No More Learning

3 A Looking glasse for all proud, ambitious, covetous and corrupt Lawyers, 1646.
4 Liberty vindicated against slavery, 1646.
A Loyall Song, of the Royall Feast kept by the Prisoners in the Towre . . . (On the
occasion of a present of two brace of bucks from the king).
5


## p. 389 (#405) ############################################

The Coffee-houses
389
6
as a whole, began to outgrow medieval habits of thought and
expression and to cultivate modern 'civilitie. ' As we have seen,
this advance was partly due to reaction of sentiment, but, even
more, to a certain change in the people's mode of life. The
citizens of old London were gregarious, and, as the civil war had
been a conflict of opinions no less than of arms, they had developed
the necessity for discussion. Being careful both of their health
and of their purse, they did not like to meet in taverns, but
began to frequent coffee-houses, because a cup of the newly-
imported Turkish beverage cost only one penny and was supposed
to cure minor ailments? . As early as 1659, Miles's coffee-house
in Palace yard was the meeting place of James Harrington's
club, the 'Rota,' a debating society for the discussion of political
problems. By 1662, the Latine coffee-house, near the stocks, was
the resort of doctors and scholars, and we learn from the amusing
verses of News from the Coffee-house (1667), that, in some places,
the conversation turned on city fashions and foibles as well as on
affairs of state. In 1675, the author of The Coffee-houses Vin-
dicated expresses the true power of these resorts, when he asks
Now whither shall a person, wearied with hard study, or the laborious
turmoils of a tedious day, repair to refresh himself? or where can young
gentlemen, or shop-keepers, more innocently and advantageously spend an
hour or two in the evening, than at a coffee-house? . . . To read men is
acknowledged more useful than books; but where is there a better library for
that study, generally than here; among such a variety of humours, all ex-
pressing themselves on divers subjects according to their respective abilities ?
Thus, the middle classes had at last found a field in which it
was possible to realise Montaigne's and Cornwallis'ss ideal of
observing human nature, and a literature at once sprang up to
satisfy this new-born curiosity in the humours of coffee-house life.
The Character of a Coffee-house (1673) brilliantly describes, in
true Overburian style, the amateur politicians grouped round
some self-constituted authority and introduces a scathing portrait
of the ‘Town-wit,' the descendant of Dekker’s Gull, who interrupts
citizens' discussions with his obscenity and profane language;
1 See A Cup of Coffee, or Coffee in its Colours, 1663, and A Brief Description of the
Excellent Virtues of that sober and wholesome drink called Coffee and its Incomparable
effects in preventing or curing most diseases incident to Humane Bodies, 1674.
? See The Rota: or the Model of a Free State, or Equal Commonwealth; once pro-
posed and debated in brief and to be again more at large proposed to and debated by
a free and open society of ingenious Gentlemen. And The Censure of the Rota upon
Mr Milton's Book entitled The Ready and Easy Way to establish a Free Commonwealth.
Both in 1660.
Ante, vol. iv, chap. XVI, p. 344.
3


## p. 390 (#406) ############################################

390 The Advent
of Advent Modern
of Modern Thought
and, in 1677, a volume of conversational anecdotes collected at
these rendezvous was published by Roger L'Estrange! As the
coffee-houses had a mixed clientèle in which republican equality
was the order of the day, the consequent freedom of conversation
and unrestrained display of personality offered a new field for the
writer of dialogues. This genre had already become, in the hands
of such writers as Gifford, king James, Walton and especially
Nicholas Breton, a recognised means of conveying ideas to the
people, and their followers began by choosing coffee-houses merely
to give an attractive background to the discussions. The Coffee
Scuffle (1662), caricaturing a learned argument between a domi-
neering pedant and a man of the world, shows that literary
burlesque could at length find more subtle and refined material
than in the days of Barnabees Journal and Moriomachia, while
two other pamphlets3 turn an essay on popery into a lifelike
discussion between a voluble captain and a supercilious young
lawyer who meet at one of these houses. In these and other
productions of like nature, the arguers begin to be more important
than the argument. The street, the tavern and the home had for
centuries displayed the boorishness or brutality of men; but the
coffee-house revealed oddities of thought and manner far more
interesting to the modern observer. These quaint ideas and
touches of eccentricity were only to be brought out in conversa-
tion, and so the dialogue gradually became a study of character
culminating in some of Addison's charming sketches.
This friendly interest in the peculiarities of character increased
the abhorrence with which men viewed the revilings of the age
of the civil war. The age was bent on mutual respect and con-
sideration. So they turned to the study of letter writing to
cultivate a more suave spirit of intercourse. Davies describes
'the gentler art' as 'the cement of all society, the foundation
and Superstructure of all Friendship and conversation. It is
true that epistolary correspondence had been recognised as a
literary type since the renascence had brought men into touch
with Cicero, Seneca and Guevara, and that, as early as 1586,
6
3
1 Coffee-house Jests. By the author of The Oxford Jests [i. e. W. Hickes).
? See Rules and Orders of the Coffee-house, attached to A Brief Description, 1674.
A Coffee-House Dialogue, 1679, and A Continuation of the Coffee-House Dialogue,
1680.
* See J. Pettus's prefatory letter to Lovedays Letters Domestic and Forreine, edited
by his brother in 1659.
5 Dedic. to Boswell, G. , in Letters of Affaires, Love and Courtship. Written to
Several persons of Honour and Quality: By. . . Monsieur de Voiture, 1657.


## p. 391 (#407) ############################################

Romances
391
>
Angell Day had produced a manual of letter writing ! , while
other writers, including Nicholas Breton” and Joseph Hall}, had
appealed in this form to the public; but, then, the art was being
cultivated as a literary experiment. The new generation were
more interested in courtesy and the expression of mutual respect.
For them, letter writing was a civilising influence. So they looked
for their models, not among the ancients, but at the French court,
where a period of peace and concentrated government had de-
veloped a more refined and intellectual ideal of social life. Thus,
writers who might, thirty years earlier, have revived and adapted
ancient styles of literature, now edited and translated the letters
of Balzac, de la Serre and Voiture, or cast their tractates into an
epistolary form in which the courtesies of this type of literature
were scrupulously observed, as in Metamorphosis Anglorum (1660),
addressed to Don Lewis de Haro. The taste for novels of chivalry+
had never quite died out and now became again fashionable,
because the society of the restoration found in the French
romances that art of sentimental courtship which had again become
the ideal of refinement and high breeding. W. Browne translated
Gomberville's Polexandre in 1647, and other translators followed
him with the romances of La Calprenède and Madeleine de
Scudéry. Paraphrases were followed by imitations. Roger Boyle
published Parthenissa in 1654, Sir George Mackenzie wrote
Aretina in 1661, John Crowne produced his solitary romance
Pandion and Amphigenia in 1665; and, although these composi-
tions are interminably long and loosely constructed, the reader
could learn therein how to turn a compliment, express his passion,
write a love letter and interpret the sentiments of his heart after
the style of the Hôtel de Rambouillet. More practical civilisers
collected anecdotes and apophthegms which might help to teach
good manners. The cult of ana,' like that of the epistolary art,
'
was of ancient origin", and had flourished through the Middle
Ages and the renascence®. But, again, new tendencies led men
away from antiquity. Though compilers of such miscellanies are
1 English Secretary.
2 A Poste with a Packet of Mad Letters, 1603.
3 Six Decads of Epistles 1607–10.
4 See Raleigh, W. , The English Novel, 5th ed. 1903, chap. iv, from which these
facts are taken.
5 See Wolf, J. C. , Intro. to Casauboniana, 1710.
* E. g. Gregory the Great's Liber Dialogorum (reminiscences of St Benedict and
his companions, sixth to seventh centuries), Lutheri Colloquia Mensalia, 1566,
Melanchthoniana, 1562.


## p. 392 (#408) ############################################

392
The Advent of Modern Thought
particularly liable to draw on familiar material', the present
generation preferred anecdotes of king Charles I, the marquis of
Worcester or Sir Thomas More, which culminate in some courtly
phrase or witty but suave rejoinder; and Selden's Table Talk
which Richard Milward probably compiled soon after his death,
would be welcomed because of its tolerance, moderation and
breadth of view.
Now that men had reached this new stage of progress, the
Baconian essay began to lose its value. There were still a few
followers of the old school who, like Thomas Manley», sought
distraction from war and politics by compiling maxims and
meditations out of their desultory reading. But the enthusiasm
for discovering lessons of self-education in the classics now flagged
because the charm of novelty was gone, and the humanists of the
protectorate were too full of the work of reconstruction to centre
their reflections on themselves. Thus, the essay gradually ceased
to be an intellectual diary and showed signs of becoming an organ
for propagating ideas. An exiled royalist with the intention 'to
sport away the tedious houres with the dalliance of my pen’
described his experiences abroad in The Character of Spain and
The Character of Italy (both in 1660). But the two sketches
expand into veritable treatises with their invectives against
Jesuits, papistry, alchemy and the gunpowder plot, varied by
observations on history and sociology.
Men were dissatisfied with their state of culture, because
they had begun to realise its possibilities. The conviction was
steadily growing that scholars, as Waterhouse declared in An
Humble Apologie for Learning and Learned Men (1653), were
‘the Horsmen and Chariots of any Nation’; not an academic
caste, but civilisers. For this reason, they were willing to criticise
that system of half-scholastic education which had nourished the
witch controversy and left many other perplexities unsolved. As
early as 1646, John Hall, in Horae Vacivae, declared that ancient
philosophers should only be studied because they stimulate dis-
cussion on modern topics. In 1653, John Webster4 examined all
the established branches of learning and declared that conservatism
6
1 E. g. Witty Apophthegms . . . by Francis Lord Bacon are current witticisms of an.
tiquity derived originally from Cicero, Suetonius and Plutarch.
? Selden died in 1654; Table Talk, though not published till 1689 is dedicated to
* Mr Justice Hales' i. e. Sir Matthew Hales, who ceased to be judge of the Common
Pleas in 1658. See ed. by Singer, S. W. , Library of Old Authors, 1890.
3 Temporis Angustiae, 1649.
* Academiarum Examen, or the Examination of Academies, 1653.
4


## p. 393 (#409) ############################################

Humanists
393
was keeping knowledge from shedding any light on life and its
mysteries. In 1657, a writer on education, who signs himself
‘J. B. Gent,' superseded Milton's and Peacham's treatises with the
remarkable Heroick Education. The author gives the death-blow
to formalism by insisting that each pupil has a peculiar in-
dividuality and, therefore, requires a special training. The average
lad of gentle birth is an obscure maze of cross-tendencies which
he has not yet learnt to control, and the tutor's first duty is to
make an intimate study of his character. His pupil is led towards
good or evil by some enjoyment incidental to its pursuit, and the
teacher, by closely watching his appetites, maladies, dreams and
'colour' will be able to find out what particular pleasure appeals to
his instincts. Mental training must be equally unfettered by tra-
dition. The students of the renascence had aimed at accumulating
vast stores of erudition under the control of a quick memory.
But
the youth of the restoration must, also, cultivate 'commonsense,' that
is, wisdom to digest and apply his learning. Nor must his intellectual
individuality be fettered by imitating another's style, ‘for discourse
and writing being images of the soul; everyone expresses his
thoughts differently according to his own genius. ' Now that the
age had realised the necessity for mutual respect and forbear-
ance, the student must acquire tact and address no less than
knowledge and, above all, the knack of adapting himself to
other people's moods and tastes which is the true art of con-
versation1
Humanists were not content with putting knowledge to new
uses. Now that a settled government gave them leisure to catch
the spirit of continental philosophy, writers began, even in popular
productions, to criticise the sources of knowledge itself. Meric
Casaubon brought out A Treatise concerning Enthusiasm (1665)
in which he argues from history and literature that inspiration,
whether in rhetoric, poetry or the actor's craft, and ecstasy,
whether in divination, worship or contemplation, are no super-
natural gift but merely the working of nature and subject to
illusion. The author of Be Merry and Wise, or a Seasonable
Word to the Nation (1660) caught the spirit of his time when he
exhorted his readers to break away from the phrase-making of the
Caroline generation and devote themselves in earnest to the work
of reconstruction, asking 'can anything be more Ridiculous then
to stand Formalizing, in a case where tis impossible to be too early
or too zealous ? ' Joseph Glanvill, in The Vanity of Dogmatizing
1 Part 11, chap. VII.
a


## p. 394 (#410) ############################################

394
The Advent of Modern Thought
(1661), reminded men how hypothetical and conjectural all know-
ledge was, how unreliable is the evidence of our own senses, and
how completely fantasy and inclination dominate our convictions.
In these and such like books the influence of Van Helmont and
Descartes is evident and still more that of Agrippa, whose De
Vanitate Scientiarum, though partly a burlesque, was reprinted,
translated and often quoted because it insisted that the culture of
the renascence was not all it pretended to be.
Thus, the civil war had given new life to English thought, first
by solving the social and political controversies which had diverted
humanists from better things; then, by exposing, in all their
primitive repulsiveness, the fanaticism and bigotry which, for half
a century, had withstood progress; then, by introducing the habit
of discussion and reflection among the people as a whole, filling
them with the desire for peace, order and mutual tolerance. The
time for a creative genius had not yet come, but it was an age
of criticism and revision, and we have seen how the middle classes
were beginning, on the one hand to cultivate consideration for the
individual and on the other hand to examine dogmas and traditions
in the light of humanity and commonsense. It still remains to
show how all these tendencies led thinkers to continue the vexed
discussion on sorcery and occultism, and, without the aid of fresh
material, to put a new construction on the data which had served
Sprenger, Bodin, Gifford, James, Perkins and Cotta.
Astrology had already been condemned by Chamber and
Carleton ; but the belief in predictions became so widespread
;
during the hazards of the war that, when Lilly prophesied a more
than usually terrible series of disasters, to follow the eclipse of
1652, John Evelyn tells us that the common folk would not 'worke
nor stir out of their houses so ridiculously were they abus'd by
knavish and ignorant stargazers. But the same year saw an
excellent piece of sarcasm on this prophecy, entitled Strange
Predictions, and John Gaule, who had once been a believer in the
superstition, brought out a voluminous refutation? , in which he
attributes the success of astrology to its votaries' eagerness to be
deceived and reminds his readers that, even if a constellation could
affect a new-born babe, the child's training, home-life and social
position will soon supersede such influences.
Other attacks on stargazing followed, but it was the horrors
and iniquities of the witch persecution which chiefly claimed the
i IIûs-martia The Mag. astro-mancer or the Magicall- Astrologicall-Diviner Posed and
Puzzled, 1652.
a


## p. 395 (#411) ############################################

Filmer, Ady and Wagstaffe 395
attention of humanists. Robert Filmer employed the critical
commonsense of his generation to attack Perkins's book in An
advertisement to the Jury-men of England (1653), pointing out
that compacts between the devil and old women, even if mentioned
in the Bible, were hardly a matter for serious consideration, since
the witch can always escape from her obligation by repentance
and is, at the worst, only an accessory in any deed and, therefore,
should not be punished before the principal. Thomas Ady, in
A Candle in the Dark (1656), discussed the subject with the same
practical logic but with a wider knowledge of the world. Like
Harman, Chettle, Greene, Nashe, Dekker and Rowlands, he was
familiar with the jugglers, diviners, ventriloquists and conjurers
who still infested England, and he argues that such as these were
the so-called witches and magicians whom Saul persecuted and
Deuteronomy condemned to death. Fifty years before, Gifford
had silenced the plea for clemency by arguing that witches desire
diabolical power and, therefore, should die. But the present age
was too engrossed in the practical problems of this world to
succumb to such unreasoning fear of the devil, and Ady deems it
sufficient refutation to expose the witchfinder's methods of con-
viction.
Although both Filmer and Ady begin their treatises with the
inevitable discussion on Biblical authority, their work is important
because, like their forerunner Reginald Scot, they brought the
kindly wisdom of daily life into this academic controversy. In this
respect, they prepared the way for John Wagstaffe.
His book,
The Question of Witchcraft debated (1669), makes full use of his
predecessors' appeals to commonsense, but he goes beyond them
by also appealing to secular scholarship and erudition. He
sketches the history of religious persecution, and argues that, from
the days of Maxentius and Theodosius onwards, the church has
endeavoured to suppress heresy, solely in order to extend its own
temporal sovereignty.
Meanwhile, demonology was not in need of apologists. R. T. ,
in The Opinion of Witchcraft Vindicated (1670), attempted
to counteract the effect of Wagstaffe’s book by reminding his
readers, as many demonologists had done, that the devil is a
servant of God, employed on his errands, nor have we any right
to deny his existence because we cannot explain to ourselves
how he acts. Glanvill followed the same line of argument in
Philosophical Considerations touching Witches and Witchcraft
(1666). Meric Casaubon, in Of Credulity and Incredulity (1668)
>


## p. 396 (#412) ############################################

396
The Advent of Modern Thought
discusses many wonders which the enlightenment of his age had
now proved to be natural phenomena. But he is alarmed at the
spread of rationalism and too deeply imbued with reverence for
the Bible to question any doctrines which were supposed to
emanate from that source. So he condemns as atheists and
uneducated all those who denied a league between the devil and
men, and dwells on the enormous volume of testimony, ancient and
modern, literary and judicial, in proof of sorcery. And yet it is
manifest that these scholars were pleading a lost cause. Men
believed in witchcraft so long as its horror, grotesqueness and de-
filement fascinated their imagination. The earlier demonologists
had quoted Scripture and the classics to the full, but their
conviction really rested on the prurient or ghastly anecdotes with
which this superstition abounded. The spell of mystery and horror
still exercised its power over the vulgar, and broadsides continued
to report cases of bewitchment; but the age had learnt to criticise
its own ideas and educated apologists already showed a degree of
sensibility and intellectual refinement quite inconsistent with these
beliefs. The superstition still seemed to thrive because it had
not yet been confronted with the purer, keener outlook of the
restoration.
This was the work of John Webster. His book The Displaying
of supposed Witchcraft (1677) does not contribute any new material
to the controversy ; in fact, he admits himself that the de-
monographers had already been 'quashed and silenced' by Wier,
Tandler, Scot, Ady and Wagstaffe. But, while reproducing their
arguments, whether based on theology or commonsense, he did
more than they all, by bringing the controversy into an atmosphere
in which the superstition could not live : the atmosphere of con-
fidence in nature and reverence for an immaterial God. Now that
Hackwell; Harvey, Newton and Locke were teaching men to in-
vestigate and not fear the mysteries of life, Webster insists that
all evidence in support of sorcery should be subjected to the same
scientific scrutiny. Besides, what need was there to suspect the
handiwork of the devil in any miracle, when ‘Mr Boyl' was able
to 'manifest the great and wonderful virtues that God hath
endowed stones, minerals, plants and roots withal,' when Van
Helmont had already proved that metals have even greater healing
power and Paracelsus had ascribed this power to God. Now that
natural laws were being discovered, Webster represents this God,
not according to the old anthropomorphic ideas, but as a tran-
scendental spirit, who rules men through their thoughts and wills.
Hakewill


## p. 397 (#413) ############################################

John Webster
397
Satan is merely one of the means of communication. Hence, if
there is a league between the devil and a witch, it is 'internal,
mental and spiritual’; the league which always exists between a
malefactor and the spirit of evil. For Webster is the first to point
out—what many of his contemporaries must have felt--that the
current theory of witchcraft was utterly unworthy of the modern
conception of human nature. Neurasthenics, whose imaginations
have been infected with stories of ghosts and goblins, may con-
ceive themselves to be the victims of all kinds of malpractices
and diseases. But the devil only enslaves men by 'their corrupt
wills and dispositions. '
Webster's book by no means drove out superstition. The
belief in necromancy, sortilege and magic exists at the present
time in cities as well as in rural districts and will always be found
wherever the great emotions of life? are wrought to a higher pitch
than the intellect. But The Displaying of supposed Witchcraft
marks the time when this error definitely lost its hold on men's
lower passions and on the sense of human degradation. The
period of witch persecutions has universally been regarded as the
darkest blot on English civilisation and it produced a literature
no less dreary. Witch treatises, with a few exceptions, are
voluminous, rambling and ill-constructed dissertations in which
patristic dogmas and scholastic arguments are endlessly reite-
rated. And yet one is almost tempted to regard this controversy,
together with the civil war pamphlets and the puritan tirades,
as an inevitable phase in the evolution of English modern
thought. Movements like the renascence, which appeal chiefly
to courtiers and scholars, who, after all, are only the surface
of a nation, can well be inspired from foreign sources. But when
a whole people change their attitude of mind, the impulse must
come from within. We have seen how social and political in-
fluences drove popular writers to the most extravagant thoughts
and utterances, thereby creating an atmosphere in which great
works cannot thrive. But, at the same time, it must be remem-
bered that, if informal literature ran to excess, it became, in this
way, a self-exposure, and startled the whole nation into an effort
towards higher civilisation.
1 Cf. Benson, R. H. , The Necromancers, 1910.


## p. 398 (#414) ############################################

BIBLIOGRAPHIES
CHAPTER I
CAVALIER LYRISTS
THOMAS CAREW
8
Collected Works
Poems.
By Thomas Carew, Esquire, one of the Gentlemen of the Privie
Chamber, and Sewer in Ordinary to His Majesty. 1640. 2nd ed. 1642.
Poems, with a Maske. 3rd ed. 1651.
Poems, Songs and Sonnets. Together with a Masque. 4th ed. 1671.
Works. Ed. Maitland, T. Edinburgh, 1824.
Poems. Ed. Hazlitt, W. C. Roxburghe Library. 1870.
Poems and Masque. Ed. Ebsworth, J. W. Library of Old Authors. 1893.
Poems. Ed. Vincent, A. 1899.
Single Works and Selections
Coelum Britannicum. A Masque at Whitehall in the Banquetting-House on
Shrove-Tuesday-night, the 18 of February 1633 [n. s. 1634). 1634.
Thomas Carew's Poems. Hull, 1903.
[See A. T. Quiller-Couch's Adventures in Criticism, 1896. ]
ROBERT HERRICK
Hesperides: or, the Works, both Humane and Divine of Robert Herrick, Esq.
1648.
Select Poems from the Hesperides, with occasional remarks by Nott, J.
Bristol, 1810.
Poetical Works of Robert Herrick. Ed. Maitland, T. Edinburgh, 1823.
Poetical Works. Ed. Singer, S. W. 2 vols. 1846.
Complete Poems. Ed. Grosart, A. B. 1876.
Hesperides. Ed. Hazlitt, W. C. 2 vols. 1869. New ed. 1890.
Chrysomela: Selections from the lyrical poems of Robert Herrick. Ed.
Palgrave, F. T. 1877.
Selections from the poetry of Robert Herrick. Ed. Hale, E. E. , jun.
Athenaeum Press Series. Boston, Mass. , 1895.
Hesperides. Ed. Pollard, A. W. , with a preface by Swinburne, A. C. 2 vols.
1891. Revised ed. (n. d. ]
Among other rpts of Hesperides, mention may be made of the Kelmscott
ed. , ed. by Ellis, F. S. , and ptd by William Morris, 1895, and of the Aldine
Poets ed. , ed. Saintsbury, G. , 2 vols. , 1893.
1


## p. 399 (#415) ############################################

Chapter 1
399
Authorities
(For general authorities, see later. )
Gosse, E. Seventeenth Century Studies. 1883.
Grosart, A. B. Memorial-Introduction to Complete Poems. 1876.
Hale, E. E. Die Chronologische Anordnung der Dichtungen Robert
Herricks. Halle, 1892.
Moorman, F. W. Robert Herrick: a biographical and critical study. 1910.
Swinburne, A. C. Preface to Pollard's ed. of Hesperides.
See, also, the introductions to eds. of the Hesperides by Hazlitt, W. C. ,
Pollard, A. W. , and Saintsbury, G. , and the article on Herrick in the Edin-
burgh Review, January 1904.
RICHARD LOVELACE
Lucasta: Epodes, Odes, Sonnets, Songs, etc. , to which is added Amarantha, a
Pastorall. By Richard Lovelace, Esq. 1649.
Lucasta: Posthume Poems of Richard Lovelace, Esq. 1659.
Lucasta. Ed. Singer, S. W. 1818.
Lucasta. Ed. Hazlitt, W. C. Library of Old Authors. 1864. 2nd ed. 1897.
General Authorities
Cavalier and Courtier Lyrists. Canterbury Poets. 1891.
Courthope, W. J. A History of English Poetry, vol. III. 1903.
Jusserand, J. J. Histoire Littéraire du Peuple Anglais, vol. 11. 1904. Eng.
trans, vol. III. 1909.
Masterman, J. H. B. The Age of Milton. 1897.
Morley, H. The King and the Commons. Cavalier and Paritan Song. [An
anthology. ] 1868.
Saintsbury, G. History of English Prosody, vol. 11. 1908.
Schelling, F. E. A Book of 17th century lyrics. Athenaeum Press Series.
1899.
Wendell, B. The Seventeenth Century in English Literature. 1904.
SIR John SUCKLING
Collected Works
Fragmenta Aurea. A Collection of all the Incomparable Pieces, written by
Sir John Suckling. And published by a Friend to perpetuate his memory.
1646. A 2nd ed. , unaltered, appeared in 1648; a 3rd, with some new
Additionals,' in 1658.
Poems, Plays and Other Remains. Ed. Hazlitt, W. C. 2 vols. 1874. 2nd ed. ,
revised.