He has
imitated
admirably the style and general man-
ner of Livy, and has displayed great care and accuracy
in citing his authorities.
ner of Livy, and has displayed great care and accuracy
in citing his authorities.
Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
VJna.
The ancients knew them to be vol-
canic, but did not narrowly examine them: this has
rr-cn reserved for modern philosophers. The Lipari
isles are commonly reckoned seven in number, and
Lipiri is the largest of these, being 19i Italian miles
in circuit. This island is peculiarly valuable to the
naturalist, from the number and beauty of its volcanic
products. According to Diodorus, all the . lioliein isles
were subject to great irruptions of hire, and their craters
were visible in his time. ( Vid. Strongyle. -- Plin. , 3,
9 -- Mela, 2, 7. -- Jornand. , de Regn. Slice. , p. 29. --
tfannert, Geogr. , vol. 9, pt. 2, p. 459, seqij. )
1 . in s. now Garigliano, a river of Campinia, which
it . separated from Latium, after the southern boundary
of the latter had been removed from the Circajan prom-
ontory. (Vul. Latium. ) It falls into the ssa neai
Miniums. According to Strabo, its more ancient
name was KWvif: according to Pliny, Glanis. (Slra-
lio, 233. -- Pliny, 3, 5. ) Its source is in the country
of the Marsi, west of the Lacus Fucinus. This river
is particularly noticed by the poets for the sluggishness
of its stream. (Moral. , Od. , 1, 31. -- Sil. Ital. , 4,
? 4H. ) In the vicinity of Minturnte the Pontine marsh-
ondcd, in which Marius hid himself, and whence
? ? was dragged with a rope round his neck to the
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? LIVIA.
ny
Lacedx'inonia is, whom she subsequently rotompensed
for the asylum they had afforded her. To rare per-
sonal attractions Livia added the charms of a cultiva-
ted intellect; and when it was again safe for her hus-
band and herself to return to Rome, she soon drew
upon her the notice of Augustus, who demanded her
from her husband. Tiberius dared not refuse; and
Augustus, having repudiated his own wife Scribonia,
made Livia his spouse. She had already borne two
sons to her first husband, namely, Tiberius, who was
afterward emperor, and Drusus Germanicus; but what
rendered the affair most disreputable, was the circum-
stance of her being six months gone in pregnancy at
the time of her union with Augustus. This child, the
only one she had after her marriage with the emper-
or, died almost at the moment of its birth. Livia was
twenty years of age when she was thus called to share
the empire of the world; and, availing herself skilfully
of the influence which she soon acquired over the mind
of Augustus, she began to concert her plans for secu-
ring the succession to her own son Tiberius. With
this view, she was suspected of having caused the
death of the young Marcellus, who might have proved
an obstacle to her ambitious views, though it must
be confessed that there is no positive testimony which
would seem to justify the suspicion. She soon lost
her own son Drusus Germanicus; but she did not
imitate Octavia, who had actually wearied out Au-
gustus by the excess of her sorrow: on the contrary,
she lent an ear to the consolations of the philosopher
Areus, and testified her gratitude to Augustus for the
Honours he had decreed to the memory of her son.
In all this, no doubt, there was much of dissimulation,
even if we make the fullest allowance for the feelings
of a parent. After the premature death of the two sons
of Julia, Livia hastened to call her own son Tiberius
from his retirement in the island of Rhodes, and pre-
vailed upon Augustus to adopt him, along with Agrip-
? a Posthumus, the last of the family of the Ctesars.
ler next care was to exclude this same Agrippa from
the succession, an object which she easily effected by
means of secret calumnies; and when now the path
to the throne stood open for Tiberius, she is said by
some to have hastened the end of Augustus himself,
by means of poisoned figs which she had given him
to eat, and which brought on an attack of dysentery.
Be this, however, as it may, it is at least certain that
she had the entire control of his last moments. Ev-
erything that passed within the walls of the dwelling
where he lay was concealed by her with the utmost
care. Hasty messengers were sent after Tiberius to
recall him instantly to the death-bed of the emperor;
and with so much secrecy was the whole affair shroud-
ed, that, although it was given out that Tiberius
found his adopted father still alive {Sueton. , Vit. Aug. ,
97, reqq), and had a long and affectionate interview
with mm, yet Tacitus informs us, that it was never
clearly ascertained whether these stories were not
mere fabrications; and whether Augustus was not, in
reality, already dead when Tiberius arrived at Nola.
By a singular clause in his will, Augustus adopted
Livia herself, directing her to take the name of Julia
Augusta, and made her joint sharer in the inheritance
with her son. The latter, however, showed but little
grV. itude to his parent, to whom he was in every
sense indebted for his elevation. When the senate
wished to decree new honours to her, he opposed the
? ? step; he never consulted her about public affairs, a
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? Livins
L1VIITS
II t youth (c. 14). Now Cato was bom B. C. 835,
nd since ihe period of youth among the Romans was
-. onsidered as commencing at fifteen, it may be pre-
sumed that the existence of Livius was at least pro-
tracted till B. C. 220. It has been frequently said
that he lived till the year E. G. 208, A. U. C. 46, be-
cause Livy (27, 37) mentions, that a hymn ci iposed
by this ancient poet was publicly sung in that ;ar, to
avert the disasters threatened by an alarming prodi-
gy; but the historian does not declare that it was
written for the occasion, or even recently before. Fes-
tus, however, informs us (s. v. Scribas), that i he Ro-
mans paid distinguished honour to Livius, in conse-
quence of the success which attended their arms in
tb? second Punic war, after be public recitation of a
hymn which he had composed. --Livius wrote both
tragedies and comedies. The earliest play of his was
represented B. C. 240, A. U. C. 514, about a year after
the termination of the first Punic war. Like Thes-
pis, and most other dramatists in the commencement
of the theatrical art, Livius was an actor, and for a con-
siderable time the sole performer of his own pieces.
Afterward, however, his voice failing, in consequence
of the audience insisting on a repetition of favourite
passages, he introduced a boy, who relieved him by
declaiming the recitative part in concert with the flute,
while he himself executed the corresponding gesticu-
lations in the monologues, and, in parts where high
exertion was required, only employing his own voice
in the conversational and less elevated scenes. --
"Hence," observes Livy (7, 2), "the practice arose
of dividing the representation between two actors, and
of reciting, as it were, to the gesture and action of the
eomedian. Thenceforth the custom so far prevailed,
that the comedians never uttered anything except the
verses of the dialogue. " And this system, apparent-
ly so well calculated to destroy all theatrical illusion,
continued, under certain modifications, to subsist on
the Hcman stage during the most refined periods of
'aste and literature. The popularity of Livius in-
treating from these performances, as well as from a
propitiatory hymn he had composed, and which had
been followed by great publi<- success, a building was
assigned to him on the Aventine Hill. This edifice
was partly converted into a theatre, and was also in-
habited by a troop of players, for whom Livius wrote
bis pieces, and frequently acted along with them.
(Pestus, s. v. Scribas. ) It has been disputed whether
the first drama represented by Livius Andronicus at
Rome was a tragedy or comedy. (Osann. , Analect.
Crit. , c. 13. ) However this may be, it appears from
the names which have been preserved of his plays,
that he wrote, as we have already said, both tragedies
and comedies. These titles, which have been col-
lected by Fabricius and other writers, are Achilles,
Adonis, Mgisthus, Ajax, Andromeda, Anliova, Cen-
lauri, Equus Trojanus, Helena, Hcrmione, /no, Lyd-
ius, Prolesilaodamia, Serenas, Tereus, Teucer, Vir-
go. (Bibl. Lai, vol. 3,1. 4, c. 1. ) Such names also
evince, that most of his dramas were translated or
imitated from the works of his countrymen of Magna
Grace ia, or from the great tragedians of Greece Thus,
iEschylus wrote a tragedy on the aubject of ^Egis-
thus: there is still a play of Sophocles extant by the
name of Ajax, and he is known to have written an
Andromeda: Stobaeus mentions the Antiopa of Eu-
ripides: four Greek dramatists, Sophocles, Euripides,
? ? Anaxandrides, and Philstus, composed tragedies on
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? LIVTUS
IJVTUM
M his styie, tl-at he baa acquired some superfluous ac-
oomplishmenla in a school of declamation. (Monbod-
io. Origin and Program of Language, vol. 5, b. 1, c.
1. ) It would appear, that he remained at Patavium
during the whole period of the civil dissensions, pro-
scriptions, and violations of property which followed
the assassination of Caesar. It has been even main-
tained by some writers, that he commenced his great
work at Patavium ere he visited the capital. (Krone,
de Fide Livii, Lips. , 1811. ) But through the whole
of tho first Decade, which is the part they suppose he
had written before coming to Rome, he speaks con-
cerning the localities of the city, its customs, judicial
forms, and religious ceremonies, as one who was ac-
tually on the spot, and had ocular proof of all he re-
lates. At whatever time he came to Rome, it is evi-
dent that he commenced his history between the years
725 and 730 A. U. C. , or B. C. 29 and 24; for in the first
book (c. 19) he mentions, that, at the period when he
wrote, the temple of Janus had been twice shut sinoe
the reign of Numa. once after the first Funic war, and
again in his own time by Augustus. Now this tem-
ple never had been closed by Augustus till 726, so
Jhat the passage could not have been written prior to
that year; and it could not have been written subse-
quently to 730, because in that year Augustus again
shut the temple, and I,ivy, of course, must have then
said that it had been three times, and not twice, closed
since the ag* of Numa. . Soon after his arrival at
Rome, he composed some dialogues on philosoph-
ical and political questions (Seneca, Epist. , 100),
which he addressed to Augustus. These dialogues,
which are now lost, procured for him the favour of the
emperor, who gave him free access to alt those ar-
chives and records of the state which might be ser-
viceable in the prosecution of the historical researches
in which he was employed. He allotted him apart-
ments in his own palace, and sometimes even conde-
scended to afford explanations, that facilitated the
right understanding of documents which wero impor-
tant to his investigations. Livy appears, indeed, to
have been on intimate terms with Augustus, who
used, according to Tacitus (. -Inn. , 4, 34), to call him
a "Pompeian," on account of the praises which he
bestowed on Pompoy's party. It appears that Livy
? vailed himself of the good graces of the emperor
>>nly for the purpose of facilitating the historical re-
searches in which he was engaged. We do not hear
that he accepted any pecuniary favours, or even held
any public employment. It has been conjectured by
some writers, from a passage in Suetonius (Vit. Claud. ,
41), that he had for a short time superintended the edu-
cation of Claudius, who afterward succeeded to the
empire. (Gibbon's Misc. Works, vol. 4,p. 425. ) But,
though the expressions scarcely authorize this infer-
ence, they prove that, at Livy's suggestion, Claudius
undertook in his youth to write a history of Rome
from the death of Julius Cx-sar, and thus acquired the
habits of historical composition, which he continued
after his accession; being better qualified, as Gibbon
remarks, to record great actions than to perform them.
--Livy continued for nearly 20 years to be closely oc-
cupied in the composition of his history. During this
long period his chief residence was at Rome, or in its
immediate vicinity; but he occasionally retired to
Naples, that he might there arrange with leisure and
tranquillity the materials he had amassed in the capi-
? ? tal. (Funeeius, de Virili JEtale Ling. Lot. , pars 2,
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? LlVItJS.
LIVIUS.
M'f . Works, vol. 4, p. 427. )--In addition, then, to the
fir<i ten books of J. ivy's history, we hare from the
Slat to (he 45th books, both inclusive; though from
the 40th to the 45th they are full of lacuna;. We
possess also some fragments, and among them one of
the 91st book, discovered in 1772, in a palimpsest
manuscript in the Vatican library. This last-men-
tioned fragment was first published by Bruns (Ham-
burg, 1773), and afterward by Kreyssig (Chemnitz,
1S07). There also exist brief epitomes of the lost
books, ae well as of those which have come down to us.
They have been frequently supposed, though without
sufficient reason, to have been compiled by Florus.
We have, however, only epitomes of 140 books; but
it has been satisfactorily shown by Sigonius and Dra-
kenborch (ad Liv. , Epit. , 136), that the epitomes of the
136th and 137th books have been lost, and that the
epitome of the 136th book, as it is called, is in reality
the epitome of the 138th. --With the aid of this col-
lection of epitomes, and that of other ancient writers,
both Greek and Latin, Freinshcmius, a learned Ger-
man scholar of the 17th century, composed a collec-
tion of supplements to replace the books that are lost.
He has imitated admirably the style and general man-
ner of Livy, and has displayed great care and accuracy
in citing his authorities. --Many hopes have been en-
tertained, at various periods, of recovering the lost
books of I,ivy's work, but they appear at last to have
been put to rest. Erpcnius and others staled once
that^ there was a translation of them in Arabic, but
none such has ever been discovered. --Tacitus (Ann. ,
4, 34) and Seneca (Sutuor. , 7), among the later Ro-
man writers, speak in the highest terms of the beauty
of Livy's style, and of the fidelity of his history;
praises which have been constantly repeated by mod-
ern writers. But, while most will be ready to admit
that his style is eloquent, his narrative clear, and his
powers of description great and striking, it can scarce-
ly be denied that he was deficient in the first and
morit important requisites of a faithful historian, a love
of truth, diligence and care in consulting authorities,
ind a patient and pains-taking examination of con-
flicting testimonies. Livy made very little use even
of auch inscriptions and public documents as were
within his reach. He appeals, indeed, to the treaty
of Spurius Cassius with the Latins, engraven on a
column of brass (2, 33); but in the notable instance
of the inscription on the Spolia Opima of Cornelius
Cossus, preserved in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius,
which was at variance with the received Fasti (or
register of magistrates) and the common accounts
of historians, he does not appear to have had the
curiosity to examine the monument itself, but is
content with repeating the report of Augustus Cffi-
sar (4. 20). This is one of the few passages in
whicn he descends to a critical comparison of evi-
dence and authorities; and it will serve as a proof
how little expert he was in that art of an historian,
and how little he valued its results: for, though in
iia digression he professes to believe in the superior
uthority of the inscription, in the main course of his
irrative he follows the beaten track of writers who
kd gone before him. He makes no mention of other
lonuments which we know to have existed; the
men column 'm the temple of the Aventine Diana,
m which was engraven the treaty of Servius Tullius
with the Latins, with the names of the tribes who
? ? were members of the league (Din. Hal. , 4, 26);
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? LIVIUS
LOC
m perpetual wars who. the surrounding states, the Ro-
mans were never defeated in the open held (9, 19);
that when they were distressed, it was always by pes-
tilence, or famine, or sedition; and that, at such sea-
sons, their enemies abstained from attacking them;
that they gained victory after victory without subduing
their opponents; that taken cities reappear in the
power of their original possessors; that consuls and
dictators triumph in succession over nations that are
still able to supply subjects for new triumphs to new
consuls and new dictators; that slaughters, which
must have exhausted any state of ancient Italy, dimin-
ished not the number of their perpetually-renovated
adversaries. To this passion for extolling the military
reputation of Rome we owe the comparative neglect
of the ]ess popular and less ostentatiqus subjects of
domestic history. Every war and triumph of which
any memorial, true or false, existed, is scrupulously
registered; but the original constitution of the state,
the division of its citizens, the several rights, the con-
tests between the orders, the constitution of the gen-
eral or partial assemblies of the people, the powers of
the magistrates; the laws, the jurisprudence, their
progressive melioration; these are subjects on which
our information is vague, scanty, and ill-connected.
It is evident, that to the mind of I,ivy they possessed
comparatively little interest; and that on these mat-
ters, to say the least, he did not exert himself to cor-
rect the errors or supply the defects of the writers who
preceded him. He was satisfied if from a popular
commotion he could extract the materials of an elo-
quent speech. It is a sufficient proof that on this
most important portion of Roman history he was re-
ally ignorant, that, with all his powers of language, he
does not convey clear and vivid ideas to the minds of
if readers. Who has risen from the perusal of the
arty hooks of Livy with the distinct notion of a client
or of an agrarian law! (Maiden, History of Rome,
f. 39, seqq. )--Inexperienced, too, in military affairs,
numerous blunders have been attributed to him in re-
lation to encampments, circumvallations, sieges, and
warlike operations of all kinds. (Casaubon, Praf ad
Polyb. --Folard, Comment. --Niebuhr, Rom. Gcsch. ,
vol. 2, p. 499, 514. ) He did not, like Polybius, visit
the regions which had been the theatre of the great
tvents which he commemorates, and hence arise many
mistakes in geography, and much confusion with re-
gard to the situation of cities and the boundaries of
districts. (Lachmann, de Fontibus Hist. Lit. , p.
'06. ) "Considered in this point of view," says Gib-
bon, " Livy appears merely as a man of letters, little
acquainted with the art of war, and careless in point
of geography. " (Misc. Works, vol. 5, p. 371. )--We
have already spoken of the style of Livy. One point,
however, connected with this part of the subject re-
mains to be noticed. That fastidious critic and envi-
ous detractor of his literary contemporaries, Asinius
Pollio, had said that there was a certain Patavinity in
the Btyle of Livy; by which he meant to convey an
idea that there was something in bis expressions which
bespoke a citizen of Patavium, and which would not
have appeared in the style of a native of Rome.
{Quint. . Inst. Or. , 8, 1. ) It is evident, from the pas-
sage, of Quintilian just referred to, where this criticism
of Pollio's is recorded, that it applied entirely to pro-
vincial words or phrases, not altogether consonant to
the refined urbanity of Rome, which could not so
? ? easily be communicated to strangers as the freedom of
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? LOCRI.
Kit.
Sttab. , 31I. --Hesiod. , ap. evnd. --Seym. , Ch. , 590. --
Dieaaich. , v. "1. ) The Locri Ozola occupied a nar-
row tract of country, aituated on the northern shore of
the Corinthian Gulf, commencing at the /Etolian Rhi-
um, and terminating near Crissa. To the weat and
north they adjoined the vEtolians, and partly also, in
the latter direction, the Dorians, while. to the east they
botdered on the district of Delphi, belonging to Pho-
cis. They are aaid to have been a colony from the
more celebrated Locrians of the east (Strabo, 427. --
Eustath , ad II. , 2, 531), and their name, according to
fabulous accounts, was derived from some fetid springs
(<5Cu, olio) near the hill of Taphius or Taphiassus,
aituated on their coaat, and beneath which it was re-
ported that the centaur Nessus had been entombed.
(Strab. , 426. --Piut. , Quasi. Grac, 15. -- Myrsil. ,
Lesb. , ap. Antigon. Paradox. , 129. ) Other explana-
tions of the name are given under the article Ozolae. --
Thucydides represents them as a wild, uncivilized
race, and addicted from the earliest period to theft
and rapine (1, 5). In the Peloponnesian war they ap-
pear to have sided with the Athenians, as the latter
beld possession of Naupactus, their principal town
and harbour, probably from enmity to the . Ltolians,
who had espoused the cause of the Peloponnesians.
(Thucyd. , 3, 95. )--The Epicnemidian Locri, whom
we must next describe, occupied a small district im-
mediately adjoining Thermopylte, and confined be-
tween Mount Cuemis, a branch of CEta, whence they
derived their name, and the sea of Euboea. (Strabo,
416, 425-- Eustath. , ad Dionys. Pcritg. , v. 426. )
Homer classes them with the Opuntii, under the gen-
eral name of Locri. {II. , 2, 535. ) They derived their
ziamc of Epicnemidii from their situation in the vicin-
ity of Mount Cnemia. --The Opuntian Locri follow
after the Epicnemidii: they occupied a line of coast of
about fifteen miles, beginning a little south of Cne-
mides, and extending to the town of Hals, on the
frontiers of Bceotia. Inland their territory reached to
the Phocian towns of Hyampolis and Aba). This peo-
ple derived their name from the city of Opus, their
metropolis. (Strabo, 425. --Cramer's Anc. Greece,
rol. 2, p. 104. )--II. A people of Magna Gracia, ori-
ginally a colony of the Locri Opuntii from Greece.
They first settled near the promontory of Zephyrium,
at the lower extremity of Bruttium, on the Ionian Sea,
and hence obtained the appellation of Epizephyrii, by
which they were distinguished from the Locri of
Greece. Here they built the city of Locri. They
removed, however, from this position three or four
years afterward, and built another city on a height
named Mount Esopis. Strabo, however, makes the
Locri who settled in Bruttium to have been a division
of the Ozola! from the Crissaean Gulf, and remarks, that
Ephorus was incorrect in ascribing the settlement to
the Locri Opuntii; but it is certain that this opinion
of Ephorus seems to be supported by the testimony of
many other writers, and therefore is generally preferred
by modern critics. (Mazzoch. in Tab. Htracl. diatr. ,
l,c. 5. --Heyne. Opusc. Acad. , vol. 2, p. 46. --Id. , ad
Virg. , Mn. , 3, 399. ) We derive some curious infor-
? >on relative to the origin of the Epizephyrian Locri
'''is, who acquaints us, that, from his having
of obtaining for this city a remission
ons on more than one occasion, he
'<ng of kindness and partiality to-
nich they, on the other hand, rc-
? ? 'ratitmle and attention. His
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? LON
LON
tbt influence of Agr; pina. (Sucton. , Vit. Claud. , 26.
-Tucil. , Ann. , 12, 22. )
Lollius, I. M. Lollius Palicanus, a Roman noble-
man in the time of Augustus, who gave him (A. U. C.
789, B. C. 26) the government of Galatia, with the
title of proprator. He acquitted himself so well in
this office, that the emperor, in order to recompense
his services, named him consul, in 732, with L. Aure-
lms Lcpidus. Being sent in 737 tc engage the Ger-
mans, who bad made an irruption into Gaul, he had
the misfortune, after some successes, to experience a
defeat, known in history by the appellation of clades
Lolliana, and in which he lost the eagle of the fifth le-
gion. It appears, however, that he was able to repair
the disaster, and regain the confidence of Augustus,
for this monarch chose him, about A. U. C. 751, B. C.
3, to accompany his grandson Caius Caesar (afterward
the Emperor Caligula) into the East, as a kind of di-
rector of his youth (? ' veluti moderator juventce. " Veil.
Paterc. , 2, 102). In the course of this mission, he
became guilty of the greatest depredations, and formed
secret plots, which were disclosed to Caius Cxsar by
the kingof the Parthians. Lollius died suddenly a few
days after this, leaving behind him immense riches,
but a most odious memory. (Pliny, 9, 35, 57. )
Whether bis end was voluntary or otherwise, Velleius
Paterculus {,'. c. ) declares himself unable to decide.
Horace addressed to him one of his odes (the ninth of
the fourth book) in the year of his consulship with Lep-
idus, but died seven or eight years before Lollius had
disgraced himself by his conduct in the East. (Com-
pare Sanadon, ad Itorat. , I. c)--II. A son of the pre-
ceding, to whom Horace addressed two of his epistles
(the second and eighteenth of the first book). He was
the eldest son of M. Lollius Palicanus, and is therefore
styled by Horace Maximc (scil. natu). Several mod-
em scholars, such as Torrentius, Baxter, Dacicr, Glan-
dorp (Onomast. , p. 547), and Moreri (Diet. Hist. , vol.
4, p.
canic, but did not narrowly examine them: this has
rr-cn reserved for modern philosophers. The Lipari
isles are commonly reckoned seven in number, and
Lipiri is the largest of these, being 19i Italian miles
in circuit. This island is peculiarly valuable to the
naturalist, from the number and beauty of its volcanic
products. According to Diodorus, all the . lioliein isles
were subject to great irruptions of hire, and their craters
were visible in his time. ( Vid. Strongyle. -- Plin. , 3,
9 -- Mela, 2, 7. -- Jornand. , de Regn. Slice. , p. 29. --
tfannert, Geogr. , vol. 9, pt. 2, p. 459, seqij. )
1 . in s. now Garigliano, a river of Campinia, which
it . separated from Latium, after the southern boundary
of the latter had been removed from the Circajan prom-
ontory. (Vul. Latium. ) It falls into the ssa neai
Miniums. According to Strabo, its more ancient
name was KWvif: according to Pliny, Glanis. (Slra-
lio, 233. -- Pliny, 3, 5. ) Its source is in the country
of the Marsi, west of the Lacus Fucinus. This river
is particularly noticed by the poets for the sluggishness
of its stream. (Moral. , Od. , 1, 31. -- Sil. Ital. , 4,
? 4H. ) In the vicinity of Minturnte the Pontine marsh-
ondcd, in which Marius hid himself, and whence
? ? was dragged with a rope round his neck to the
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? LIVIA.
ny
Lacedx'inonia is, whom she subsequently rotompensed
for the asylum they had afforded her. To rare per-
sonal attractions Livia added the charms of a cultiva-
ted intellect; and when it was again safe for her hus-
band and herself to return to Rome, she soon drew
upon her the notice of Augustus, who demanded her
from her husband. Tiberius dared not refuse; and
Augustus, having repudiated his own wife Scribonia,
made Livia his spouse. She had already borne two
sons to her first husband, namely, Tiberius, who was
afterward emperor, and Drusus Germanicus; but what
rendered the affair most disreputable, was the circum-
stance of her being six months gone in pregnancy at
the time of her union with Augustus. This child, the
only one she had after her marriage with the emper-
or, died almost at the moment of its birth. Livia was
twenty years of age when she was thus called to share
the empire of the world; and, availing herself skilfully
of the influence which she soon acquired over the mind
of Augustus, she began to concert her plans for secu-
ring the succession to her own son Tiberius. With
this view, she was suspected of having caused the
death of the young Marcellus, who might have proved
an obstacle to her ambitious views, though it must
be confessed that there is no positive testimony which
would seem to justify the suspicion. She soon lost
her own son Drusus Germanicus; but she did not
imitate Octavia, who had actually wearied out Au-
gustus by the excess of her sorrow: on the contrary,
she lent an ear to the consolations of the philosopher
Areus, and testified her gratitude to Augustus for the
Honours he had decreed to the memory of her son.
In all this, no doubt, there was much of dissimulation,
even if we make the fullest allowance for the feelings
of a parent. After the premature death of the two sons
of Julia, Livia hastened to call her own son Tiberius
from his retirement in the island of Rhodes, and pre-
vailed upon Augustus to adopt him, along with Agrip-
? a Posthumus, the last of the family of the Ctesars.
ler next care was to exclude this same Agrippa from
the succession, an object which she easily effected by
means of secret calumnies; and when now the path
to the throne stood open for Tiberius, she is said by
some to have hastened the end of Augustus himself,
by means of poisoned figs which she had given him
to eat, and which brought on an attack of dysentery.
Be this, however, as it may, it is at least certain that
she had the entire control of his last moments. Ev-
erything that passed within the walls of the dwelling
where he lay was concealed by her with the utmost
care. Hasty messengers were sent after Tiberius to
recall him instantly to the death-bed of the emperor;
and with so much secrecy was the whole affair shroud-
ed, that, although it was given out that Tiberius
found his adopted father still alive {Sueton. , Vit. Aug. ,
97, reqq), and had a long and affectionate interview
with mm, yet Tacitus informs us, that it was never
clearly ascertained whether these stories were not
mere fabrications; and whether Augustus was not, in
reality, already dead when Tiberius arrived at Nola.
By a singular clause in his will, Augustus adopted
Livia herself, directing her to take the name of Julia
Augusta, and made her joint sharer in the inheritance
with her son. The latter, however, showed but little
grV. itude to his parent, to whom he was in every
sense indebted for his elevation. When the senate
wished to decree new honours to her, he opposed the
? ? step; he never consulted her about public affairs, a
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? Livins
L1VIITS
II t youth (c. 14). Now Cato was bom B. C. 835,
nd since ihe period of youth among the Romans was
-. onsidered as commencing at fifteen, it may be pre-
sumed that the existence of Livius was at least pro-
tracted till B. C. 220. It has been frequently said
that he lived till the year E. G. 208, A. U. C. 46, be-
cause Livy (27, 37) mentions, that a hymn ci iposed
by this ancient poet was publicly sung in that ;ar, to
avert the disasters threatened by an alarming prodi-
gy; but the historian does not declare that it was
written for the occasion, or even recently before. Fes-
tus, however, informs us (s. v. Scribas), that i he Ro-
mans paid distinguished honour to Livius, in conse-
quence of the success which attended their arms in
tb? second Punic war, after be public recitation of a
hymn which he had composed. --Livius wrote both
tragedies and comedies. The earliest play of his was
represented B. C. 240, A. U. C. 514, about a year after
the termination of the first Punic war. Like Thes-
pis, and most other dramatists in the commencement
of the theatrical art, Livius was an actor, and for a con-
siderable time the sole performer of his own pieces.
Afterward, however, his voice failing, in consequence
of the audience insisting on a repetition of favourite
passages, he introduced a boy, who relieved him by
declaiming the recitative part in concert with the flute,
while he himself executed the corresponding gesticu-
lations in the monologues, and, in parts where high
exertion was required, only employing his own voice
in the conversational and less elevated scenes. --
"Hence," observes Livy (7, 2), "the practice arose
of dividing the representation between two actors, and
of reciting, as it were, to the gesture and action of the
eomedian. Thenceforth the custom so far prevailed,
that the comedians never uttered anything except the
verses of the dialogue. " And this system, apparent-
ly so well calculated to destroy all theatrical illusion,
continued, under certain modifications, to subsist on
the Hcman stage during the most refined periods of
'aste and literature. The popularity of Livius in-
treating from these performances, as well as from a
propitiatory hymn he had composed, and which had
been followed by great publi<- success, a building was
assigned to him on the Aventine Hill. This edifice
was partly converted into a theatre, and was also in-
habited by a troop of players, for whom Livius wrote
bis pieces, and frequently acted along with them.
(Pestus, s. v. Scribas. ) It has been disputed whether
the first drama represented by Livius Andronicus at
Rome was a tragedy or comedy. (Osann. , Analect.
Crit. , c. 13. ) However this may be, it appears from
the names which have been preserved of his plays,
that he wrote, as we have already said, both tragedies
and comedies. These titles, which have been col-
lected by Fabricius and other writers, are Achilles,
Adonis, Mgisthus, Ajax, Andromeda, Anliova, Cen-
lauri, Equus Trojanus, Helena, Hcrmione, /no, Lyd-
ius, Prolesilaodamia, Serenas, Tereus, Teucer, Vir-
go. (Bibl. Lai, vol. 3,1. 4, c. 1. ) Such names also
evince, that most of his dramas were translated or
imitated from the works of his countrymen of Magna
Grace ia, or from the great tragedians of Greece Thus,
iEschylus wrote a tragedy on the aubject of ^Egis-
thus: there is still a play of Sophocles extant by the
name of Ajax, and he is known to have written an
Andromeda: Stobaeus mentions the Antiopa of Eu-
ripides: four Greek dramatists, Sophocles, Euripides,
? ? Anaxandrides, and Philstus, composed tragedies on
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? LIVTUS
IJVTUM
M his styie, tl-at he baa acquired some superfluous ac-
oomplishmenla in a school of declamation. (Monbod-
io. Origin and Program of Language, vol. 5, b. 1, c.
1. ) It would appear, that he remained at Patavium
during the whole period of the civil dissensions, pro-
scriptions, and violations of property which followed
the assassination of Caesar. It has been even main-
tained by some writers, that he commenced his great
work at Patavium ere he visited the capital. (Krone,
de Fide Livii, Lips. , 1811. ) But through the whole
of tho first Decade, which is the part they suppose he
had written before coming to Rome, he speaks con-
cerning the localities of the city, its customs, judicial
forms, and religious ceremonies, as one who was ac-
tually on the spot, and had ocular proof of all he re-
lates. At whatever time he came to Rome, it is evi-
dent that he commenced his history between the years
725 and 730 A. U. C. , or B. C. 29 and 24; for in the first
book (c. 19) he mentions, that, at the period when he
wrote, the temple of Janus had been twice shut sinoe
the reign of Numa. once after the first Funic war, and
again in his own time by Augustus. Now this tem-
ple never had been closed by Augustus till 726, so
Jhat the passage could not have been written prior to
that year; and it could not have been written subse-
quently to 730, because in that year Augustus again
shut the temple, and I,ivy, of course, must have then
said that it had been three times, and not twice, closed
since the ag* of Numa. . Soon after his arrival at
Rome, he composed some dialogues on philosoph-
ical and political questions (Seneca, Epist. , 100),
which he addressed to Augustus. These dialogues,
which are now lost, procured for him the favour of the
emperor, who gave him free access to alt those ar-
chives and records of the state which might be ser-
viceable in the prosecution of the historical researches
in which he was employed. He allotted him apart-
ments in his own palace, and sometimes even conde-
scended to afford explanations, that facilitated the
right understanding of documents which wero impor-
tant to his investigations. Livy appears, indeed, to
have been on intimate terms with Augustus, who
used, according to Tacitus (. -Inn. , 4, 34), to call him
a "Pompeian," on account of the praises which he
bestowed on Pompoy's party. It appears that Livy
? vailed himself of the good graces of the emperor
>>nly for the purpose of facilitating the historical re-
searches in which he was engaged. We do not hear
that he accepted any pecuniary favours, or even held
any public employment. It has been conjectured by
some writers, from a passage in Suetonius (Vit. Claud. ,
41), that he had for a short time superintended the edu-
cation of Claudius, who afterward succeeded to the
empire. (Gibbon's Misc. Works, vol. 4,p. 425. ) But,
though the expressions scarcely authorize this infer-
ence, they prove that, at Livy's suggestion, Claudius
undertook in his youth to write a history of Rome
from the death of Julius Cx-sar, and thus acquired the
habits of historical composition, which he continued
after his accession; being better qualified, as Gibbon
remarks, to record great actions than to perform them.
--Livy continued for nearly 20 years to be closely oc-
cupied in the composition of his history. During this
long period his chief residence was at Rome, or in its
immediate vicinity; but he occasionally retired to
Naples, that he might there arrange with leisure and
tranquillity the materials he had amassed in the capi-
? ? tal. (Funeeius, de Virili JEtale Ling. Lot. , pars 2,
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? LlVItJS.
LIVIUS.
M'f . Works, vol. 4, p. 427. )--In addition, then, to the
fir<i ten books of J. ivy's history, we hare from the
Slat to (he 45th books, both inclusive; though from
the 40th to the 45th they are full of lacuna;. We
possess also some fragments, and among them one of
the 91st book, discovered in 1772, in a palimpsest
manuscript in the Vatican library. This last-men-
tioned fragment was first published by Bruns (Ham-
burg, 1773), and afterward by Kreyssig (Chemnitz,
1S07). There also exist brief epitomes of the lost
books, ae well as of those which have come down to us.
They have been frequently supposed, though without
sufficient reason, to have been compiled by Florus.
We have, however, only epitomes of 140 books; but
it has been satisfactorily shown by Sigonius and Dra-
kenborch (ad Liv. , Epit. , 136), that the epitomes of the
136th and 137th books have been lost, and that the
epitome of the 136th book, as it is called, is in reality
the epitome of the 138th. --With the aid of this col-
lection of epitomes, and that of other ancient writers,
both Greek and Latin, Freinshcmius, a learned Ger-
man scholar of the 17th century, composed a collec-
tion of supplements to replace the books that are lost.
He has imitated admirably the style and general man-
ner of Livy, and has displayed great care and accuracy
in citing his authorities. --Many hopes have been en-
tertained, at various periods, of recovering the lost
books of I,ivy's work, but they appear at last to have
been put to rest. Erpcnius and others staled once
that^ there was a translation of them in Arabic, but
none such has ever been discovered. --Tacitus (Ann. ,
4, 34) and Seneca (Sutuor. , 7), among the later Ro-
man writers, speak in the highest terms of the beauty
of Livy's style, and of the fidelity of his history;
praises which have been constantly repeated by mod-
ern writers. But, while most will be ready to admit
that his style is eloquent, his narrative clear, and his
powers of description great and striking, it can scarce-
ly be denied that he was deficient in the first and
morit important requisites of a faithful historian, a love
of truth, diligence and care in consulting authorities,
ind a patient and pains-taking examination of con-
flicting testimonies. Livy made very little use even
of auch inscriptions and public documents as were
within his reach. He appeals, indeed, to the treaty
of Spurius Cassius with the Latins, engraven on a
column of brass (2, 33); but in the notable instance
of the inscription on the Spolia Opima of Cornelius
Cossus, preserved in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius,
which was at variance with the received Fasti (or
register of magistrates) and the common accounts
of historians, he does not appear to have had the
curiosity to examine the monument itself, but is
content with repeating the report of Augustus Cffi-
sar (4. 20). This is one of the few passages in
whicn he descends to a critical comparison of evi-
dence and authorities; and it will serve as a proof
how little expert he was in that art of an historian,
and how little he valued its results: for, though in
iia digression he professes to believe in the superior
uthority of the inscription, in the main course of his
irrative he follows the beaten track of writers who
kd gone before him. He makes no mention of other
lonuments which we know to have existed; the
men column 'm the temple of the Aventine Diana,
m which was engraven the treaty of Servius Tullius
with the Latins, with the names of the tribes who
? ? were members of the league (Din. Hal. , 4, 26);
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? LIVIUS
LOC
m perpetual wars who. the surrounding states, the Ro-
mans were never defeated in the open held (9, 19);
that when they were distressed, it was always by pes-
tilence, or famine, or sedition; and that, at such sea-
sons, their enemies abstained from attacking them;
that they gained victory after victory without subduing
their opponents; that taken cities reappear in the
power of their original possessors; that consuls and
dictators triumph in succession over nations that are
still able to supply subjects for new triumphs to new
consuls and new dictators; that slaughters, which
must have exhausted any state of ancient Italy, dimin-
ished not the number of their perpetually-renovated
adversaries. To this passion for extolling the military
reputation of Rome we owe the comparative neglect
of the ]ess popular and less ostentatiqus subjects of
domestic history. Every war and triumph of which
any memorial, true or false, existed, is scrupulously
registered; but the original constitution of the state,
the division of its citizens, the several rights, the con-
tests between the orders, the constitution of the gen-
eral or partial assemblies of the people, the powers of
the magistrates; the laws, the jurisprudence, their
progressive melioration; these are subjects on which
our information is vague, scanty, and ill-connected.
It is evident, that to the mind of I,ivy they possessed
comparatively little interest; and that on these mat-
ters, to say the least, he did not exert himself to cor-
rect the errors or supply the defects of the writers who
preceded him. He was satisfied if from a popular
commotion he could extract the materials of an elo-
quent speech. It is a sufficient proof that on this
most important portion of Roman history he was re-
ally ignorant, that, with all his powers of language, he
does not convey clear and vivid ideas to the minds of
if readers. Who has risen from the perusal of the
arty hooks of Livy with the distinct notion of a client
or of an agrarian law! (Maiden, History of Rome,
f. 39, seqq. )--Inexperienced, too, in military affairs,
numerous blunders have been attributed to him in re-
lation to encampments, circumvallations, sieges, and
warlike operations of all kinds. (Casaubon, Praf ad
Polyb. --Folard, Comment. --Niebuhr, Rom. Gcsch. ,
vol. 2, p. 499, 514. ) He did not, like Polybius, visit
the regions which had been the theatre of the great
tvents which he commemorates, and hence arise many
mistakes in geography, and much confusion with re-
gard to the situation of cities and the boundaries of
districts. (Lachmann, de Fontibus Hist. Lit. , p.
'06. ) "Considered in this point of view," says Gib-
bon, " Livy appears merely as a man of letters, little
acquainted with the art of war, and careless in point
of geography. " (Misc. Works, vol. 5, p. 371. )--We
have already spoken of the style of Livy. One point,
however, connected with this part of the subject re-
mains to be noticed. That fastidious critic and envi-
ous detractor of his literary contemporaries, Asinius
Pollio, had said that there was a certain Patavinity in
the Btyle of Livy; by which he meant to convey an
idea that there was something in bis expressions which
bespoke a citizen of Patavium, and which would not
have appeared in the style of a native of Rome.
{Quint. . Inst. Or. , 8, 1. ) It is evident, from the pas-
sage, of Quintilian just referred to, where this criticism
of Pollio's is recorded, that it applied entirely to pro-
vincial words or phrases, not altogether consonant to
the refined urbanity of Rome, which could not so
? ? easily be communicated to strangers as the freedom of
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? LOCRI.
Kit.
Sttab. , 31I. --Hesiod. , ap. evnd. --Seym. , Ch. , 590. --
Dieaaich. , v. "1. ) The Locri Ozola occupied a nar-
row tract of country, aituated on the northern shore of
the Corinthian Gulf, commencing at the /Etolian Rhi-
um, and terminating near Crissa. To the weat and
north they adjoined the vEtolians, and partly also, in
the latter direction, the Dorians, while. to the east they
botdered on the district of Delphi, belonging to Pho-
cis. They are aaid to have been a colony from the
more celebrated Locrians of the east (Strabo, 427. --
Eustath , ad II. , 2, 531), and their name, according to
fabulous accounts, was derived from some fetid springs
(<5Cu, olio) near the hill of Taphius or Taphiassus,
aituated on their coaat, and beneath which it was re-
ported that the centaur Nessus had been entombed.
(Strab. , 426. --Piut. , Quasi. Grac, 15. -- Myrsil. ,
Lesb. , ap. Antigon. Paradox. , 129. ) Other explana-
tions of the name are given under the article Ozolae. --
Thucydides represents them as a wild, uncivilized
race, and addicted from the earliest period to theft
and rapine (1, 5). In the Peloponnesian war they ap-
pear to have sided with the Athenians, as the latter
beld possession of Naupactus, their principal town
and harbour, probably from enmity to the . Ltolians,
who had espoused the cause of the Peloponnesians.
(Thucyd. , 3, 95. )--The Epicnemidian Locri, whom
we must next describe, occupied a small district im-
mediately adjoining Thermopylte, and confined be-
tween Mount Cuemis, a branch of CEta, whence they
derived their name, and the sea of Euboea. (Strabo,
416, 425-- Eustath. , ad Dionys. Pcritg. , v. 426. )
Homer classes them with the Opuntii, under the gen-
eral name of Locri. {II. , 2, 535. ) They derived their
ziamc of Epicnemidii from their situation in the vicin-
ity of Mount Cnemia. --The Opuntian Locri follow
after the Epicnemidii: they occupied a line of coast of
about fifteen miles, beginning a little south of Cne-
mides, and extending to the town of Hals, on the
frontiers of Bceotia. Inland their territory reached to
the Phocian towns of Hyampolis and Aba). This peo-
ple derived their name from the city of Opus, their
metropolis. (Strabo, 425. --Cramer's Anc. Greece,
rol. 2, p. 104. )--II. A people of Magna Gracia, ori-
ginally a colony of the Locri Opuntii from Greece.
They first settled near the promontory of Zephyrium,
at the lower extremity of Bruttium, on the Ionian Sea,
and hence obtained the appellation of Epizephyrii, by
which they were distinguished from the Locri of
Greece. Here they built the city of Locri. They
removed, however, from this position three or four
years afterward, and built another city on a height
named Mount Esopis. Strabo, however, makes the
Locri who settled in Bruttium to have been a division
of the Ozola! from the Crissaean Gulf, and remarks, that
Ephorus was incorrect in ascribing the settlement to
the Locri Opuntii; but it is certain that this opinion
of Ephorus seems to be supported by the testimony of
many other writers, and therefore is generally preferred
by modern critics. (Mazzoch. in Tab. Htracl. diatr. ,
l,c. 5. --Heyne. Opusc. Acad. , vol. 2, p. 46. --Id. , ad
Virg. , Mn. , 3, 399. ) We derive some curious infor-
? >on relative to the origin of the Epizephyrian Locri
'''is, who acquaints us, that, from his having
of obtaining for this city a remission
ons on more than one occasion, he
'<ng of kindness and partiality to-
nich they, on the other hand, rc-
? ? 'ratitmle and attention. His
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? LON
LON
tbt influence of Agr; pina. (Sucton. , Vit. Claud. , 26.
-Tucil. , Ann. , 12, 22. )
Lollius, I. M. Lollius Palicanus, a Roman noble-
man in the time of Augustus, who gave him (A. U. C.
789, B. C. 26) the government of Galatia, with the
title of proprator. He acquitted himself so well in
this office, that the emperor, in order to recompense
his services, named him consul, in 732, with L. Aure-
lms Lcpidus. Being sent in 737 tc engage the Ger-
mans, who bad made an irruption into Gaul, he had
the misfortune, after some successes, to experience a
defeat, known in history by the appellation of clades
Lolliana, and in which he lost the eagle of the fifth le-
gion. It appears, however, that he was able to repair
the disaster, and regain the confidence of Augustus,
for this monarch chose him, about A. U. C. 751, B. C.
3, to accompany his grandson Caius Caesar (afterward
the Emperor Caligula) into the East, as a kind of di-
rector of his youth (? ' veluti moderator juventce. " Veil.
Paterc. , 2, 102). In the course of this mission, he
became guilty of the greatest depredations, and formed
secret plots, which were disclosed to Caius Cxsar by
the kingof the Parthians. Lollius died suddenly a few
days after this, leaving behind him immense riches,
but a most odious memory. (Pliny, 9, 35, 57. )
Whether bis end was voluntary or otherwise, Velleius
Paterculus {,'. c. ) declares himself unable to decide.
Horace addressed to him one of his odes (the ninth of
the fourth book) in the year of his consulship with Lep-
idus, but died seven or eight years before Lollius had
disgraced himself by his conduct in the East. (Com-
pare Sanadon, ad Itorat. , I. c)--II. A son of the pre-
ceding, to whom Horace addressed two of his epistles
(the second and eighteenth of the first book). He was
the eldest son of M. Lollius Palicanus, and is therefore
styled by Horace Maximc (scil. natu). Several mod-
em scholars, such as Torrentius, Baxter, Dacicr, Glan-
dorp (Onomast. , p. 547), and Moreri (Diet. Hist. , vol.
4, p.
