot give his pres-
ent conduct any other name), that he utters menaces
against you, while on others he confers acts of kind-
ness (to deceive them at least, if for no other pur-
pose) ? Thus, by heaping favours on the Thessa-
liaris, he hath reduced them to their present slavery.
It is not possible to recount the various artifices by
which he abused the wretched Olynthians, from his
first insidious gift of Potidae. But now he seduced
the Thebans to his party, by making them masters
of Breotia, and easing them of a great and grievous
war. And thus, by being gratified in some favourite
point, these people are either involved in calamities
known to the whole world, or wait with submission
for the moment when such calamities are to fall on
them. I do not recount all that you yourselves have
lost, Athenians; but in the very conclusion of the
peace, how have you been deceived? how have you
been despoiled ? Was not Phocis, was not Ther-
mopylae, were not ourThracian dominions, Doriscum,
Senium, and even our ally Cersobleptes,1 all wrested
from us ? Is he not at this time in possession of
Cardia ? and does he not avow it ? Whence is it, I
say, that he treats you in so singular a manner?
Because ours is the only state where there is allowed
full liberty to plead the cause of an enemy; and the
man who sells his country may harangue securely,
at the very time that you are despoiled of your
dominions. It was not safe to speak for Philip at
Olynthus until the people of Olynthus had been
i And even our ally Cersobleptes. ]--The late treaty of peace between
Philip and the Athenians was concluded without giving Cersobleptes
(then in alliance with Athens) an opportunity of acceding to it: nor was
any provision made by it for his security and protection. By this means
Philip found himself at liberty to turn his arms against him, and a few
years after drove him from his kingdom, and obliged him to become his
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? ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
gained by the surrender of Potidaea. In Thessaly it
was not safe to speak for Philip until the Thessalians
had been gained by the expulsion of the tyrants and
the recovery of their rank of amphictyons ; nor could
it have beefi safely attempted at Thebes before he had
restored Boeotia and extirpated the Phocians. But at
Athens, although he hath robbed us of Amphipolis
and the territory of Cardia; though he awes us with
his fortifications in Euboea; though he be now on his
march to Byzantiumyet his partisans may speak
for Philip without any danger Hence, some of them,
from the meanest "poverty, have on a sudden risen to
affluence; some, from obscurity and disgrace, to
eminence and honour: while you, on the contrary,
from glory, have sunk into meanness; from riches,
to poverty; for the riches of a state I take to be its
allies, its credit, its connexions; in all which you are
poor. And by your neglect of these, by your utter
insensibility to your wrongs, he is become fortunate
and great, the terror of Greeks and Barbarians; and
you abandoned and despised; splendid indeed in the
abundance8 of your markets; but as to any real pro-
vision for your security, ridiculously deficient.
There are some orators, I find, who view your
interests and their own in a quite different light.
They would persuade you to continue quiet, what-
ever injuries are offered to you: they themselves
1 To Byzantium. ]--See the introduction to the following oration.
2 Splendid indeed in the abundance, &c. ]--They who opposed Philip's
interest in the Athenian assembly were ever urging the fallen conditio*
of their country, and the dishonour of suffering another power to wrest
that pre-eminence from her which had been enjoyed for ages. Ths
speakers on the other side at first affected to despise the power of Philip*
or insisted on the sincerity and uprightness of his intentions. But now;
when the danger became too apparent, and his designs too flagrant to be
dissembled, it appears that they bad recourse to other arguments. They
endeavoured to confine the views of the Athenians to what passed within
their own walls; displayed the advantages of their trade, the flourishing
state of their commerce; and perhaps recommended it as their true policy
to attend only to these, without making themselves a party in the quar-
rels of others, or loadmg the state with the expense of maintaining wars
to support the power and interest of foreigners.
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 139
cannot be quiet, though no one offers them the least
injury. When one of these men rises, I am sure to
hear, " What! will you not propose your decree %
will you not venture ? No; you are timid: you
want true spirit. "--I own, indeed, I am hot, nor
would I choose to be, a bold, an importunate, an au-
dacious speaker. And yet, if I mistake not, I have
more real courage than they who manage your affairs
with this rash hardiness. For he who, neglecting
the public interests, is engaged only in trials, in con-
fiscations, in rewarding, in accusing, doth not act
from any principle of courage; but as he never speaks
but to gain your favour, never proposes measures that
are attended with the least hazard: in this he has
a pledge of his security; and therefore is he daring.
But he who for his country's good oftent imes opposes
your inclinations; who gives the most salutary,
though not always the most agreeable, counsel; who
pursues those measures whose success depends more
on fortune than on prudence, and is yet willing to be
accountable for the event; this is the man of cour-
age ; this is the true patriot: not they who, by flatter-
ing your passions, have lost the most important
interests of the state ; men whom I am so far from
imitating, or deeming citizens of worth, that should
this question be proposed to me, "What services
have you done your country V though I might re-
count the galleys I have fitted out, and the public
entertainments I have exhibited,1 and the contribu-
tions I have paid, and the captives I have ran-
1 The public entertainments I have exhibited. ]--Tn the original it is,
" the offices of choregus that I have discharged. " Each of the ten tribes
of Athens had their bands of musicians to perform in the feasts of Bac-
chus, together with a poet, to compose the hymns and other pieces; and
these bands contended for a prize. The feasts were exhibited with great
magnificence; and in order to defray the charges, they appointed the
richest citizen out of each tribe (or sOmetimes he offered himself) to ex-
hibit them at his own cost. He was called the choregus; and if his
hand gained the prize, his name was inscribed, together with those of
the tribe and the poet, on the vase which was the reward of the con-
querors . --Towrrcil
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? 140 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
somed,1 and many like acts of benevolence, I would
yet pass them all by, and only say that my public
conduct hath ever been directly opposite to theirs.
I might, like them, have turned accuser, have dis-
tributed rewards and punishments : but this is a part
I never assumed: my inclinations were averse; nor
could wealth or honours prompt me to it. No; 1
confine myself to such counsels as have sunk my
reputation: but, if pursued, must raise the reputation
of my country. Thus much I may be allowed to say
without exposing myself to envy. --I should not have
thought myself a good citizen had I proposed such
measures as would have made me the first among
my countrymen, but reduced you to the last of states:
on the contrary, the faithful minister should raise the
glory of hi3 country; and, on all occasions, advise the
most salutary, not the easiest, measures. To these
nature itself inclines ; those are not to be promoted
but by the utmost efforts of a wise and faithful coun-
sellor. . "
I have heard it objected," That indeed I ever speak
with reason ; yet still this is no more than words:
that the state requires something more effectual,
some vigorous actions. " On which I shall give my
sentiments without the least reserve. The sole busi-
ness of a speaker is, in my opinion, to propose the
course you are to pursue. This were easy to be
proved. You know, that when the great Timotheus
moved you to defend the Eubceans against the tyr-
anny of Thebes, he addressed you thus: " What, my
countrymen! when the Thebans are actually in the
island, are you deliberating what is to be done? what
part to be taken 1 Will you not cover the seas with
your navies ? Why are you not at the Piraeus 1 why
are you not embarked V Thus Timotheus advised ;
thus you acted, and success ensued. But had he
spoken with the same spirit, and had your indolence
l The captives I have ransomed. ]--See the preface to the Oration on
the Peace
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 141
prevailed, and his advice been rejected, would the
state have had the same success ? By no means.
And so in the present case; vigour and execution is
your part; from your speakers you are only to expeet
wisdom and integrity.
I shall just give the summary of my opinion, and
then descend. You should raise supplies ; you should
keep up your present forces, and reform whatever
abuses may be found in them (not break them entirely
on the first complaint). You should send ambassa-
dors into all parts, to reform, to remonstrate, to exert
all their efforts in the service of the state. But, above
all things, let those corrupt ministers feel the se-
verest punishment; let them, at all times, and in all
plaees, be the objects of your abhorrence : that wise
and faithful counsellors may appear to have consulted
their own interests as well as that of others. If you
will act thus, if you will shake off this indolence, per-
haps, even yet, perhaps, we may promise ourselves
some good fortune. But if you only just exert your-
selves in acclamations and applauses, and when any
thing is to be done sink again into your supineness, I
do not see how all the wisdom of the world can save
the state from ruin, when you deny your assistance.
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? THE TENTH ORATION AGAINST PHILIP.
Commonly called the Third.
PRONOUNCED IN THE SAME YEAR.
INTRODUCTION.
The former oration had its effect: for, instead of punishing Diopithes,
the Athenians supplied him with money, in order to put him in a con-
dition of continuing his expeditions. In the mean time Philip pursued
Iris Thracian conquests, and made himself master of several places,
which, though of little importance in themselves, yet opened him a way
to the cities Qf the Propontis, and, above all, to Byzantium, which he had
always intended to annex to his dominions. He at first tried the way
of negotiation, in order to gain the Byzantines into the number of his
allies; but this proving ineffectual, he resolved to proceed in another
manner. He had a party in the city, at whose head was the orator
Python, that engaged to deliver him up one of the gates: but while ho
was on his march towards the city the conspiracy was discovered,
which immediately determined him to talie another routa His sudden
countermarch, intended to conceal the crime of Python, really served to
confirm it. He was brought to trial j but the credit and the presents of
Philip prevailed to save him.
The efforts of the Athenians to support their interests in Eubcea, and
the power which Philip had acquired there, end which every day in-
creased, had entirely destroyed the tranquillity of this island. The people
of Oreum, divided by the Athenian and Macedonian factions, were on
the point of breaking out into a civil war, when, under pretence of
restoring their peace, Philip sent them a body of a thousand forces, under
the command of Hipponicus; which soon determined the superiority to
his side. Philistides, a tyrant, who had grown old in factions and public
contests, was intrusted with the government of Oreum, which ho ad-
ministered with all possible severity and cruelty to those in the Athenian
interest; while the other states of the island were also subjected to other
Macedonian governors. Callias, the Chalcidian, whose inconstancy had
made him espouse the interests of Athens, of Thebes, and Macedon,
successively, now returned to his engagements with Athens. He sent
deputies thither to desire assistance, and to prevail on the Athenians to
make some vigorous attempt to regain their power in Eubcea.
In the mean time the King of Persia, alarmed by the accounts of
Philip's growing power, made use of all the influence which his gold could
gain at Athens to engage the Athenians to act openly against an enemy
equally suspected by them both. This circumstance perhaps disposed
them to give the greater attention to the following oration.
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?
? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 127
daunted freedom, forin no other manner can I speak. )
--It has been the constant custom of all the com-
manders who have sailed from this city (if I advance
a falsehood let me feel the severest punishment) to
take money from the Chians, and from the Ery-
thrians, and from any people that would give it; I
mean of the inhabitants of Asia. They who have
but one or two ships take a talent; they who com-
mand a greater force raise a larger contribution: and
the people who give this money, whether more or
less, do not give it for nothing (they are not so mad):
no; it is the price they pay to secure their trading
vessels from rapine and piracy, to provide them with
the necessary convoys, and the like; however they
may pretend friendship and affection, and dignify
those payments with the name of free gifts. It is
therefore evident, that as Diopitbes is at the head of
a considerable power, the same contributions will be
granted to him. Else, how shall he pay his soldiers 1
how shall he maintain them, who receives nothing
from you, and has nothing of his own ? From the
skies ? No ; but from what he can collect, and beg,
justly claim, a greater deference and respect is due to the original, where
we find a conclusion of a different nature, deduced in express terms. "It
has been the constant custom," says Demosthenes, " of all the com-
manders who have sniled from this city (if I advance a falsehood let mo
feel the severest punishment) to take money from the Chians, and from
the Erythrians, and from any people that would give it; I mean, of the
inhabitants of Asia. They who have but oneor two ships take a talent;
they who command a greater force raise a larger contribution : and the
people who give this money, whether more or less, do not give it for
nothing (they are not so mad): no; it is the price they pay to secure their
trading vessels from rapine and piracy, to provide them with the neces-
sary convoys, and the like; however they may pretend friendship and
affection, and dignify those payments with the name of free gifts. Il is
therefore evident, that as Diopilhes is at the head of a considerable
Cwer, the same contributions will be granted to htm. Else, how shall
pay his soldiers ? how shall he maintain them, who receives nothing
from you, and has nothing of his own 1 From the skies ? No; but from
what he can collect, and beg, and borrow. " Then follows the conclusion
from the whole : Ovlt OYN aXXo iroioveiv ol Kariiyopovvrcs tvviiiv^n
vpoXcyjvtriv liirairt, ifcc. So that the whole scheme of his accusers (or
the whole effect of tbelr accusations) is to warn nil people to grant him
nothing, &c. This is the meaning (or this Is the tendency) of their
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? 128 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and borrow. So that the whole scheme of his ac-
cusers is to warn all people to grant him nothing; as
he is to suffer punishment for crimes yet to be com-
mitted, not for any he hath-already committed, or in
which he hath already assisted. This is the mean-
ing of their clamours. " He is going to form sieges!
he leaves the Greeks exposed. " Have these men all
this tenderness for the Grecian colonies of Asia?
They then prefei the interests of foreigners to that
of their own country. This must be the case, if they
prevail to have another general sent to the Helles-
pont. If Diopithes commits outrages,--if he be
guilty of piracy, one single edict,1 Athenians--a
single edict will put a stop to such proceedings.
This is the voice of our laws; that such offenders
should be impeached ;2 and not opposed3 with such
1 One single edict. ]--In the Greek -irivaKiov, which in this place may
either signify the tablet which was fixed up in public, containing a cita
tion of the accused party, and an account of the crimes of which he was
accused; or that which was given to the judges who sat on his trial t>>
write their sentences on. I have chosen the first ofthese senses.
2 That such offenders should be impeached. ! --The Greek words
tioayy&civ and utrayYtXta, which I have translated to impeach, and im-
peachment, are terms in the Athenian judicature, and relate to those par-
ticular kind of actions which were not referred to any court of justice,
but immediately brought before the senate of five hundred, or assembly
of the people, and sometimes before the archon ; and in which both tho
accusation and defence were made by word of mouth, without any
written articles.
3 And not opposed, &c. ]--The accusers of Diopithes raised loud
clamours against his conduct. They insisted that he had committed
depredations on the Grecian colonies, and was meditating further hos-
tilities against them, contrary to his commission and instructions.
They declared that a force should be despatched to defend them; which
Demosthenes calls raising an army against Diopithes. " It is against
our enemies,'' says he, f whom our laws cannot reach, that we are to raise
our forces; when citizens have offended, we can impeach them," &c.
But this interpretation has been loaded with the heavy charge of ab-
surdity. If the translator had a right to pronounce so peremptorily and
so severely, he would declare thai, by the same rule, every ardent ex-
pression, every bold figure, every lively image,--in short, every thing in
eloquence not literally and strictly consonant to metaphysical truth
might be pronounced equally absurd. The meaning of the passage here
quoted is said to be, " We are not to protect the islanders bv our armies,
but to employ them against our enemies. " But why were they to raise
their armies against their enemies? Because their enemies were not
punishable by the laws. Those, therefore, against whom they were not
to raise their armies must have been such as were punishable by the
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 129
vast preparations of ships and money (this would
be the height of madness): it is against our enemies,
whom the laws cannot touch, that we ought, we
must maintain our forces, send out or navies, and
raise our contributions. But when citizens have
offended, we can decree, we can impeach, we can
recall. 1 These are arms sufficient; these are the
measures befitting men of prudence: they who would
raise disorder and confusion in the state may have
recourse to such as these men propose.
But dreadful as it is to have such men among us,
yet the most dreadful circumstance of all is this. You
assemble here, with minds so disposed, that if any
one accuses Diopithes, or Chares,2 or Aristophon,3 or
any citizen whatever, as the cause of our misfor
laws. This conclusion might perhaps be deemed natural and necessary,
even if the orator had notexpressly pointed out both those against whom
they were, and were not, to raise their armies. Km rovs tx^po^s~
against enemies: and em S1 i? ^af avrovs--but against ourselves, i. e.
"our own citizens.
1 We can recall. ]--In the original, we have the TlapaXos, that is, the
galley (so called, from the hero Paralus, who with Theseus signalized
himself against the Thebans). The Athenians had two galleys, the
Salaminian and Paralian, appointed for the most pressing occasions of
the state. In allusion to this usage, Pericles was called tne Salaminian
galley, because he affected to appear in public only on extraordinary
emergencies. When Lysander had beaten the Athenian fleet at the Hel-
lespont, the Paralian gahey was despatched with the melancholy news
to the people ; and when Alcibiades was recalled from Sicily to defend
himself against the charge of mipiety, theSalaminian galley was ordered
to bring him home. Both the one and the other were employed to recall
such generals as were superseded. --Tourreil.
2 Or Chares. ]--This apology, says M. Tourreil, savours a little of fac-
tion and cabal: their ill success might with great justice have been
charged on Chares. Indeed, what could have been exacted from a
general no less incapable than luxurious, who in all his military expe-
ditions drew after him a train of musicians, whom he kept in pay at the
expense of his troops ? Accordingly, his enterprises were unsuccessful:
and, to crown all his miscarriages, be lost the battle of Chaeronea. And
yet this Chares was able to support himself to the last by the credit of
those orators who protected him.
3 Or Aristophon. ]--Anothe Athenian general. Aristotle (Rhet. 1. ii.
c. 23) mentions a smart answei made to him by Iphicrates. Aristophon
accused him of having betrayed the fleet which he commanded. Iphi-
crates, with that confidence which an established reputation inspires,
asked him, " Would you be guilty of such a piece of treachery V " By
no means," answered he. " What! " returned the other, "can Iphicrates
fcave committed what Aristophon would refuse to doV1--Tourreil.
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? 130 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
tunas, you instantly break forth into acclamations
and applause. But if a man stands forth, and thus
declares the truth: " This is all trifling, Athenians!
It is to Philip we owe our calamities: he hath plunged
us in these difficulties: for had he observed his
treaty, our state would be in perfect tranquillity. "
This you cannot deny; but you hear it with the
utmost grief, as if it were the account of some dread-
ful misfortune. The cause is this--(for when I am
to urge the interest of my country, let me speak
boldly)--certain persons who have been intrusted
with public affairs have for a long time past rendered
you daring and terrible in council; but in all affairs
of war wretched and contemptible. Hence it is,
that if a citiztfn, subject to your own power and juris-
diction, be pointed out as the author of your misfor-
tunes, you hear the accusation with applause; but if
they are charged on a man who must first be con-
quered before he can be punished, then you are
utterly disconcerted: that truth is too severe to be
borne. Your ministers, Athenians, should take a
quite contrary course. They should render you
gentle and humane in council, where the rights of
citizens and allies come before you: in military
affairs they should inspire you with fierceness and
intrepidity; for here you are engaged with enemies,
with armed troops. But now, by leading you gently
on to their purposes, by the most abject compliance
with your humours, they have so formed and moulded
you, that in your assemblies you are delicate, and
attend but to flattery and entertainment; in your
affairs you find yourselves threatened with extremity
of danger.
And now, in the name of Heaven! suppose that
the states of Greece should thus demand1 an account
I Suppose that the states of Greece should thus demand, &c. ]--After
the taking of Olynthus, when the Athenians were at last prevailed on to
declare war in form against Philip, they sent embassies to all the states
? (Greece to represent the danger of his growing power, and to engage
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESTJS. 13l
f those opportunities which your indolence hath
lost. "Men of Athens! you are ever sending em-
bassies to us; you assure us that Philip is projecting
our ruin, and that, of all the Greeks, you warn us to
guard against this man's designs. " (And it is too
true we have done thus. ) " But, O most wretched
of mankind! when this man had been ten months
detained abroad; when sickness, and the severity
of winter, and the armies of his enemies rendered
it impossible for him to return home, you neither
restored the liberty of Euboea, nor recovered any of
your own dominions. But while you sit at home in
perfect ease and health (if such a state may be
called health), Eubcea is commanded by his two
tyrants ;t the one, just opposite to Attica, to keep you
perpetually in awe; the other to Scyathus. Yet you
have not attempted to oppose even this. No; you
have submitted; you have been insensible to your
wrongs; you have fully declared, that if Philip were
ten times to die, it would not inspire you with the
least degree of vigour. Why then these embassies,
these accusations, all this unnecessary trouble to
us ]"--If they should say this, what could we allege ?
what answer could we give ? I know not.
We have those among us who think a speaker
fully confuted by asking, " What then is to be done ? "
To whom I answer, with the utmost truth and just-
ness, " Not what we are now doing. "--But I shall
be more explicit, if they will be as ready to follow
as to ask advice.
First, then, Athenians, be firmly convinced of these
truths: that Philip does commit hostilities against
them to join against him. From hence the orator takes occasion . 0
introduce this beautiful prosopopceia, by which he throws out the bit-
terest reproaches against his countrymen, so artfully as not to give
them offence, and yet at the same time sets the slamefulness of their
misconduct in the strongest light. -- Tourreil.
1 By his two tyrants. ]--Philistides and Clitarchus: the one fixed at
Eretria, opposite io Attica; the other at Oreum, over-against Scyathus,
an island subject to Athens.
Voi. . I. --L
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? 132 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
us, and has violated the peace (and let us no longer
accuse each other of his crimes);--that he is the im-
placable enemy of this whole city, of the ground on
which this city stands, of every inhabitant within
these walls, even of those who imagine themselves
highest in his favour. If they doubt this, let them
think of Euthycrates and Lasthenes, the Olynthians.
They who seemed the nearest to his heart, the moment
they betrayed their country, were distinguished only
by the superior cruelty of their death. But it is
against our constitution that his arms are principally
directed; nor, in all his schemes, in all his actions,
hath he any thing so immediately in view as to sub-
vert it. And there ii in some sort a necessity for
this. He knows full well that his conquests, how-
ever great and extensive, can never be secure while
you continue free; but that, if once he meets with
any accident (and every man is subject to many),
all those whom he hath forced into his service will
instantly revolt, and fly to you for protection: for
you are not naturally disposed to grasp at empire
yourselves, but to frustrate the ambitious attempts
of others; to be ever ready' to oppose usurpation,
and assert the liberty of mankind; this is your pecu-
liar character. And therefore it is not without regret
that he sees in your freedom a spy on the incidents
of his fortune. Nor is this his reasoning weak or
trivial.
In the first place, therefore, we are to consider him
as the enemy of our state, the implacable enemy of
our free constitution. Nothing but the deepest sense
of this can give you a true, vigorous, and active
spirit. In the next place, be assured that every thing
he is now labouring, every thing he is concerting, he
is concerting against our city; and that, wherever
any man opposes him, he opposes an attempt against
these walls: for none of you can be weak enough
to imagine that Philip's desires are centred in those
paltry villages of Thrace; (for what name else can
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 133
one give to Drongilus, and Cabyle, and Mastira,' and
all those places he is now reducing to his obedience 1)
that he endures the severity of toils and seasons,
and braves the utmost dangers for these, and has no
designs on the ports, and the arsenals, and the navies,
and the silver mines, and all the other revenues of
Athens; but that he will leave them for you to
enjoy; while, for some wretched hoards of grain in
the cells of Thrace, he takes up his winter-quarters
in the horrors of a dungeon. 2 Impossible ! No;
these and all his expeditions are really intended to
facilitate the conquest of Athens.
Let us then approve ourselves men of wisdom;
and, fully persuaded of these truths, let us shake off
our extravagant and dangerous supineness; let us
supply the necessary expenses; let us call on our
allies; let us take all possible measures for keeping
up a regular army; so that, as he hath his force con-
stantly prepared to injure and enslave the Greeks,
yours too may be ever ready to protect and assist
them. If you depend on occasional detachments,
you cannot ever expect the least degree of success:
you must keep an army constantly on foot, provide
for its maintenance, appoint public treasurers, and by
all possible means secure your military funds; and
while these officers account for all disbursements, let
your generals be bound to answer for the conduct of
the war. Let these be your measures, these your
resolutions, and you will compel Philip to live in the
1 For what name else can one give to Drongilus, and Cabyle, and
Mastira, &c. ]--Drongilus and Cabyle, however the orator streets to
treat them with contempt, are yet mentioned in history. As to Mastira,
It is entirely Unknown: hence Harpocration suggested, that instead of
Mastira we should read Bastira; a town of Thrace of that name having
been mentioned in a history of Philip written by Anaximenes, a work a
long time lost. --Tourreil.
2 In the horrors of a dungeoa ]--In the original it is, in a Barathrum.
There was a ditch or cavern in Athens of that name, into whicn crimi-
nals were precipitated. So that by this figure he not only represents
the dreadful and deadly nature of the country, but at the same time sets
Philip in the light of a wicked wretch, who merited the vilest and most
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? 134
OKATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
real ooservance of an equitable peace, and to confine
himself to his own kingdom (which is most for our
interest), or we shall fight him on equal terms.
If any man thinks that the measures I propose will
require gTeat expense, and be attended with much
toil and trouble, he thinks justly. Yet let him con-
sider what consequences must attend the state if
these measures be neglected, and it will appear that
we shall really be gainers by engaging heartily in
this cause. Suppose some god should be our surety
(for no mortal ought tobe relied on in an affair of such
moment) that, if we continue quiet, and give up all our
interests, he will not at last turn his arms against us;
it would yet be shameful; it would (I call all the
powers of heaven to witness! ) be unworthy of you,
unworthy the dignity of your country, and the glory
of your ancestors, to abandon the rest of Greece to
slavery for the sake of private ease. I, for my part,
would die rather than propose so mean a conduct:
however, if there be any other person who will re-
commend it, be it so; neglect your defence; give up
your interesis! But if there be no such counsellor;
if, on the contrary, we all foresee that the farther
this man is suffered to extend his conquests, the
more formidable and powerful enemy we must find
in him, why this reluctance ? why do we delay? or
when, my countrymen, will we perform our duty ?
Must some necessity compel us? What one may
call the necessity of freemen not only presses us
now, but hath long since been felt: that of slaves, it
is to be wished, may never approach us. And how
do these differ? To a freeman, the disgrace of past
misconduct is the most urgent necessity; to a slave
stripes and bodily pains. Far be this from us! I
I would now gladly lay before you the whole con.
duct of certain politicians: but I spare them. One
thing only I shall observe: the moment that Philip
13 mentioned there is still one ready to start up, and
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 135
try, "What a happiness to live in peace! how-
grievous the maintenance of a great army! certain
persons have designs on our treasury ! " Thus they
delay their resolutions, and give him full liberty to
act as he pleases; hence you gain ease and indul-
gence for the present (which I fear may at some
time prove too dear a purchase); and these men
recommend themselves to your favour, and are well
paid for their service. But in my opinion there is no
need to persuade you to peace, who sit down already
thoroughly persuaded. Let it be recommended to
him who is committing hostilities: if he can be pre-
vailed on, you are ready to concur. Nor should we
think those expenses grievous which our security
requires, but the consequences which must arise if
such expenses be denied. Then as to plundering
our treasury; this must be prevented by intrusting it
to proper guardians, not by neglecting our affairs.
For my own part, Athenians, I am filled with indig-
nation when I find some persons expressing their
impatience, as if our treasures were exposed to plun-
derers, and yet utterly unaffected at the progress of
Philip, who is successively plundering every state
of Greece; and this, that he may at last fall with all
his fury on you.
What then can be the reason, Athenians, that, not-
withstanding all his manifest hostilities, all his acts
of violence, all the places he hath taken from us,
these men will not acknowledge that he hath acted
unjustly, and that he is at war with us; but accuse
those of embroiling you in a war who call on you to
oppose him, ahd to check his progress ? I shall tell
you. That popular resentment which may arise from
any disagreeable circumstances with which a war
may be attended (and it is necessary, absolutely
necessary that a war should be attended with many
such disagreeable circumstances) they would cast on
your faithful counsellors, that you may pass sentence
on them, instead of opposing Philip; and they turn
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? 136 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
accusers, instead of meeting the punishment due to
their present practices. This is the meaning of their
clamours that certain persons would involve you in
a war: hence have they raised all these cavils and
debates. I know full well, that before any Athenian
had ever moved you to declare war against him,
Philip had seized many of our dominions, and hath
now sent assistance to the Cardians. If you are
. resolved to dissemble your sense of his hostilities, he
would be the weakest of mankind if he attempted to
contradict you. But suppose he marches directly
against us, what shall we say in that case ? He will
si ill assure us that he is not at war: such were his
professions to the people of Oreum when his forces
were in the heart of their country; and to those of
Pherae, until the moment that he attacked their walls;
and thus he at first amused the Olynthians, until he
had marched his army into their territory. And will
you still insist, even in such a case, that they who call
on us to defend our country are embroiling us in a
war ? Then slavery is inevitable. There is no other
medium between an obstinate refusal to take arms
on your part, and a determined resolution to attack
us on the part of our enemy.
Nor is the danger which threatens us the same with
that of other people. It is not the conquest of Athens
which Philip aims at: no; it is our utter extirpation.
He knows full well that slavery is a state you would
not, or, if you were inclined, you could not submit
to; for sovereignty is become habitual to you. Nor
is he ignorant, that, at any unfavourable juncture, you
have more power to obstruct his enterprises than the
whole world besides.
Let us then be assured that we are contending for
the very being of our state ; let this inspire us with
abhorrence of those who have sold themselves to this
man, and let them feel the severity of public justice;
for it is not possible to conquer our foreign enemy
until we have punished those traitors who are serving
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESTJS. 137
him within our walls. Else, while we strike on
these as so many obstacles, our enemies must neces-
sarily prove superior to us. --And whence is it that he
dares treat you with insolence (1 cannot give his pres-
ent conduct any other name), that he utters menaces
against you, while on others he confers acts of kind-
ness (to deceive them at least, if for no other pur-
pose) ? Thus, by heaping favours on the Thessa-
liaris, he hath reduced them to their present slavery.
It is not possible to recount the various artifices by
which he abused the wretched Olynthians, from his
first insidious gift of Potidae. But now he seduced
the Thebans to his party, by making them masters
of Breotia, and easing them of a great and grievous
war. And thus, by being gratified in some favourite
point, these people are either involved in calamities
known to the whole world, or wait with submission
for the moment when such calamities are to fall on
them. I do not recount all that you yourselves have
lost, Athenians; but in the very conclusion of the
peace, how have you been deceived? how have you
been despoiled ? Was not Phocis, was not Ther-
mopylae, were not ourThracian dominions, Doriscum,
Senium, and even our ally Cersobleptes,1 all wrested
from us ? Is he not at this time in possession of
Cardia ? and does he not avow it ? Whence is it, I
say, that he treats you in so singular a manner?
Because ours is the only state where there is allowed
full liberty to plead the cause of an enemy; and the
man who sells his country may harangue securely,
at the very time that you are despoiled of your
dominions. It was not safe to speak for Philip at
Olynthus until the people of Olynthus had been
i And even our ally Cersobleptes. ]--The late treaty of peace between
Philip and the Athenians was concluded without giving Cersobleptes
(then in alliance with Athens) an opportunity of acceding to it: nor was
any provision made by it for his security and protection. By this means
Philip found himself at liberty to turn his arms against him, and a few
years after drove him from his kingdom, and obliged him to become his
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? ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
gained by the surrender of Potidaea. In Thessaly it
was not safe to speak for Philip until the Thessalians
had been gained by the expulsion of the tyrants and
the recovery of their rank of amphictyons ; nor could
it have beefi safely attempted at Thebes before he had
restored Boeotia and extirpated the Phocians. But at
Athens, although he hath robbed us of Amphipolis
and the territory of Cardia; though he awes us with
his fortifications in Euboea; though he be now on his
march to Byzantiumyet his partisans may speak
for Philip without any danger Hence, some of them,
from the meanest "poverty, have on a sudden risen to
affluence; some, from obscurity and disgrace, to
eminence and honour: while you, on the contrary,
from glory, have sunk into meanness; from riches,
to poverty; for the riches of a state I take to be its
allies, its credit, its connexions; in all which you are
poor. And by your neglect of these, by your utter
insensibility to your wrongs, he is become fortunate
and great, the terror of Greeks and Barbarians; and
you abandoned and despised; splendid indeed in the
abundance8 of your markets; but as to any real pro-
vision for your security, ridiculously deficient.
There are some orators, I find, who view your
interests and their own in a quite different light.
They would persuade you to continue quiet, what-
ever injuries are offered to you: they themselves
1 To Byzantium. ]--See the introduction to the following oration.
2 Splendid indeed in the abundance, &c. ]--They who opposed Philip's
interest in the Athenian assembly were ever urging the fallen conditio*
of their country, and the dishonour of suffering another power to wrest
that pre-eminence from her which had been enjoyed for ages. Ths
speakers on the other side at first affected to despise the power of Philip*
or insisted on the sincerity and uprightness of his intentions. But now;
when the danger became too apparent, and his designs too flagrant to be
dissembled, it appears that they bad recourse to other arguments. They
endeavoured to confine the views of the Athenians to what passed within
their own walls; displayed the advantages of their trade, the flourishing
state of their commerce; and perhaps recommended it as their true policy
to attend only to these, without making themselves a party in the quar-
rels of others, or loadmg the state with the expense of maintaining wars
to support the power and interest of foreigners.
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 139
cannot be quiet, though no one offers them the least
injury. When one of these men rises, I am sure to
hear, " What! will you not propose your decree %
will you not venture ? No; you are timid: you
want true spirit. "--I own, indeed, I am hot, nor
would I choose to be, a bold, an importunate, an au-
dacious speaker. And yet, if I mistake not, I have
more real courage than they who manage your affairs
with this rash hardiness. For he who, neglecting
the public interests, is engaged only in trials, in con-
fiscations, in rewarding, in accusing, doth not act
from any principle of courage; but as he never speaks
but to gain your favour, never proposes measures that
are attended with the least hazard: in this he has
a pledge of his security; and therefore is he daring.
But he who for his country's good oftent imes opposes
your inclinations; who gives the most salutary,
though not always the most agreeable, counsel; who
pursues those measures whose success depends more
on fortune than on prudence, and is yet willing to be
accountable for the event; this is the man of cour-
age ; this is the true patriot: not they who, by flatter-
ing your passions, have lost the most important
interests of the state ; men whom I am so far from
imitating, or deeming citizens of worth, that should
this question be proposed to me, "What services
have you done your country V though I might re-
count the galleys I have fitted out, and the public
entertainments I have exhibited,1 and the contribu-
tions I have paid, and the captives I have ran-
1 The public entertainments I have exhibited. ]--Tn the original it is,
" the offices of choregus that I have discharged. " Each of the ten tribes
of Athens had their bands of musicians to perform in the feasts of Bac-
chus, together with a poet, to compose the hymns and other pieces; and
these bands contended for a prize. The feasts were exhibited with great
magnificence; and in order to defray the charges, they appointed the
richest citizen out of each tribe (or sOmetimes he offered himself) to ex-
hibit them at his own cost. He was called the choregus; and if his
hand gained the prize, his name was inscribed, together with those of
the tribe and the poet, on the vase which was the reward of the con-
querors . --Towrrcil
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? 140 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
somed,1 and many like acts of benevolence, I would
yet pass them all by, and only say that my public
conduct hath ever been directly opposite to theirs.
I might, like them, have turned accuser, have dis-
tributed rewards and punishments : but this is a part
I never assumed: my inclinations were averse; nor
could wealth or honours prompt me to it. No; 1
confine myself to such counsels as have sunk my
reputation: but, if pursued, must raise the reputation
of my country. Thus much I may be allowed to say
without exposing myself to envy. --I should not have
thought myself a good citizen had I proposed such
measures as would have made me the first among
my countrymen, but reduced you to the last of states:
on the contrary, the faithful minister should raise the
glory of hi3 country; and, on all occasions, advise the
most salutary, not the easiest, measures. To these
nature itself inclines ; those are not to be promoted
but by the utmost efforts of a wise and faithful coun-
sellor. . "
I have heard it objected," That indeed I ever speak
with reason ; yet still this is no more than words:
that the state requires something more effectual,
some vigorous actions. " On which I shall give my
sentiments without the least reserve. The sole busi-
ness of a speaker is, in my opinion, to propose the
course you are to pursue. This were easy to be
proved. You know, that when the great Timotheus
moved you to defend the Eubceans against the tyr-
anny of Thebes, he addressed you thus: " What, my
countrymen! when the Thebans are actually in the
island, are you deliberating what is to be done? what
part to be taken 1 Will you not cover the seas with
your navies ? Why are you not at the Piraeus 1 why
are you not embarked V Thus Timotheus advised ;
thus you acted, and success ensued. But had he
spoken with the same spirit, and had your indolence
l The captives I have ransomed. ]--See the preface to the Oration on
the Peace
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? ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 141
prevailed, and his advice been rejected, would the
state have had the same success ? By no means.
And so in the present case; vigour and execution is
your part; from your speakers you are only to expeet
wisdom and integrity.
I shall just give the summary of my opinion, and
then descend. You should raise supplies ; you should
keep up your present forces, and reform whatever
abuses may be found in them (not break them entirely
on the first complaint). You should send ambassa-
dors into all parts, to reform, to remonstrate, to exert
all their efforts in the service of the state. But, above
all things, let those corrupt ministers feel the se-
verest punishment; let them, at all times, and in all
plaees, be the objects of your abhorrence : that wise
and faithful counsellors may appear to have consulted
their own interests as well as that of others. If you
will act thus, if you will shake off this indolence, per-
haps, even yet, perhaps, we may promise ourselves
some good fortune. But if you only just exert your-
selves in acclamations and applauses, and when any
thing is to be done sink again into your supineness, I
do not see how all the wisdom of the world can save
the state from ruin, when you deny your assistance.
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? THE TENTH ORATION AGAINST PHILIP.
Commonly called the Third.
PRONOUNCED IN THE SAME YEAR.
INTRODUCTION.
The former oration had its effect: for, instead of punishing Diopithes,
the Athenians supplied him with money, in order to put him in a con-
dition of continuing his expeditions. In the mean time Philip pursued
Iris Thracian conquests, and made himself master of several places,
which, though of little importance in themselves, yet opened him a way
to the cities Qf the Propontis, and, above all, to Byzantium, which he had
always intended to annex to his dominions. He at first tried the way
of negotiation, in order to gain the Byzantines into the number of his
allies; but this proving ineffectual, he resolved to proceed in another
manner. He had a party in the city, at whose head was the orator
Python, that engaged to deliver him up one of the gates: but while ho
was on his march towards the city the conspiracy was discovered,
which immediately determined him to talie another routa His sudden
countermarch, intended to conceal the crime of Python, really served to
confirm it. He was brought to trial j but the credit and the presents of
Philip prevailed to save him.
The efforts of the Athenians to support their interests in Eubcea, and
the power which Philip had acquired there, end which every day in-
creased, had entirely destroyed the tranquillity of this island. The people
of Oreum, divided by the Athenian and Macedonian factions, were on
the point of breaking out into a civil war, when, under pretence of
restoring their peace, Philip sent them a body of a thousand forces, under
the command of Hipponicus; which soon determined the superiority to
his side. Philistides, a tyrant, who had grown old in factions and public
contests, was intrusted with the government of Oreum, which ho ad-
ministered with all possible severity and cruelty to those in the Athenian
interest; while the other states of the island were also subjected to other
Macedonian governors. Callias, the Chalcidian, whose inconstancy had
made him espouse the interests of Athens, of Thebes, and Macedon,
successively, now returned to his engagements with Athens. He sent
deputies thither to desire assistance, and to prevail on the Athenians to
make some vigorous attempt to regain their power in Eubcea.
In the mean time the King of Persia, alarmed by the accounts of
Philip's growing power, made use of all the influence which his gold could
gain at Athens to engage the Athenians to act openly against an enemy
equally suspected by them both. This circumstance perhaps disposed
them to give the greater attention to the following oration.
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?
