In the course of this mission, he
became guilty of the greatest depredations, and formed
secret plots, which were disclosed to Caius Cxsar by
the kingof the Parthians.
became guilty of the greatest depredations, and formed
secret plots, which were disclosed to Caius Cxsar by
the kingof the Parthians.
Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
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? LlVItJS.
LIVIUS.
M'f . Works, vol. 4, p. 427. )--In addition, then, to the
fir<i ten books of J. ivy's history, we hare from the
Slat to (he 45th books, both inclusive; though from
the 40th to the 45th they are full of lacuna;. We
possess also some fragments, and among them one of
the 91st book, discovered in 1772, in a palimpsest
manuscript in the Vatican library. This last-men-
tioned fragment was first published by Bruns (Ham-
burg, 1773), and afterward by Kreyssig (Chemnitz,
1S07). There also exist brief epitomes of the lost
books, ae well as of those which have come down to us.
They have been frequently supposed, though without
sufficient reason, to have been compiled by Florus.
We have, however, only epitomes of 140 books; but
it has been satisfactorily shown by Sigonius and Dra-
kenborch (ad Liv. , Epit. , 136), that the epitomes of the
136th and 137th books have been lost, and that the
epitome of the 136th book, as it is called, is in reality
the epitome of the 138th. --With the aid of this col-
lection of epitomes, and that of other ancient writers,
both Greek and Latin, Freinshcmius, a learned Ger-
man scholar of the 17th century, composed a collec-
tion of supplements to replace the books that are lost.
He has imitated admirably the style and general man-
ner of Livy, and has displayed great care and accuracy
in citing his authorities. --Many hopes have been en-
tertained, at various periods, of recovering the lost
books of I,ivy's work, but they appear at last to have
been put to rest. Erpcnius and others staled once
that^ there was a translation of them in Arabic, but
none such has ever been discovered. --Tacitus (Ann. ,
4, 34) and Seneca (Sutuor. , 7), among the later Ro-
man writers, speak in the highest terms of the beauty
of Livy's style, and of the fidelity of his history;
praises which have been constantly repeated by mod-
ern writers. But, while most will be ready to admit
that his style is eloquent, his narrative clear, and his
powers of description great and striking, it can scarce-
ly be denied that he was deficient in the first and
morit important requisites of a faithful historian, a love
of truth, diligence and care in consulting authorities,
ind a patient and pains-taking examination of con-
flicting testimonies. Livy made very little use even
of auch inscriptions and public documents as were
within his reach. He appeals, indeed, to the treaty
of Spurius Cassius with the Latins, engraven on a
column of brass (2, 33); but in the notable instance
of the inscription on the Spolia Opima of Cornelius
Cossus, preserved in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius,
which was at variance with the received Fasti (or
register of magistrates) and the common accounts
of historians, he does not appear to have had the
curiosity to examine the monument itself, but is
content with repeating the report of Augustus Cffi-
sar (4. 20). This is one of the few passages in
whicn he descends to a critical comparison of evi-
dence and authorities; and it will serve as a proof
how little expert he was in that art of an historian,
and how little he valued its results: for, though in
iia digression he professes to believe in the superior
uthority of the inscription, in the main course of his
irrative he follows the beaten track of writers who
kd gone before him. He makes no mention of other
lonuments which we know to have existed; the
men column 'm the temple of the Aventine Diana,
m which was engraven the treaty of Servius Tullius
with the Latins, with the names of the tribes who
? ? were members of the league (Din. Hal. , 4, 26);
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? LIVIUS
LOC
m perpetual wars who. the surrounding states, the Ro-
mans were never defeated in the open held (9, 19);
that when they were distressed, it was always by pes-
tilence, or famine, or sedition; and that, at such sea-
sons, their enemies abstained from attacking them;
that they gained victory after victory without subduing
their opponents; that taken cities reappear in the
power of their original possessors; that consuls and
dictators triumph in succession over nations that are
still able to supply subjects for new triumphs to new
consuls and new dictators; that slaughters, which
must have exhausted any state of ancient Italy, dimin-
ished not the number of their perpetually-renovated
adversaries. To this passion for extolling the military
reputation of Rome we owe the comparative neglect
of the ]ess popular and less ostentatiqus subjects of
domestic history. Every war and triumph of which
any memorial, true or false, existed, is scrupulously
registered; but the original constitution of the state,
the division of its citizens, the several rights, the con-
tests between the orders, the constitution of the gen-
eral or partial assemblies of the people, the powers of
the magistrates; the laws, the jurisprudence, their
progressive melioration; these are subjects on which
our information is vague, scanty, and ill-connected.
It is evident, that to the mind of I,ivy they possessed
comparatively little interest; and that on these mat-
ters, to say the least, he did not exert himself to cor-
rect the errors or supply the defects of the writers who
preceded him. He was satisfied if from a popular
commotion he could extract the materials of an elo-
quent speech. It is a sufficient proof that on this
most important portion of Roman history he was re-
ally ignorant, that, with all his powers of language, he
does not convey clear and vivid ideas to the minds of
if readers. Who has risen from the perusal of the
arty hooks of Livy with the distinct notion of a client
or of an agrarian law! (Maiden, History of Rome,
f. 39, seqq. )--Inexperienced, too, in military affairs,
numerous blunders have been attributed to him in re-
lation to encampments, circumvallations, sieges, and
warlike operations of all kinds. (Casaubon, Praf ad
Polyb. --Folard, Comment. --Niebuhr, Rom. Gcsch. ,
vol. 2, p. 499, 514. ) He did not, like Polybius, visit
the regions which had been the theatre of the great
tvents which he commemorates, and hence arise many
mistakes in geography, and much confusion with re-
gard to the situation of cities and the boundaries of
districts. (Lachmann, de Fontibus Hist. Lit. , p.
'06. ) "Considered in this point of view," says Gib-
bon, " Livy appears merely as a man of letters, little
acquainted with the art of war, and careless in point
of geography. " (Misc. Works, vol. 5, p. 371. )--We
have already spoken of the style of Livy. One point,
however, connected with this part of the subject re-
mains to be noticed. That fastidious critic and envi-
ous detractor of his literary contemporaries, Asinius
Pollio, had said that there was a certain Patavinity in
the Btyle of Livy; by which he meant to convey an
idea that there was something in bis expressions which
bespoke a citizen of Patavium, and which would not
have appeared in the style of a native of Rome.
{Quint. . Inst. Or. , 8, 1. ) It is evident, from the pas-
sage, of Quintilian just referred to, where this criticism
of Pollio's is recorded, that it applied entirely to pro-
vincial words or phrases, not altogether consonant to
the refined urbanity of Rome, which could not so
? ? easily be communicated to strangers as the freedom of
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? LOCRI.
Kit.
Sttab. , 31I. --Hesiod. , ap. evnd. --Seym. , Ch. , 590. --
Dieaaich. , v. "1. ) The Locri Ozola occupied a nar-
row tract of country, aituated on the northern shore of
the Corinthian Gulf, commencing at the /Etolian Rhi-
um, and terminating near Crissa. To the weat and
north they adjoined the vEtolians, and partly also, in
the latter direction, the Dorians, while. to the east they
botdered on the district of Delphi, belonging to Pho-
cis. They are aaid to have been a colony from the
more celebrated Locrians of the east (Strabo, 427. --
Eustath , ad II. , 2, 531), and their name, according to
fabulous accounts, was derived from some fetid springs
(<5Cu, olio) near the hill of Taphius or Taphiassus,
aituated on their coaat, and beneath which it was re-
ported that the centaur Nessus had been entombed.
(Strab. , 426. --Piut. , Quasi. Grac, 15. -- Myrsil. ,
Lesb. , ap. Antigon. Paradox. , 129. ) Other explana-
tions of the name are given under the article Ozolae. --
Thucydides represents them as a wild, uncivilized
race, and addicted from the earliest period to theft
and rapine (1, 5). In the Peloponnesian war they ap-
pear to have sided with the Athenians, as the latter
beld possession of Naupactus, their principal town
and harbour, probably from enmity to the . Ltolians,
who had espoused the cause of the Peloponnesians.
(Thucyd. , 3, 95. )--The Epicnemidian Locri, whom
we must next describe, occupied a small district im-
mediately adjoining Thermopylte, and confined be-
tween Mount Cuemis, a branch of CEta, whence they
derived their name, and the sea of Euboea. (Strabo,
416, 425-- Eustath. , ad Dionys. Pcritg. , v. 426. )
Homer classes them with the Opuntii, under the gen-
eral name of Locri. {II. , 2, 535. ) They derived their
ziamc of Epicnemidii from their situation in the vicin-
ity of Mount Cnemia. --The Opuntian Locri follow
after the Epicnemidii: they occupied a line of coast of
about fifteen miles, beginning a little south of Cne-
mides, and extending to the town of Hals, on the
frontiers of Bceotia. Inland their territory reached to
the Phocian towns of Hyampolis and Aba). This peo-
ple derived their name from the city of Opus, their
metropolis. (Strabo, 425. --Cramer's Anc. Greece,
rol. 2, p. 104. )--II. A people of Magna Gracia, ori-
ginally a colony of the Locri Opuntii from Greece.
They first settled near the promontory of Zephyrium,
at the lower extremity of Bruttium, on the Ionian Sea,
and hence obtained the appellation of Epizephyrii, by
which they were distinguished from the Locri of
Greece. Here they built the city of Locri. They
removed, however, from this position three or four
years afterward, and built another city on a height
named Mount Esopis. Strabo, however, makes the
Locri who settled in Bruttium to have been a division
of the Ozola! from the Crissaean Gulf, and remarks, that
Ephorus was incorrect in ascribing the settlement to
the Locri Opuntii; but it is certain that this opinion
of Ephorus seems to be supported by the testimony of
many other writers, and therefore is generally preferred
by modern critics. (Mazzoch. in Tab. Htracl. diatr. ,
l,c. 5. --Heyne. Opusc. Acad. , vol. 2, p. 46. --Id. , ad
Virg. , Mn. , 3, 399. ) We derive some curious infor-
? >on relative to the origin of the Epizephyrian Locri
'''is, who acquaints us, that, from his having
of obtaining for this city a remission
ons on more than one occasion, he
'<ng of kindness and partiality to-
nich they, on the other hand, rc-
? ? 'ratitmle and attention. His
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? LON
LON
tbt influence of Agr; pina. (Sucton. , Vit. Claud. , 26.
-Tucil. , Ann. , 12, 22. )
Lollius, I. M. Lollius Palicanus, a Roman noble-
man in the time of Augustus, who gave him (A. U. C.
789, B. C. 26) the government of Galatia, with the
title of proprator. He acquitted himself so well in
this office, that the emperor, in order to recompense
his services, named him consul, in 732, with L. Aure-
lms Lcpidus. Being sent in 737 tc engage the Ger-
mans, who bad made an irruption into Gaul, he had
the misfortune, after some successes, to experience a
defeat, known in history by the appellation of clades
Lolliana, and in which he lost the eagle of the fifth le-
gion. It appears, however, that he was able to repair
the disaster, and regain the confidence of Augustus,
for this monarch chose him, about A. U. C. 751, B. C.
3, to accompany his grandson Caius Caesar (afterward
the Emperor Caligula) into the East, as a kind of di-
rector of his youth (? ' veluti moderator juventce. " Veil.
Paterc. , 2, 102).
In the course of this mission, he
became guilty of the greatest depredations, and formed
secret plots, which were disclosed to Caius Cxsar by
the kingof the Parthians. Lollius died suddenly a few
days after this, leaving behind him immense riches,
but a most odious memory. (Pliny, 9, 35, 57. )
Whether bis end was voluntary or otherwise, Velleius
Paterculus {,'. c. ) declares himself unable to decide.
Horace addressed to him one of his odes (the ninth of
the fourth book) in the year of his consulship with Lep-
idus, but died seven or eight years before Lollius had
disgraced himself by his conduct in the East. (Com-
pare Sanadon, ad Itorat. , I. c)--II. A son of the pre-
ceding, to whom Horace addressed two of his epistles
(the second and eighteenth of the first book). He was
the eldest son of M. Lollius Palicanus, and is therefore
styled by Horace Maximc (scil. natu). Several mod-
em scholars, such as Torrentius, Baxter, Dacicr, Glan-
dorp (Onomast. , p. 547), and Moreri (Diet. Hist. , vol.
4, p. 192), make Horace, in the epistle just referred to,
address Lollius the father, not the son. This, how-
ever, violates chronology, since it appears from Epist.
% that the person to whom it is inscribed was quite a
youag man. Tho other side of the question is advo-
cated by Noris (ad Cenotaph. Pis, 2, 14, p. 255),
Bayle (Diet. Hist. , s. v. ), Masson (Vit. Hot. , p. 265),
and among the editors of Horace by Sanadon, Ges-
ner, Doring. dec. The epithet maximc, as employed
by Horace, has also given rise to considerable discus-
sion. Torrentius, Dacier, and many other commenta-
tors, refer ;t to the mental qualities of the individual;
while Scaliger, Marcilius, Mcibomius, Vanderbourg,
? nd others, consider Maximt a family or proper name.
The authority, however, which has been cited from
Gruter (639, 2), to substantiate this last opinion, is
fully opposed by chronological arguments. (Consult
Obbarius, ai Horal. , I. c. ) Besides, the distinctive
family name of the Lollii was Palicanus, or, as it is
written on coins, Palikanus. (Compare Burmann,
id Quinlil. , 4, 2--Erncsti, Clav. Cie. , s. v. Palika-
nu -- Val. Max. , 3, 8, 3. --Ellendt, ad Cic. , Brut. ,
p. 162. --Rasehe, Lex. Rei Num. , vol. 4, col. 1815. )
LoSDisiCM (Plot. Aovdiviov. --Less correctly Lon-
? isua), a city of the Trinobantcs, in Britain, now Lon-
im The place appears to have had a very remote
antiquity, and already existed in the time of Cxsar,
though, in consequence of his march being in a differ-
ent direction, it remained unknown to him. Tacitus
? ? [Ami. , 14, 33) speaks, of it as a place of great com-
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? LONGINUS.
LOW
irritated tin Roman emperor, that, having shortly alter
matin himself master of Palmyra, he caused Longinus
to be put to death (A. D. 273). Zenobia, overcome
oy the terrors of impending destruction, became from
a heroine a mere woman, and sought to propitiate the
forgiveness of her conqueror by imputing the whole
blame of the war to the counsels of Longinus. (/. os-
imus, 1, 56. ) The spirit of the minister, however,
rose in proportion to the danger, and he met his fate
wi:h all the calmness of a true philosopher--The
priicipal work of Longinus is his treatise IUpt'T^ovf
(" On the Sublime," or, more accurately, perhaps, "On
e. evation of thought and language"). Tins is one of
the most celebrated productions of antiquity, and is
probably the fragment of a much larger work. There
is, however, some doubt whether this treatise was in
reality written by him. Modern editors have given
the name of the author of the work as "Dionysius
Longinus," but in the best manuscripts it is said to
be written "by Dionysius or Longinus" (Atovvoiov r)
Aoyyivov), and in the Florence manuscript by an
anonymous author. Suidas says, that the name of
the counsellor of Zenobia was Longinus Cassius.
Some critics have conjectured that this treatise was
written by Dionysius of Halicarnassus or by Dionysius
of Pergamum, who is mentioned by Strabo (625) as a
distinguished teacher of rhetoric; but the difference
of style between this work and the acknowledged
works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, renders this con-
jecture very improbable; and as to the other Dionys-
ius, the conjecture has no foundation. (Consult Re-
marks on the supposed Dionysius Longinus, &c,
London, 1826, 8vo. ) The author of the treatise on
the Sublime, whoever he may have been, develops in
it, with a truly philosophical spirit, the nature of sub-
limity in thought and expression. He establishes the
laws for its use, and illustrates these by examples,
which constitute, at the same time, an ingenious cri-
tique upon the highest productions of antiquity. The
style of the work is animated and correct; though
critics think that they discover in it forms of express-
ion which could not have been employed prior to the
thfi century, and which stand in direct opposition to
tLa theory of Amati, this scholar making the work to
have been composed in the age of Augustus. Kuhn-
ken thought he discovered, in reading Apsincs, a
Greek rhetorician, all the lost work of Longinus on
Rhetoric excepting the first chapter. He found it in-
termingled with the work of the former, and recog-
nised it by its style. He pronounces it net inferior to
the treatise on the Sublime. A communication on
this subject was transmitted by him to the editor of a
French periodical, " Bibliolheque des Sciences el des
Beaux-Arts," and appeared in 1765 (vol 24, pt. 1, p.
273). The accuracy of Ruhnken's opinion, however,
in assigning the fragment in question to the critic
Longinus, is far from being generally acceded to.
Weiske gives a portion of the fragment, with a Latin
version, in his edition of Longinus, but can find no
similarity between it and the general style and manner
of Longinus. His decision is evidently a correct one.
(Weiske, Vraf. ad ed. Long. , p. xxiv. ) The best edi-
tion of the treatise Ilepr 'T^otif is that of Weiske,
Lips. , 1809, 8vo, reprinted at London, 1820. --An
enumeration of the works of Longinus, as far they can
be ascertained, is given by Ruhnkcn, in his disserta-
tion on the Life and Writings of Longinus, published
? ? under the fictitious name of Schardain, and reprinted
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? LONGUS.
I OT
iges of antiquity, proclaims the sophist The singular
circumstance is, that neither Suidas l. or Photius so
much as allude to the work or name the author,
which, unaccountable as it may appear, would almost
induce us to imagine, in spite of the thing being pro-
nounced " impossible" by Villemain, that the romance
really was produced in the midst of the bad taste and
wearisome scholastics of the eighth century. The
imitations mentioned by Courier rather tend to strength-
en this suspicion than otherwise; for if the work were
really pillaged by Achilles Tatius, Xenophon of Ephe-
sus, Nicetas Kugenianus, Eumathius, and the whole
host of scribblers from the second century downward,
this would prove incontestably that it was intimately
and popularly known: and why all the writers and
critics of so vast a space of time should have conspired
to preserve an inviolable silence on the subject, to
conceal the author's name, to refrain from the slightest
allusion to his piece, is utterly beyond comprehension.
We must confess, that it doea require some stretch of
faith to believe that a Longus was produced in the
eighth century, a period which affords no name better
known than that or" the chronicle-maker Syncellus.
But, if this were granted, it would be easy to imagine
that such a man would be acquainted with the literature
of his language from the earliest times, and more es-
pecially with those productions of romantic fiction
which he was destined to imitate and surpass. More-
over, without a particle of invention himself, and gift-
ed rather with an ingenious industry directed by an
acquired and fastidious taste, than with natural grace
and power, he would be thrown upon these for his re-
sources: he would gather even from the weeds of the
garden of literature those minute events which would
become visible to the eye only when collected and ar-
ranged in his cell; and the future examiner, by a nat-
ural mistake, would trace the theft to the poor rather
than to the rich, just as we may say of the pulpy end
of the grass-flower, it tastes or smells of honey, and
tot of the fragrant stores of the bee, they taste or
amell of the grass-flower. --" Daphnis and Chloe"
is the romance, par excellence, of physical love. It
is a history of the senses rather than of the mind, a
picture of the development of the instincts rather
than of the sentiments. In this point of view it is
absolutely original; and the subject, pleasing, indeed,
in its nature, but dangerous and seductive to the
youthful imagination, becomes, when treated by the
masterly and seldom indelicate pen of Longus, philo-
sophically interesting. Unlike the sensual vulgari-
ties of modern Europe, which can only betray the
heart by brutalizing the mind, there is a charm about
its freedom, a purity in its very ignorance of virtue.
Vice is advocated by no sophistry, palliated by no se-
ductions of circumstances, and punished by no suffer-
ings. Vice, in fact, does not exist, unless ignorance
be a crime and love an impurity. Daphnis and
Chloe have been brought up together, free denizens
of the fields, and groves, and streams of the Lesbian
paradise; their eyes have rested from infancy on the
same objects; their ideas have been formed by the
same train of circumstances; their tastes, feelings,
habits, all have sprung from the same root, and grown
under the same influence. Their hearts understand
each other; the poetry of nature has entered their
souls, and is reflected in their eyes; but poor, at least
in the wealth of the world and its acquirements, hum-
? ? ble in station, solitary, and ignorant, sentiment finds
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? LUC
LUC
aquatic plant whose root and seeds wt-ro eaten in
Egvo' ? the other the fruit ot a shrub or small tree,
on tne sandy coast of Libya. Herodotus, in speak-
ing of the Libyan lotus (4, 177), says, that the fruit ol
the lotus is of the size of the mastic, and sweet like
the date, and that of it a kind of wine is made. Pliny
(13, 17) describes two different kinds of lotus, the
n. ie found near the Syrtes, the other in Egypt. The
former he describes from Cornelius Nepos as the fruit
of a tree; in size ordinarily as big as a bean, and of
a yellow colour, sweet and pleasant to the taste. The
fruit was bruised, and made into a kind of paste or
jough, an 1 then stored up for food. Moreover, a kind
of wino was made from it, resembling mead, but which
would not keep many days. Pliny adds, that u armies,
in marching through that part of Africa, have subsist-
ed on the lotus" Perhaps this may refer to the army
of Balbus, which the same writer informs us (5, 5)
had penetrated to Gadamis and Fezzan. Polybius,
who had himself seen the lotus on the coast of Libya,
says, that it is the fruit of a shrub, which is rough and
armed with prickles, and in foliage resembles the
rhamnus. That when ripe it is of the size of a round
olive; has a purple tinge, and contains a hard but
small stone; that it is bruised or pounded, and laid
by for use, and that its flavour approaches to that of
figs or dates. And. finally, that a kind of wine is
made from it, by expression, and diluted with water;
that it affords a good beverage, but will not keep more
than ten days. (Polyb. , apud Athcn. , 14, p. 65. ) The
lotus has also been described by several modern trav-
ellers, such as Shaw, Desfontaines, Park, and Bcechy.
Shaw says (vol. 1, p. 263) that the lotus is the seedra
of tho Arabs; that it is a species of ziziphua or jujeb;
and that the fruit tastes somewhat like gingerbread.
When frosh, it is of a bright yellow. Park's descrip-
tion, however, is the most perfect of all. "They are
? mail farinaceous berries, of a yellow colour and deli-
cious taste. The natives convert them into a sort of
broad, by exposing them some days to the sun, and
afterward pounding them gently in a wooden mortar,
S,nt_ the farinaceous part of the berry is separated
from the tone. This meal is then mixed with a little
nratjr, and formed into cakes, which, when dried in
the sun, resemble in colour and flavour the sweetest
gingerbread. The stones are afterward put into a
vessel of water and shaken about, so as to separate
the meal which may still adhere to them: this com-
municates a sweet and agreeable taste to the water,
and, with the addition of a little pounded millet, forms
a pleasant gruel called fondi, which is the common
breakfast in many parts of Ladamar during the months
of February and March. The fruit is collected by
spreading a cloth upon the ground and beating the
branches with a stick" (p. 99).
Luc*, a city of Etruria, northeast of Pisas, on the
river Auser or Serckio. It still preserves its situation
and name. It is mentioned for the first time by Livy,
is the place to which Tiberius Gracchus retired after
the unfortunate campaign on the Trebia (21,69). The
same writer states it to have been colonized A. U. C.
675 (41, 13. --Veil. Paterc, 1, 15). Cesar frequent-
ly made Luca his headquarters during his command
in the two Gauls. (Ct'c, Ep. ad Fam. , 1,9. --Suet. ,
Cos. , 24. ) It is also mentioned by Strabo (217. --
Compare Plin. , 3, 5. --Ptol. , p. 61).
Luoani, the inhabitants of Lucania. (Vid. Lucania. )
? ? LucanIa, a country of Magna Graecia, below Apulia.
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? LUCANUS
LUC
be conceived against Nero, the part that he suose-
quently took in the conspiracy of Piso: but it were
to be wished that he could in any way be defended
from a reproach which Tacitus makes against him,
?
? LlVItJS.
LIVIUS.
M'f . Works, vol. 4, p. 427. )--In addition, then, to the
fir<i ten books of J. ivy's history, we hare from the
Slat to (he 45th books, both inclusive; though from
the 40th to the 45th they are full of lacuna;. We
possess also some fragments, and among them one of
the 91st book, discovered in 1772, in a palimpsest
manuscript in the Vatican library. This last-men-
tioned fragment was first published by Bruns (Ham-
burg, 1773), and afterward by Kreyssig (Chemnitz,
1S07). There also exist brief epitomes of the lost
books, ae well as of those which have come down to us.
They have been frequently supposed, though without
sufficient reason, to have been compiled by Florus.
We have, however, only epitomes of 140 books; but
it has been satisfactorily shown by Sigonius and Dra-
kenborch (ad Liv. , Epit. , 136), that the epitomes of the
136th and 137th books have been lost, and that the
epitome of the 136th book, as it is called, is in reality
the epitome of the 138th. --With the aid of this col-
lection of epitomes, and that of other ancient writers,
both Greek and Latin, Freinshcmius, a learned Ger-
man scholar of the 17th century, composed a collec-
tion of supplements to replace the books that are lost.
He has imitated admirably the style and general man-
ner of Livy, and has displayed great care and accuracy
in citing his authorities. --Many hopes have been en-
tertained, at various periods, of recovering the lost
books of I,ivy's work, but they appear at last to have
been put to rest. Erpcnius and others staled once
that^ there was a translation of them in Arabic, but
none such has ever been discovered. --Tacitus (Ann. ,
4, 34) and Seneca (Sutuor. , 7), among the later Ro-
man writers, speak in the highest terms of the beauty
of Livy's style, and of the fidelity of his history;
praises which have been constantly repeated by mod-
ern writers. But, while most will be ready to admit
that his style is eloquent, his narrative clear, and his
powers of description great and striking, it can scarce-
ly be denied that he was deficient in the first and
morit important requisites of a faithful historian, a love
of truth, diligence and care in consulting authorities,
ind a patient and pains-taking examination of con-
flicting testimonies. Livy made very little use even
of auch inscriptions and public documents as were
within his reach. He appeals, indeed, to the treaty
of Spurius Cassius with the Latins, engraven on a
column of brass (2, 33); but in the notable instance
of the inscription on the Spolia Opima of Cornelius
Cossus, preserved in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius,
which was at variance with the received Fasti (or
register of magistrates) and the common accounts
of historians, he does not appear to have had the
curiosity to examine the monument itself, but is
content with repeating the report of Augustus Cffi-
sar (4. 20). This is one of the few passages in
whicn he descends to a critical comparison of evi-
dence and authorities; and it will serve as a proof
how little expert he was in that art of an historian,
and how little he valued its results: for, though in
iia digression he professes to believe in the superior
uthority of the inscription, in the main course of his
irrative he follows the beaten track of writers who
kd gone before him. He makes no mention of other
lonuments which we know to have existed; the
men column 'm the temple of the Aventine Diana,
m which was engraven the treaty of Servius Tullius
with the Latins, with the names of the tribes who
? ? were members of the league (Din. Hal. , 4, 26);
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? LIVIUS
LOC
m perpetual wars who. the surrounding states, the Ro-
mans were never defeated in the open held (9, 19);
that when they were distressed, it was always by pes-
tilence, or famine, or sedition; and that, at such sea-
sons, their enemies abstained from attacking them;
that they gained victory after victory without subduing
their opponents; that taken cities reappear in the
power of their original possessors; that consuls and
dictators triumph in succession over nations that are
still able to supply subjects for new triumphs to new
consuls and new dictators; that slaughters, which
must have exhausted any state of ancient Italy, dimin-
ished not the number of their perpetually-renovated
adversaries. To this passion for extolling the military
reputation of Rome we owe the comparative neglect
of the ]ess popular and less ostentatiqus subjects of
domestic history. Every war and triumph of which
any memorial, true or false, existed, is scrupulously
registered; but the original constitution of the state,
the division of its citizens, the several rights, the con-
tests between the orders, the constitution of the gen-
eral or partial assemblies of the people, the powers of
the magistrates; the laws, the jurisprudence, their
progressive melioration; these are subjects on which
our information is vague, scanty, and ill-connected.
It is evident, that to the mind of I,ivy they possessed
comparatively little interest; and that on these mat-
ters, to say the least, he did not exert himself to cor-
rect the errors or supply the defects of the writers who
preceded him. He was satisfied if from a popular
commotion he could extract the materials of an elo-
quent speech. It is a sufficient proof that on this
most important portion of Roman history he was re-
ally ignorant, that, with all his powers of language, he
does not convey clear and vivid ideas to the minds of
if readers. Who has risen from the perusal of the
arty hooks of Livy with the distinct notion of a client
or of an agrarian law! (Maiden, History of Rome,
f. 39, seqq. )--Inexperienced, too, in military affairs,
numerous blunders have been attributed to him in re-
lation to encampments, circumvallations, sieges, and
warlike operations of all kinds. (Casaubon, Praf ad
Polyb. --Folard, Comment. --Niebuhr, Rom. Gcsch. ,
vol. 2, p. 499, 514. ) He did not, like Polybius, visit
the regions which had been the theatre of the great
tvents which he commemorates, and hence arise many
mistakes in geography, and much confusion with re-
gard to the situation of cities and the boundaries of
districts. (Lachmann, de Fontibus Hist. Lit. , p.
'06. ) "Considered in this point of view," says Gib-
bon, " Livy appears merely as a man of letters, little
acquainted with the art of war, and careless in point
of geography. " (Misc. Works, vol. 5, p. 371. )--We
have already spoken of the style of Livy. One point,
however, connected with this part of the subject re-
mains to be noticed. That fastidious critic and envi-
ous detractor of his literary contemporaries, Asinius
Pollio, had said that there was a certain Patavinity in
the Btyle of Livy; by which he meant to convey an
idea that there was something in bis expressions which
bespoke a citizen of Patavium, and which would not
have appeared in the style of a native of Rome.
{Quint. . Inst. Or. , 8, 1. ) It is evident, from the pas-
sage, of Quintilian just referred to, where this criticism
of Pollio's is recorded, that it applied entirely to pro-
vincial words or phrases, not altogether consonant to
the refined urbanity of Rome, which could not so
? ? easily be communicated to strangers as the freedom of
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? LOCRI.
Kit.
Sttab. , 31I. --Hesiod. , ap. evnd. --Seym. , Ch. , 590. --
Dieaaich. , v. "1. ) The Locri Ozola occupied a nar-
row tract of country, aituated on the northern shore of
the Corinthian Gulf, commencing at the /Etolian Rhi-
um, and terminating near Crissa. To the weat and
north they adjoined the vEtolians, and partly also, in
the latter direction, the Dorians, while. to the east they
botdered on the district of Delphi, belonging to Pho-
cis. They are aaid to have been a colony from the
more celebrated Locrians of the east (Strabo, 427. --
Eustath , ad II. , 2, 531), and their name, according to
fabulous accounts, was derived from some fetid springs
(<5Cu, olio) near the hill of Taphius or Taphiassus,
aituated on their coaat, and beneath which it was re-
ported that the centaur Nessus had been entombed.
(Strab. , 426. --Piut. , Quasi. Grac, 15. -- Myrsil. ,
Lesb. , ap. Antigon. Paradox. , 129. ) Other explana-
tions of the name are given under the article Ozolae. --
Thucydides represents them as a wild, uncivilized
race, and addicted from the earliest period to theft
and rapine (1, 5). In the Peloponnesian war they ap-
pear to have sided with the Athenians, as the latter
beld possession of Naupactus, their principal town
and harbour, probably from enmity to the . Ltolians,
who had espoused the cause of the Peloponnesians.
(Thucyd. , 3, 95. )--The Epicnemidian Locri, whom
we must next describe, occupied a small district im-
mediately adjoining Thermopylte, and confined be-
tween Mount Cuemis, a branch of CEta, whence they
derived their name, and the sea of Euboea. (Strabo,
416, 425-- Eustath. , ad Dionys. Pcritg. , v. 426. )
Homer classes them with the Opuntii, under the gen-
eral name of Locri. {II. , 2, 535. ) They derived their
ziamc of Epicnemidii from their situation in the vicin-
ity of Mount Cnemia. --The Opuntian Locri follow
after the Epicnemidii: they occupied a line of coast of
about fifteen miles, beginning a little south of Cne-
mides, and extending to the town of Hals, on the
frontiers of Bceotia. Inland their territory reached to
the Phocian towns of Hyampolis and Aba). This peo-
ple derived their name from the city of Opus, their
metropolis. (Strabo, 425. --Cramer's Anc. Greece,
rol. 2, p. 104. )--II. A people of Magna Gracia, ori-
ginally a colony of the Locri Opuntii from Greece.
They first settled near the promontory of Zephyrium,
at the lower extremity of Bruttium, on the Ionian Sea,
and hence obtained the appellation of Epizephyrii, by
which they were distinguished from the Locri of
Greece. Here they built the city of Locri. They
removed, however, from this position three or four
years afterward, and built another city on a height
named Mount Esopis. Strabo, however, makes the
Locri who settled in Bruttium to have been a division
of the Ozola! from the Crissaean Gulf, and remarks, that
Ephorus was incorrect in ascribing the settlement to
the Locri Opuntii; but it is certain that this opinion
of Ephorus seems to be supported by the testimony of
many other writers, and therefore is generally preferred
by modern critics. (Mazzoch. in Tab. Htracl. diatr. ,
l,c. 5. --Heyne. Opusc. Acad. , vol. 2, p. 46. --Id. , ad
Virg. , Mn. , 3, 399. ) We derive some curious infor-
? >on relative to the origin of the Epizephyrian Locri
'''is, who acquaints us, that, from his having
of obtaining for this city a remission
ons on more than one occasion, he
'<ng of kindness and partiality to-
nich they, on the other hand, rc-
? ? 'ratitmle and attention. His
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? LON
LON
tbt influence of Agr; pina. (Sucton. , Vit. Claud. , 26.
-Tucil. , Ann. , 12, 22. )
Lollius, I. M. Lollius Palicanus, a Roman noble-
man in the time of Augustus, who gave him (A. U. C.
789, B. C. 26) the government of Galatia, with the
title of proprator. He acquitted himself so well in
this office, that the emperor, in order to recompense
his services, named him consul, in 732, with L. Aure-
lms Lcpidus. Being sent in 737 tc engage the Ger-
mans, who bad made an irruption into Gaul, he had
the misfortune, after some successes, to experience a
defeat, known in history by the appellation of clades
Lolliana, and in which he lost the eagle of the fifth le-
gion. It appears, however, that he was able to repair
the disaster, and regain the confidence of Augustus,
for this monarch chose him, about A. U. C. 751, B. C.
3, to accompany his grandson Caius Caesar (afterward
the Emperor Caligula) into the East, as a kind of di-
rector of his youth (? ' veluti moderator juventce. " Veil.
Paterc. , 2, 102).
In the course of this mission, he
became guilty of the greatest depredations, and formed
secret plots, which were disclosed to Caius Cxsar by
the kingof the Parthians. Lollius died suddenly a few
days after this, leaving behind him immense riches,
but a most odious memory. (Pliny, 9, 35, 57. )
Whether bis end was voluntary or otherwise, Velleius
Paterculus {,'. c. ) declares himself unable to decide.
Horace addressed to him one of his odes (the ninth of
the fourth book) in the year of his consulship with Lep-
idus, but died seven or eight years before Lollius had
disgraced himself by his conduct in the East. (Com-
pare Sanadon, ad Itorat. , I. c)--II. A son of the pre-
ceding, to whom Horace addressed two of his epistles
(the second and eighteenth of the first book). He was
the eldest son of M. Lollius Palicanus, and is therefore
styled by Horace Maximc (scil. natu). Several mod-
em scholars, such as Torrentius, Baxter, Dacicr, Glan-
dorp (Onomast. , p. 547), and Moreri (Diet. Hist. , vol.
4, p. 192), make Horace, in the epistle just referred to,
address Lollius the father, not the son. This, how-
ever, violates chronology, since it appears from Epist.
% that the person to whom it is inscribed was quite a
youag man. Tho other side of the question is advo-
cated by Noris (ad Cenotaph. Pis, 2, 14, p. 255),
Bayle (Diet. Hist. , s. v. ), Masson (Vit. Hot. , p. 265),
and among the editors of Horace by Sanadon, Ges-
ner, Doring. dec. The epithet maximc, as employed
by Horace, has also given rise to considerable discus-
sion. Torrentius, Dacier, and many other commenta-
tors, refer ;t to the mental qualities of the individual;
while Scaliger, Marcilius, Mcibomius, Vanderbourg,
? nd others, consider Maximt a family or proper name.
The authority, however, which has been cited from
Gruter (639, 2), to substantiate this last opinion, is
fully opposed by chronological arguments. (Consult
Obbarius, ai Horal. , I. c. ) Besides, the distinctive
family name of the Lollii was Palicanus, or, as it is
written on coins, Palikanus. (Compare Burmann,
id Quinlil. , 4, 2--Erncsti, Clav. Cie. , s. v. Palika-
nu -- Val. Max. , 3, 8, 3. --Ellendt, ad Cic. , Brut. ,
p. 162. --Rasehe, Lex. Rei Num. , vol. 4, col. 1815. )
LoSDisiCM (Plot. Aovdiviov. --Less correctly Lon-
? isua), a city of the Trinobantcs, in Britain, now Lon-
im The place appears to have had a very remote
antiquity, and already existed in the time of Cxsar,
though, in consequence of his march being in a differ-
ent direction, it remained unknown to him. Tacitus
? ? [Ami. , 14, 33) speaks, of it as a place of great com-
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? LONGINUS.
LOW
irritated tin Roman emperor, that, having shortly alter
matin himself master of Palmyra, he caused Longinus
to be put to death (A. D. 273). Zenobia, overcome
oy the terrors of impending destruction, became from
a heroine a mere woman, and sought to propitiate the
forgiveness of her conqueror by imputing the whole
blame of the war to the counsels of Longinus. (/. os-
imus, 1, 56. ) The spirit of the minister, however,
rose in proportion to the danger, and he met his fate
wi:h all the calmness of a true philosopher--The
priicipal work of Longinus is his treatise IUpt'T^ovf
(" On the Sublime," or, more accurately, perhaps, "On
e. evation of thought and language"). Tins is one of
the most celebrated productions of antiquity, and is
probably the fragment of a much larger work. There
is, however, some doubt whether this treatise was in
reality written by him. Modern editors have given
the name of the author of the work as "Dionysius
Longinus," but in the best manuscripts it is said to
be written "by Dionysius or Longinus" (Atovvoiov r)
Aoyyivov), and in the Florence manuscript by an
anonymous author. Suidas says, that the name of
the counsellor of Zenobia was Longinus Cassius.
Some critics have conjectured that this treatise was
written by Dionysius of Halicarnassus or by Dionysius
of Pergamum, who is mentioned by Strabo (625) as a
distinguished teacher of rhetoric; but the difference
of style between this work and the acknowledged
works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, renders this con-
jecture very improbable; and as to the other Dionys-
ius, the conjecture has no foundation. (Consult Re-
marks on the supposed Dionysius Longinus, &c,
London, 1826, 8vo. ) The author of the treatise on
the Sublime, whoever he may have been, develops in
it, with a truly philosophical spirit, the nature of sub-
limity in thought and expression. He establishes the
laws for its use, and illustrates these by examples,
which constitute, at the same time, an ingenious cri-
tique upon the highest productions of antiquity. The
style of the work is animated and correct; though
critics think that they discover in it forms of express-
ion which could not have been employed prior to the
thfi century, and which stand in direct opposition to
tLa theory of Amati, this scholar making the work to
have been composed in the age of Augustus. Kuhn-
ken thought he discovered, in reading Apsincs, a
Greek rhetorician, all the lost work of Longinus on
Rhetoric excepting the first chapter. He found it in-
termingled with the work of the former, and recog-
nised it by its style. He pronounces it net inferior to
the treatise on the Sublime. A communication on
this subject was transmitted by him to the editor of a
French periodical, " Bibliolheque des Sciences el des
Beaux-Arts," and appeared in 1765 (vol 24, pt. 1, p.
273). The accuracy of Ruhnken's opinion, however,
in assigning the fragment in question to the critic
Longinus, is far from being generally acceded to.
Weiske gives a portion of the fragment, with a Latin
version, in his edition of Longinus, but can find no
similarity between it and the general style and manner
of Longinus. His decision is evidently a correct one.
(Weiske, Vraf. ad ed. Long. , p. xxiv. ) The best edi-
tion of the treatise Ilepr 'T^otif is that of Weiske,
Lips. , 1809, 8vo, reprinted at London, 1820. --An
enumeration of the works of Longinus, as far they can
be ascertained, is given by Ruhnkcn, in his disserta-
tion on the Life and Writings of Longinus, published
? ? under the fictitious name of Schardain, and reprinted
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? LONGUS.
I OT
iges of antiquity, proclaims the sophist The singular
circumstance is, that neither Suidas l. or Photius so
much as allude to the work or name the author,
which, unaccountable as it may appear, would almost
induce us to imagine, in spite of the thing being pro-
nounced " impossible" by Villemain, that the romance
really was produced in the midst of the bad taste and
wearisome scholastics of the eighth century. The
imitations mentioned by Courier rather tend to strength-
en this suspicion than otherwise; for if the work were
really pillaged by Achilles Tatius, Xenophon of Ephe-
sus, Nicetas Kugenianus, Eumathius, and the whole
host of scribblers from the second century downward,
this would prove incontestably that it was intimately
and popularly known: and why all the writers and
critics of so vast a space of time should have conspired
to preserve an inviolable silence on the subject, to
conceal the author's name, to refrain from the slightest
allusion to his piece, is utterly beyond comprehension.
We must confess, that it doea require some stretch of
faith to believe that a Longus was produced in the
eighth century, a period which affords no name better
known than that or" the chronicle-maker Syncellus.
But, if this were granted, it would be easy to imagine
that such a man would be acquainted with the literature
of his language from the earliest times, and more es-
pecially with those productions of romantic fiction
which he was destined to imitate and surpass. More-
over, without a particle of invention himself, and gift-
ed rather with an ingenious industry directed by an
acquired and fastidious taste, than with natural grace
and power, he would be thrown upon these for his re-
sources: he would gather even from the weeds of the
garden of literature those minute events which would
become visible to the eye only when collected and ar-
ranged in his cell; and the future examiner, by a nat-
ural mistake, would trace the theft to the poor rather
than to the rich, just as we may say of the pulpy end
of the grass-flower, it tastes or smells of honey, and
tot of the fragrant stores of the bee, they taste or
amell of the grass-flower. --" Daphnis and Chloe"
is the romance, par excellence, of physical love. It
is a history of the senses rather than of the mind, a
picture of the development of the instincts rather
than of the sentiments. In this point of view it is
absolutely original; and the subject, pleasing, indeed,
in its nature, but dangerous and seductive to the
youthful imagination, becomes, when treated by the
masterly and seldom indelicate pen of Longus, philo-
sophically interesting. Unlike the sensual vulgari-
ties of modern Europe, which can only betray the
heart by brutalizing the mind, there is a charm about
its freedom, a purity in its very ignorance of virtue.
Vice is advocated by no sophistry, palliated by no se-
ductions of circumstances, and punished by no suffer-
ings. Vice, in fact, does not exist, unless ignorance
be a crime and love an impurity. Daphnis and
Chloe have been brought up together, free denizens
of the fields, and groves, and streams of the Lesbian
paradise; their eyes have rested from infancy on the
same objects; their ideas have been formed by the
same train of circumstances; their tastes, feelings,
habits, all have sprung from the same root, and grown
under the same influence. Their hearts understand
each other; the poetry of nature has entered their
souls, and is reflected in their eyes; but poor, at least
in the wealth of the world and its acquirements, hum-
? ? ble in station, solitary, and ignorant, sentiment finds
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? LUC
LUC
aquatic plant whose root and seeds wt-ro eaten in
Egvo' ? the other the fruit ot a shrub or small tree,
on tne sandy coast of Libya. Herodotus, in speak-
ing of the Libyan lotus (4, 177), says, that the fruit ol
the lotus is of the size of the mastic, and sweet like
the date, and that of it a kind of wine is made. Pliny
(13, 17) describes two different kinds of lotus, the
n. ie found near the Syrtes, the other in Egypt. The
former he describes from Cornelius Nepos as the fruit
of a tree; in size ordinarily as big as a bean, and of
a yellow colour, sweet and pleasant to the taste. The
fruit was bruised, and made into a kind of paste or
jough, an 1 then stored up for food. Moreover, a kind
of wino was made from it, resembling mead, but which
would not keep many days. Pliny adds, that u armies,
in marching through that part of Africa, have subsist-
ed on the lotus" Perhaps this may refer to the army
of Balbus, which the same writer informs us (5, 5)
had penetrated to Gadamis and Fezzan. Polybius,
who had himself seen the lotus on the coast of Libya,
says, that it is the fruit of a shrub, which is rough and
armed with prickles, and in foliage resembles the
rhamnus. That when ripe it is of the size of a round
olive; has a purple tinge, and contains a hard but
small stone; that it is bruised or pounded, and laid
by for use, and that its flavour approaches to that of
figs or dates. And. finally, that a kind of wine is
made from it, by expression, and diluted with water;
that it affords a good beverage, but will not keep more
than ten days. (Polyb. , apud Athcn. , 14, p. 65. ) The
lotus has also been described by several modern trav-
ellers, such as Shaw, Desfontaines, Park, and Bcechy.
Shaw says (vol. 1, p. 263) that the lotus is the seedra
of tho Arabs; that it is a species of ziziphua or jujeb;
and that the fruit tastes somewhat like gingerbread.
When frosh, it is of a bright yellow. Park's descrip-
tion, however, is the most perfect of all. "They are
? mail farinaceous berries, of a yellow colour and deli-
cious taste. The natives convert them into a sort of
broad, by exposing them some days to the sun, and
afterward pounding them gently in a wooden mortar,
S,nt_ the farinaceous part of the berry is separated
from the tone. This meal is then mixed with a little
nratjr, and formed into cakes, which, when dried in
the sun, resemble in colour and flavour the sweetest
gingerbread. The stones are afterward put into a
vessel of water and shaken about, so as to separate
the meal which may still adhere to them: this com-
municates a sweet and agreeable taste to the water,
and, with the addition of a little pounded millet, forms
a pleasant gruel called fondi, which is the common
breakfast in many parts of Ladamar during the months
of February and March. The fruit is collected by
spreading a cloth upon the ground and beating the
branches with a stick" (p. 99).
Luc*, a city of Etruria, northeast of Pisas, on the
river Auser or Serckio. It still preserves its situation
and name. It is mentioned for the first time by Livy,
is the place to which Tiberius Gracchus retired after
the unfortunate campaign on the Trebia (21,69). The
same writer states it to have been colonized A. U. C.
675 (41, 13. --Veil. Paterc, 1, 15). Cesar frequent-
ly made Luca his headquarters during his command
in the two Gauls. (Ct'c, Ep. ad Fam. , 1,9. --Suet. ,
Cos. , 24. ) It is also mentioned by Strabo (217. --
Compare Plin. , 3, 5. --Ptol. , p. 61).
Luoani, the inhabitants of Lucania. (Vid. Lucania. )
? ? LucanIa, a country of Magna Graecia, below Apulia.
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? LUCANUS
LUC
be conceived against Nero, the part that he suose-
quently took in the conspiracy of Piso: but it were
to be wished that he could in any way be defended
from a reproach which Tacitus makes against him,
?
