No More Learning

cally strict and limited as possible. Once more, nothing but dissyllabic feet and, once
more, all those feet evidently intended for iambs—any doubt about 'Aye for and . Not
to' being removed by comparison with the other stanzas. Compare Ariel :
Where | the : bee | sucks : there suck I
In a : cow slip's : bell|I ; lie
There I : couch | when : Owls | do cry
On the : bat’s | back : do I : fly
Af|ter summer : merrily-
Merrily : merrily : shall | I live : now
Under the : blossom that : hangs | on the : bough.
Here, there are two possible ways of scansion indicated by the straight and
dotted lines respectively—the one representing iambio-anapaestic with anacrusis, the
other trochaic dactylio, but both far from the straight and direct iambio run. And
80 Amiens, in actually corresponding lines :
Who doth / ambi|tion shun),
strict iambs ; but
And loves to lie | 7 the sun |
with anapaest substituted in one place.
It is only necessary to add that an objection sometimes made, Oh! but these are
different tunes,' is quite beside the mark. The tunes may have been instrumental in
suggesting prosodic arrangements; but the difference of the arrangements themselves
remains.
E. L. VIII.
CH. Y
15


## p. 226 (#248) ############################################

226 The Prosody of the Seventeenth Century
6
writing everywhere on the wall, ‘Be bold I': they omitted to
notice the single warning, ‘Be not too bold ! '
The first excess of audacity was in the direction of the re-
dundant syllable. This, the occasional virtue of which had been
understood even by the Marlowe group, and was perfectly utilised
by Shakespeare, was carried, even by him, in his latest plays,
dangerously near, though never quite over, the limit. Whether
the similar exaggeration by Beaumont and Fletcher was original
or imitated—whether it preceded or followed Cymbeline, The
Winter's Tale and The Tempest—is a controversial point, and,
therefore, not to be treated at length or positively pronounced on
as matter of fact here. The opinion of the present writer is in
favour of imitation and following on the part of the twins. '
But the added exaggeration of redundance, though it pleases
different people differently when largely used, can hardly be
regarded as inconsistent with the retention of a sound standard
of blank verse in at least the dramatic variety. It is otherwise
with careless and exaggerated handling of the other means of
varying the measure-alteration of line length, shift or neglect of
pause and substitution of syllable groups. By neglecting to keep
the normal standard at least present in the background, so far as
these alterations are concerned, blank verse, already deprived of
the guard of rime, simply tumbles to pieces. It actually does so in
the work of D'Avenant, of Suckling and of not a few lesser men,
in the last fifteen or twenty years before the closing of the theatres.
No wonder that, after the restoration, we find it for a time losing
hold of the drama itself; and stigmatised as 'too mean for a copy
of verses' outside drama. The real wonder is at the magnificent
audacity of Milton in experimenting with it for dramatic or semi-
dramatic purposes so early as the date of Comus (actually after
D'Avenant's Albovine, if before Suckling's A glaura) and in choosing
it (exactly how much later is unknown) for the vehicle of Paradise
Lost. But this is to anticipate. There is much to be said of early
seventeenth century prosody before Milton and in the days when
he was writing but little verse. Especially, we have to deal with
the resurgence and (after some vicissitudes) establishment of the
decasyllabic couplet.
This couplet, it has been said, had been comparatively little
practised in the fifteenth and the greater part of the sixteenth
century. Except Dunbar, or whoever was the actual author of
The Freiris of Berwik, no one had got a real grip of it before
Spenser in Mother Hubber's Tale. But Drayton practised it


## p. 227 (#249) ############################################

The Decasyllabic Couplet
227
6
early in a form like Chaucer's own, neither definitely 'stopped'
nor definitely ‘enjambed'; and a phrase of his in prose, “the
attraction of the gemell'[twin) or 'geminell'(as he elsewhere calls
it), combines with Jonson's exaltation of it (transmitted to us by
Drummond) as an important tell-tale. The effect of the closing
couplets of Fairfax's Tasso is also attested in prose by Dryden on
the direct authority of Waller. But, earlier than Fairfax, Marlowe,
in Hero and Leander, had set the example, in extraordinarily
attractive form and matter, of the overlapped kind; and, on the
whole, this was preferred in the first half of the century. The
chief practitioners of it in the first quarter were Browne, Wither
and, perhaps, the enigmatic Chalkhill; in the second, Shakerley
Marmion and William Chamberlayne.
This variety has many attractions, evident even in these earl
examples, and fully developed later by Keats and William Morris.
So far as the subject goes, its superiority for narrative hardly
requires demonstration, The narrator acquires almost the full
liberty of prose in regard to the shortening and lengthening of his
sentences and to their adjustment in convenient paragraphs. He
need neither 'pad' in order to spread the sense into a couplet, nor
break the sense up in order not to exceed the two lines. His rime
is not intrusive or insistent; it neither teases nor interrupts.
On the other hand, the form provides him with all the additional
enticements of poetry, rhythm, rime itself as an agreeable ac-
companiment, the advantage of a more coloured and abundant
diction, the added ornament of simile and other poetic figure.
Unfortunately, as in the case of the freer blank verse, these
very advantages involve great temptations and great dangers,
of which some fuller account will be found in the chapter on the
lesser Caroline poets! The absence of restraint on sentence
construction leads to confused and inconsecutive writing, which, in
its turn, does almost more harm to the story than the power of
varying sentence length and of jointing sentences together does
good. But this is not all: the verse itself suffers, as verse. The
rime, if it escapes the danger of excessive prominence, incurs that
of being simply merged in the flow of overlapping lines. This
means that it also loses the power of fulfilling its function as
time-beater,' and that the individual line becomes flaccid and
imperfect in ictus. In fact, a general slovenliness comes over it;
and, whether by accident or definite causation, no chapter of
English poetry is more remarkable than this for ugly contractions,
i See vol. vir, chap. IV.
1542


## p. 228 (#250) ############################################

228 The Prosody of the Seventeenth Century
a
not to be saved by the most liberal allowance of trisyllabic feet,
for libertine accentuation and for other laches of the kind.
On the other hand, the stopped form which had existed
separately in Chaucer himself, which was not unfrequent in
Spenser and Drayton and which, when the octave became popular,
almost obtruded itself as a constant coda, presented a combination,
beyond all question unrivalled in English poetry, of strength,
neatness and regular music. The encomiastic exemplification
of Sir John Beaumont shows us, with perfect clearness, and in
effective terms, what its admirers and practitioners found and
liked in it. The sweetness of the stanza, itself regular enough
but 'long drawn out,' had palled on them; the new overlapped
paragraphs were not regular and were more long drawn out still ;
while a third variety of couplet, which the satirists and, especially,
Donne were attempting? , revolted them, not without reason, by its
roughness. It may, perhaps, be questioned whether those to whom
obvious and unmistakable regularity is the chief charm of verse
have attained to the full understanding of it; but it is certain that,
for a very large number of persons, perhaps even a considerable
majority, regularity does provide this charm. They found it in the
stopped decasyllabic couplet, combined with the further charm of
exact and emphatic rimes, as well as with that (which seems, also,
to have appealed very strongly to popular favour) of limitation
of sense to a manageable modicum of metre.
The history of this battle of the couplets,' as it has been
termed, turns on the names and work of the poets mentioned
and of others. It must not be supposed—and, indeed, will hardly
be supposed by any one conversant with literary history—that
any one of them was a positive and exclusive propagandist of
either kind. Waller, who obtained his traditional title 'reformer
of our numbers' from his practice in the stopped kind, wrote
some of his latest, and some of his best, work in the other.
Cowley, too, affected both; though there is no doubt that his
6
1
The relish of the Muse consists in rhyme :
One verse must meet another like a chime.
Our Saxon shortness hath peculiar grace
In choice of words fit for the ending-place,
Which leave impression in the mind as well
As closing sounds of some delightful bell.
This passage, which is much longer, occurs in his verses addressed to king James
concerning the true form of English poetry.
3 The theory sometimes maintained that this roughness, especially in Donne's own
case, was a deliberate revolt from Spenserian smoothness, if not a deliberate attempt
at a new stress prosody, does not commend itself to the present writer.


## p. 229 (#251) ############################################

Miscellaneous Metres
229
Davideis, with its deliberate introduction of the alexandrine to
vary, weight and extend the stopped form, was of great moment.
On the other hand, as has been observed, Chamberlayne, the
author of Pharonnida, the longest and the best of the enjambed
couplet poems, employs the stopped form in his England's Jubile.
But, little by little, this form triumphed; and its superior
adaptation to the styles of poetry most popular after the restora-
tion-satire, didactics, epistles and the like-must have won the
day for it, even if the faults of its rival! had been less gross.
Nothing can be wisely regretted which gave us first Dryden and
then Pope. But, even if these great masters had not found in the
stopped couplet a metre exactly suited to their respective powers,
its regulative quality-the way in which it once more drove doggerel
out of English verse—would amply validate its claim to respect.
In miscellaneous metric, the performance of the first third of
the century is, also, very noteworthy, though in no single respect
of equal importance to that of the progress of blank verse and
the rivalry of the two couplets. Among endless experiments in
lyric, a peculiar form or phase of the old ballad or common measure
(86 86 abab) was developed by Jonson, Donne and others, the
most famous example of which is Jonson's cento from the Greek
of Philostratus, 'Drink to me only with thine eyes. ' In this, by
judicious fingering of the vowel sounds, and of the run of the metre,
a cadence arises which is almost peculiar to the period and which
is of extraordinary beauty. By Jonson, again, and by his disciples
Herbert and Sandys (the latter important, also, in the deca-
syllabic couplet), the peculiar inclusive arrangement of rime in
‘long' measure (8 888 abba) which is now associated (probably
for all time) with Tennyson's adoption of it in In Memoriam,
was hit upon, though not largely used or thoroughly perfected.
And the same lyrical genius which, in Jonson, was happily united
to other gifts and characteristics not often found in its company,
enabled him to practise what are sometimes called 'epode
arrangements-alternations of shorter and longer lines in couplet-
with singular felicity. Nor would it be possible to summarise in
any general terms of value the remarkable combinations of lines,
from the monosyllabic to the fourteener, with which his contem-
poraries and successors experimented, from Campion to Herrick in
point of time, and from Milton to John Hall in point of import-
ance.
This admirable practice in lyric was itself of great value in
1 See, again, vol. VII, chap. 19.


## p. 230 (#252) ############################################

230 The Prosody of the Seventeenth Century
that regulative process which has been pointed out as one of the
chief duties incumbent on prosody during the century for counter-
balancing the tendency of blank verse in its decadence and that of
the enjambed couplet. But one of the names mentioned at the
close of the last paragraph indicates by itself at once this process
of regularisation and one of sanctioning and arranging liberty. The
progress of Milton's metrical development and practice, and the
way in which he ranks with Chaucer, Spenser and Shakespeare as
one of the four chief pillars of English prosody, have been explained
in the chapter specially devoted to him? It may, however, be
summarised here, in a slight variation of the words used above,
as the ordering of freedom. His verse paragraphs, the use of the
pause which helps powerfully to constitute them, the majestic
adaptation of his diction to his metre, his cunning management
of word sound and word colour-all these things must fill a
great place in the estimate of him as poet and prosodist. In
the general history of the latter subject, they become not
insignificant but of minor importance, compared with the iambic
and trochaic equivalence of his octosyllabic couplets in L'Allegro,
I Penseroso, Arcades and Comus, and of still less importance
when compared with the so-called 'irregularity' (call it what
you will and explain it on what theory you choose) of the
blank verse of Paradise Lost. The first of these inspires Dyer
in the early eighteenth century and Blake in the later with
measures almost miraculously alterative of the prevalent tunes ;
the second, though it produces, at least up to Cowper's latest work,
nothing equally beautiful as imitation, works in a fashion less
delightful, perhaps, but more beneficial still. For these Miltonic
anomalies--call them trochaic and anapaestic substitution, elision,
slur, irregularity of stress, wrenched accent or, once more, what
you will—insist, in any case, on receiving attention. They will
not let you alone: and you cannot let them alone. It is admitted,
with unimportant exceptions, throughout the eighteenth century
that Milton is a very great poet; and yet he is constantly out of
apparent harmony, at least with the accepted rules of poetry. Even
if you edit or alter him out of his own character, as did Bentley
and Pemberton; if you elide him into cacophony like most people
of that time; if you scold him for licentious conduct like
Bysshe and Scott of Amwell and Vicesimus Knox and even
Johnson, the 'shameless stones' of his actual verse architecture
remain unaltered, massive, resplendent. At any moment, some
1 See vol. VII, chap. V.


## p. 231 (#253) ############################################

Trisyllabic Measures or Effects
231
one may come who will read their lesson aright; at all moments,
they keep that lesson ready. Unless you cut Shakespeare and
Milton out of the book of English literature, the secret of English
prosody remains and will remain open,
With one important development of prosody during his time,
however, Milton had little to do, though the experiments of
Samson show that he may have thought of it latterly? . This
was the employment of the anapaest—not in occasional substitu-
tion for the iamb, but as the principal base-foot of metre? It has
been pointed out repeatedly that such use, between the time of
doggerel and the mid-seventeenth century, is rare in literature
though authentically established by Tusser, Humfrey Gifford,
Campion and others. But folk-song kept it; and, in such pieces
as Mary Ambree, which, perhaps, is as early as 1584, there is no
mistake about it. Yet literary poets are still shy of it, and it is
eurious how rare it is in the work of a man like Herrick, which
would seem imperatively to demand it, and which actually gets a
pseudo-trisyllabic effect out of strictly dissyllabic bases. In spite
of the pressing invitation of music, closely connected as it is with
the lyric of this period, there hangs about the triple time a sug-
gestion of frivolity and vulgarity which is formulated preceptively
at the beginning of the next century by Bysshe. Long before that,
however, it had forced itself upon book-poetry. Ere 1650 had
been reached, Cleiveland in his Mark Antony and Square-Cap,
Waller in his Saraband—both popular and widely read versifiers-
had employed it. But Cleiveland's handling is very uncertain;
and this uncertainty as to whether the authors meant iambic and
trochaic movement with trisyllabic substitution, or a mainly
trisyllabic measure with similarly occasional dissyllabic equivalence,
persists as late as some examples of Dryden.
This last named poet, however, brought his great metrical
skill, and his almost unchallenged authority, to the support of
trisyllabic measures, alike in many songs and lyrics scattered
about his plays, and in others not attached to any drama, but
published in his Miscellanies. The other numerous collections
of the middle and late seventeenth and the early eighteenth
centuries, from the Musarum Deliciae of Mennes (Minnes) and
Drunk | with idolſatry drunk , with wine
is possible, though, in the immediate context, not necessary.
2 The term anapaest is used because the present writer is convinced that almost
all mainly trisyllabio measures in English reduce themselves to that foot. But it is
probable that in many, if not most, cases, and certain that in some, the writers
thought of their movement as dactylic.
1


## p. 232 (#254) ############################################

232 The Prosody of the Seventeenth Century
a
Smith to the Pills to Purge Melancholy of Tom D'Urfey, testify
at once to the popularity of the movement and to the increasing
skill of poets in it. The form which it most ordinarily takes is the
four-footed anapaestic quatrain, rimed in couplets and well illus-
trated by Mary Ambree itself. Some years before the close of the
seventeenth century, this form was taken up and perfected by
a poet who could not be pooh-poohed as unlettered, Matthew
Prior. It continued, indeed, for the best part of the eighteenth
century to be regarded as a 'light' measure, in more than the
character of its movement; in fact, the approach to more serious
uses was made earlier by the three-, than by the four-footed variety.
But the point of importance is the making good of a place of
vantage and security for a metre very different in character from
that which was to hold the actual domination of English prosody
for more than a hundred years.
Another, and somewhat similar, 'place of arms' was established
somewhat earlier, in the form of the octosyllabic couplet, by
Butler, and further fortified, not merely by Prior himself, but by
Swift, who was not unimportant, likewise, in regard to the anapaest.
This form was by no means the same as the Miltonic; and was also,
for a long time, more or less identified with satiric and other semi-
serious verse. It did not, as a rule, permit itself to 'fail in a
syllable,' as Chaucer quaintly and apologetically puts the rationale
of the other kind; and so it commended itself to the strong and
growing contemporary love for order. Butler marked its time unmis-
takably; and, while avoiding singsong, he thus avoided, at the same
time, the colourless fluency which syllabic exactitude had too often
invited or allowed (for instance, in Gower). But he indemnified him-
self for exactitude within the line by large extension at the end into
double and even triple rime; and his manipulation of the rime
generally, even without this extension, was marked by a pungency
which, of itself, would have given character to the verse. Prior,
and Swift when he did not aim at special burlesque effect (as, of
course, Butler had almost always done), reduced what has been
called the 'acrobatism’of the measure, but made it into something
much more than an "easy jingle'-a narrative and 'occasional
medium of unsurpassed capacity, providing an invaluable ease-
ment, if not a definite correction, to the larger couplet.
But the way in which the course of events and the genius of
Dryden 'settled the succession of the state' of prosody for some
century and a half to come in favour of that couplet itself is the
point of importance for the rest of this chapter. And, in order to
6


## p. 233 (#255) ############################################

The State of English Prosody about 1660 233
exhibit it to advantage, a short recapitulation of the actual state
itself, at about the year 1660, should be given.
By this time—as the reader of these chapters will have per-
ceived, if he has taken the trouble to read them consecutively,
almost the whole province of English prosody had been consciously
or unconsciously explored, though no ordnance map of it had been
even attempted, and very large districts had not been brought under
regular cultivation. Its life, to change the metaphor, had passed
from the stage of infancy in the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries to an almost premature state of accomplished growth at
the close of the last named, but had gone through a serious fit of
disease in the fifteenth. It had recovered magnificently during
the later sixteenth and earlier seventeenth, and, within this time,
had practically, though not theoretically! , completed the pioneer
exploration above referred to. But certain dangerous symptoms
had recurred in the breakdown of blank verse, in the roughness of
the satirists, in the flaccidity of the heroic enjambed couplet;
while the great tonic work of Milton, unlike that of Chaucer, was
not at once appreciated, though, perhaps for that very reason,
it had a deeper and more lasting effect. The immense increase of
range which had been given by the practice of the various stanzas,
of lyric, of octosyllable and decasyllable, of one other curious
development yet to be noticed and, above all, of blank verse,
had seemed, sometimes, to overpower the explorers' sense of
rhythm and metrical proportion—to afflict them with a sort of
prosodic vertigo. Either Milton or Shakespeare would have been
hazardous specific for this, inasmuch as neither-and, more
especially, not Shakespeare-used a technically rigid versification.
Nothing has ever been devised-probably nothing ever could be
devised-80 efficacious for medical purposes in this condition of
things as the stopped heroic couplet.
The development excepted above has been reserved for this v
place because it went on side by side with that of this couplet
itself, and occupied, as it were, the position of privileged ally.
This was the so-called 'Pindaric' of Cowley and his followers.
More or less irregular strophes of great beauty and very consider-
able length had been achieved by Spenser; and Ben Jonson had
attempted regular strophic correspondence, as, in fact, did Cowley
himself. But the Pindaric which he principally practised and
personally made popular, which Dryden raised to a really great
1 The few theorists between the death of Spenser and that of Dryden will be dealt
with at the end of this chapter,


## p. 234 (#256) ############################################

234 The Prosody of the Seventeenth Century
poetic medium, in which cousin Swift' made notoriously un-
successful attempts and which, in the late seventeenth and early
eighteenth century, burdened the English corpus poeticum with
masses of intolerable verse, had no regular correspondence in the
line composition of strophe and antistrophe, and no regular division
of strophe, antistrophe and epode. It was merely a fortuitous
string of stanzas, of unequal but considerable length, individually
composed of lines also unequal in length, but arranged and rimed
entirely at the poet's discretion. The verse was, ordinarily, iambic
and adhered to this measure with tolerable strictness-
passages in
triple time being only inserted in pieces (like Dryden's Alexander's
Feast, but not his Anne Killigrew ode)intended for musical perform-
ance. It, therefore, did not act, like the anapaestic, and the octo-
syllabic, as an escapement from the heroic in the way of equivalent
substitution ; though, to some extent, it did so act in the less
important matters of line-length, pause and strictly coupled rime.
In later times—first, as regularised by Gray and, since the romantic
movement, in both regular and irregular forms—it has pro-
duced much magnificent poetry. But few of its practitioners,
except Dryden, between 1650 and 1750, made of it anything but a
row of formless agglomerations of line and rime-now hopelessly
flat, now absurdly bombasticmoften, if not usually, a mere mess of
prose, rhythmed with the least possible effect of harmony and
spooned or chopped into linefuls, after a fashion as little grateful
or graceful as might be. It is, on the whole, during this period,
a distinctly curious phenomenon; but, in more ways than one,
it adds evidence of the fact that period and metre were only well
married in the heroic couplet itself.
To say that this couplet could not have received its actual firm
establishment without Dryden would, perhaps, be less philosophical
than to say that the necessity of its establishment in its turn
necessitated the arising of a poet like Dryden. If Pope and he had
changed places, it is pretty certain that the domination of the form
would have been much shorter than it actually was. For Dryden had
by no means Pope's attachment to the couplet, the pure couplet and
nothing but the couplet; and his own form of it was much affected
by precedent poetry, thereby, as it were, gearing the new vehicle
on to the old. He took from Fairfax and Waller the sententious
tramp of the stopped measure; he took from Cowley the alex-
andrine licence with its powers of amplification and variation ; he
took-perhaps from nobody in particular—the triplet with its
similar reinforcement. He early adopted the use of the same


## p. 235 (#257) ############################################

Dryden's Couplet
235
word, emphatically repeated in different places of consecutive or
neighbouring lines so as to give relief to the unvarying smoothness
and the clockwork balance of the strict Wallerian type. Above
all, after he wrote his first batch of couplet poems near the time of
the restoration itself, and before he wrote his great satiric and
didactic pieces in the same measure twenty years later, he had an
enormous amount of practice in it through his heroic plays. The
actual poetic value of them does not here matter at all. A man of
Dryden's metrical gift could not have written even ten or twenty
thousand nonsense verses without becoming a thorough master of
the metrical capacities of his instrument. But, as a matter of fact,
little as the couplet may be suited to the necessities of the stage,
those necessities themselves force it to display capacities which it
would not otherwise show. People may laugh at (without, as
a rule, reading) The Indian Queen and Tyrannic Love, The
Conquest of Granada and Aureng-Zebe. But it is as certain as any
such thing can be that, without his practice in these plays, Dryden's
couplet would never have attained the astonishing and unique
combination of ease and force, of regularity and variety, which
it displays in Absalom and Achitophel and Mac Flecknoe, in
Religio Laici and The Hind and the Panther. Nor was it merely
in the couplet itself that Dryden maintained that unceasing and
unstereotyped variety of practice, which made his last examples of
this particular metre in the Fables perhaps the capital instances of
their particular kind. He took good care never to allow himself
the sterilising indulgence of the single string. Reference has been
made to the excellence of his smaller lyrics (far too often not so
much undervalued as ignored) and of his larger; the stately
dignity of his decasyllabic quatrains in Annus Mirabilis, though
somewhat stiffer than it would have been if written at a later
date, is admirable in itself; he shows himself, rarely as he tried
them, a master of easy octosyllables; and his blank verse, when he
returned to it in All For Love, is of really splendid kind pro-
sodically, and has seemed to some almost the last English example
of the form (except certain still more splendid but much rarer and
briefer flashes of Lee) which really unites poetical and dramatic
quality.
All this practice, with its variety and its excellence, is reflected
in, and, probably, to no small extent contributed to, the peculiar
quality of what, after all, is Dryden's main poetic instrument the
couplet. This couplet is not, like Pope's, 'bred in and in' and
severely trained and exercised to a typical but somewhat limited


## p. 236 (#258) ############################################

236 The Prosody of the Seventeenth Century
perfection. It is full-blooded, exuberant, multiform, showing,
sometimes, almost the rush of the anapaest, though it seldom-
perhaps never intentionally-admits the foot itself, and sometimes
almost the mass of the blank verse paragraph, though its pairs or
occasional triplets are usually complete in themselves. Dryden
attains his effects in it not merely by the special devices already
noted--alexandrine, triplet, repetition of emphasised word in
different place—but by an omnipresent and peculiar distribution
of the weight which, almost self-contradictorily destitute of
heaviness, characterises his verse. He poises and wields and
flourishes it like a quarterstaff with shifting load inside it. In
doing this, he necessarily often neglects the middle pause, and, not
unfrequently, breaks his line into sections brought about by pauses
and half pauses, which are superadded to, and, in a way, inde-
pendent of, the strict metrical division. Thus, a line partly quoted
already
To settle the succession of the state
is perfectly normal-five-footed or five-accented—to all but those
who deny the possibility of length or accent to‘the' and 'of,' while
even they can manage the fivefold subdivision in other ways.
But, in addition to this, Dryden has communicated to it a three-
fold rhetorico-prosodic arrangement
To settle—the succession of the state,
which, as do other things like it in other lines, entirely frees the
general context from the objection of mechanical jointing into
merely equal lengths. He has also a great tendency to 'bear up'
the ends of his lines and his couplets with important words-
especially when he uses middle pause—as in
They got a villain, and we lost a-fool,
or
Had more of lion in her than to fear.
But all this variation was strictly subjected, in Dryden's case,
to what he and his contemporaries, with almost everybody up to
the early part of the nineteenth century, and not a few people
since, called 'smoothness' or 'sweetness '-the origination of which
they were wont to attribute to ‘Mr Waller. ' That is to say,
you could never mistake the distinct iambic-and five-spaced
iambic-distribution of the line. Monotony was avoided ; but
confusion of the base of the versification was avoided still more
definitely and peremptorily. It is to this double avoidance that
the differentia of the Drydenian couplet is due, and to it the


## p. 237 (#259) ############################################

Preceptive Prosody
237
astonishing hold which that couplet, in-but not exclusively in-
the permutations which it underwent, maintained for nearly five
generations after Dryden began, and for more than three after he
had brought it to full perfection.
It was natural that the somewhat tyrannous way in which its
supremacy was exercised—the way in which, as may be seen later,
measures of more strictly poetical quality than itself were ostra-
cised or pooh-poohed-should make the revolt violent when that
revolt came. It is natural that, even to the present day, vindi-
cation of its merits should seem like treason to these measures, in
the eyes of wellmeaning, but somewhat uncatholic, lovers of poetry
itself. But no one who holds the balance true can share these
feelings. The couplet of Dryden and its follower, to which we
have not yet come, the couplet of Pope, together with other still
later varieties, blends of the two, are not the be-all and end-all
of English prosody: they leave out much and even forbid some-
thing that is greater than they. But the varieties constitute a
very great metrical group in themselves. Fresh varieties of the
stopped form-not much practised in the nineteenth century or in
the twentieth, as yet-have been foreshadowed by Keats, in Lamia,
and by Tennyson, in a brief but extraordinarily fine passage of
The Vision of Sin. But, whatever has been and whatever may
come, and whatever sins of omission and exclusion be on its head,
it established in the English ear a firm sense of rhythm that is
really rhythmical, and a notion-which may easily be carried too
far, but which is eminently salutary in itself-that combinations of
verse and arrangement of sense should obey some common law.
It is no treason, it is only reason, to combine with enthusiasm for
the prosody of Shakespeare and Milton and Shelley, admiration
for the prosody of Jonson, of Pope and (above both) of Dryden.
This chapter would be incomplete without a few remarks on
the preceptive prosody of the seventeenth century, although, in
amount of definite utterance, it is singularly meagre.
Some
obiter dicta of Drayton and others have been noted above. But
the classical metre quarrel, which furnishes much matter for
the middle and late sixteenth century, had died down with the
duel of Campion and Daniel ; the serious attention of the first
two generations of the century was directed to other things than
prosody, and the revival of general criticism in the third did not
take prosodic form, while the very multiformity and diversity of pro-
sodic practice, during the earlier period, may have had something


## p. 238 (#260) ############################################

238 The Prosody of the Seventeenth Century
to do with the absence of theory. There is a very curious and
interesting preface by an unidentified ‘J. D. ' (who cannot have
been John Donne and is unlikely to have been John Dryden) to
the posthumous English Parnassus of Joshua Poole (1656–7),
containing some rather acute criticism on the prevailing faults
of its transition date. There are, also, the interesting remarks of
Samuel Woodford' as to Milton's versification. Milton himself,
in his scornful denunciation of rime before Paradise Lost, has
touched the subject, though he has hardly done so in the preface
to Samson Agonistes. But the main interest under this particular
head is an interest of a somewhat Hibernian kind, for it re-
gards two things that are not in existence, though we have
assurance, if not evidence, of the strongest kind that they formerly
were.
Jonson and Dryden, who were both, in a way, literary dictators,
the one for the first, the other for the last, third of the century,
were also men from whom prosodic discussion might naturally
have been expected, and from whom it ought to have been excep-
tionally valuable. Not only were both possessed of exceptional
and unusually varied practical command of metre, but both had a
strong inclination to criticism ; a sound acquaintance, in Jonson's
case more specially with ancient, in Dryden's with modern, litera-
ture; and a vigorous argumentative faculty. Moreover, we know,
on their own authority, that both did treat, or, at least, intended
to treat, the subject thoroughly. But, in neither case does any full
treatment exist, and—which is more provoking—though we may
guess, we cannot, if (as, indeed, is not very commonly done) we
control our guesswork by positive evidence, be at all certain
what the general purport of either would have been.
The facts as to Jonson are these. He glances at prosody in
his incompleted English Grammar, distinguishes English from
classical quantity, but quits the subject with promise of treatment
‘in the heel of the book '—which heel was either never reached, or
perished in the burning of his study. In Discoveries, there is
little or nothing prosodic. In the more dubious, but probably, in
the main, trustworthy, Conversations with Drummond, however,
there are prosodic touches of great but tantalising interest.
When
a man thinks Abraham Fraunce 'a fool' for writing quantitative
hexameters and John Donne worthy of 'hanging for not keeping
accent,' the opinions are noteworthy enough; but, as it happens,
they might be connected and systematised in quite different ways.
1 See vol. VII, chap. v.


## p. 239 (#261) ############################################

Prosodic Sentences in Jonson and Dryden 239
Spenser's metre, it is said, did not please Jonson ; but there are
several ways in which it may have displeased him. The central
statement-most definite in one part and most ambiguous in
another part—is that he not merely intended to perfect an Epic
Poem. . . all in couplets, for he detested all other rimes,' but had
actually written a Discourse of Poesy both against Campion and Daniel,
especially this last, where he proves couplets to be the bravest sort of verses
especially when they are broken like hexameters, and that cross-rhymes and
stanzas . . . were all forced.
Now, except as to the growing dislike of the stanza, where we
have the above mentioned corroboration of Drayton, and the
preference of the couplet, where we have the corroboration of
the whole history just surveyed, this gives us very little positive
information. Indeed, the phrase 'broken like hexameters' is
almost hopelessly susceptible of various and even opposite inter-
pretations. Those who like to take separate phrases, place their
own interpretations upon them and then infer and deduce away
merrily, may reconstruct Ben Jonson's Discourse of Poesy. The
present writer declines the task, though he feels tolerably certain
as to the probable drift of some passages.
The situation repeats itself, with a curious general similarity,
at the other end with Dryden. In his copious critical work,
passages of definite prosodic bearing are extraordinarily few, and
mostly slight and vague. There is, indeed, one exception, in the
Dedication of the Aeneisl. This contains a disclaimer of hiatus
caused by the want of a caesura' (as he oddly calls elision),
which disclaimer is extended into a valuable general rule that
'no vowel can be cut off before another when we cannot
sink the pronunciation? ; some curious comparisons of English
with French and Italian prosody; a commendation of the occa
sional alexandrine (warranted by Jonson and Cowley); and one
or two other things. But the most important sentence is, again, a
pain of Tantalus. ' 'I have long had by me the materials of an
English Prosodia containing all the mechanical rules of versifica-
tion, wherein I have treated, with some exactness, of the feet, the
quantities and the pauses. ' Alas! either these materials were
never worked up (though 'I have treated' looks positive enough)
or else both they and the working up were lost. It may, indeed,
be observed in passing, that the absence of any remains' or
6
1 Essays, vol. II, p. 217, ed. Ker, W. P.
? It should be observed that this rule is far reaching; and that, in particular, it cuts
at those systems of Miltonic and other prosody which would dissociate pronunciation
from metrical value.


## p. 240 (#262) ############################################

240 The Prosody of the Seventeenth Century
>
6
posthumous publication of any kind in the case of a writer so
prolific and industrious as Dryden is remarkable.
But, however this may be, the English Prosodia, apparently, is
in limbo with A Discourse of Poesy; and, in this case, as in the
other, we can only conjecture what the contents would have been.
By an odd sequence, however, which was probably not a coin-
cidence merely, Dryden had been but a few months in his grave
when the first book deserving the name of an English Prosodia'
appeared. The work of Bysshe does not belong to this chapter;
but it is evidently deduced-imperfectly, pedantically and one-
sidedly enough—from the practice of the period of Dryden him-
self, though it excludes or depreciates, and sometimes explicitly
condemns, many of the saving graces and enfranchising easements
which characterise Dryden's work. But its faults look forward
rather than backward and, therefore, we must not say any more
of it for the present.
It is, however, worth while to point out that even Dryden,
with his remarkable acuteness and catholicity of appreciation,
would have been hard put to it to devise a Prosodia which should
do equal justice to the verse of the generation before him and
that of his own youth, as well as to his own and that of his
contemporaries. The changes were not only too great but too
intricate and too gradual to be discriminatingly allowed for by
anyone without larger assistance from what one of his own
admirable phrases calls 'the firm perspective of the past. ' That
assistance has been utilised here as much as possible ; and it is
hoped that the result may at least help some readers to do some-
thing like the justice which even Dryden could hardly have done
to the verse of the whole period covered in the present chapter.
6


## p. 241 (#263) ############################################

CHAPTER X
MEMOIR AND LETTER WRITERS
I. EVELYN AND PEPYS
DIARIES are usually written for the writer's own private in
formation, and their production has been common in most ages.
They have sometimes been made use of as the foundation for
subsequently published reminiscences; but very few have been
printed as they were originally written. The two great exceptions
to this general rule are the diaries of John Evelyn and Samuel
Pepys, and these may be ranked as distinguished illustrations of
two distinct classes of diary. The one is a record of occurrences
in the life of the writer, and the other a relation of a mixture of
incidents and confessions.
The latter must be the rarer of the two, and Pepys's work is
supreme in its class. Of the former class, two examples covering
somewhat the same period as that occupied by Evelyn and Pepys
are known. The Diurnall of Thomas Rugge, which covers the
years 1659 to 1672, still remains unprinted; but Narcissus Luttrell's
Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs (1678–1714) was pub-
lished in 18571. It ends abruptly, with an unfinished sentence, on
1 April 1714. As Luttrell lived more than eighteen years after this
date, dying on 27 June 1732, it is possible that some volumes of
the diary have been lost. He was well known as a collector of
books, broadsides and manuscripts; but Thomas Hearne, in his
diary, gives a very unflattering portrait of the man. Luttrell's
diary contains passages of interest concerning Evelyn, Pepys,
Dryden and many of their contemporaries. These two books are
of historical value, but they are largely compiled from the news-
letters of the time and are not of any literary value. The diaries
1 Luttrell's original MS (in 17 vols. 8vo), which was bequeathed (towards the end of
the eighteenth century) to All Souls college, Oxford, by Luttrell Wynne, is preserved in
the college library.
16
E. LVIII.
CH. x.


## p. 242 (#264) ############################################

242
Memoir and Letter Writers
.
of Evelyn and Pepys, besides being of great historical interest as
contemporary records, also hold a high position among literary
works.
In face of the fact that both Evelyn and Pepys were men of
mark, it seems strange that these valuable historical documents,
although known to be in existence, were allowed to remain in
manuscript until the first quarter of the nineteenth century.
If, for one moment, we consider what the history of the restoration
era would be if all we have learned from these two writers were
blotted out, we shall see at once how greatly their writings have
added to our knowledge of that period. It will be remembered,
how Macaulay once dreamt that a niece of his had forged Pepys's
diary, and that the news, as well it might, plunged him into the
greatest dismay:
It was primarily due to the intelligence of William Upcott, biblio-
grapher and devoted lover of autographs, that Evelyn's diary first
saw the light. On Upcott's being employed by lady Evelyn, the
owner of Wotton, to inspect her collection of manuscripts, his
attention was particularly attracted to the original manuscript of
the diary. When, by his advice, its publication was decided upon,
it was thought expedient to obtain the services of the Surrey anti-
quary and topographer William Bray as editor. Bray, who was an
elderly man when he undertook the task, did not do very much
towards the illustration of the book; but Upcott continued his
interest in the work and was an able assistant to him. The diary
and correspondence was published in 1818, and received by the
public with great satisfaction; a second edition appeared in the
following year, and the diary has continued to be reprinted as a
standard work in a large number of different forms.
The two volumes issued in 1818 contain several references to
Samuel Pepys, and these seem to have directed the practical
attention of the master of Magdalene college, Cambridge (George
Grenville), to the somewhat mysterious six volumes written in
shorthand which were carefully preserved in the Pepysian library.
He took the opportunity of a visit by his distinguished kinsman
lord Grenville, who, as secretary of state for foreign affairs, was
well acquainted with secret characters, to bring the MS under
his notice. Lord Grenville, puzzling over its pages, left a trans-
lation of a few of these, an alphabet and a list of arbitrary signs
for the use of the decipherer that was to be. These aids to his
work were handed to John Smith, then an undergraduate of
1 Trevelyan, Sir G. O. , Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay, 1878, vol. 11, p. 428.


## p. 243 (#265) ############################################

Diaries of Evelyn and Pepys Compared 243
St John's college (afterwards rector of Baldock, Herts), who under-
took to decipher the whole. He began his labours in the spring of
1819 and completed them in April 1822, having thus worked for
nearly three years, usually for twelve or fourteen hours a day.
This was a great and difficult undertaking, carried out with
complete success. The decipherer, writing on 23 March 1858,
gave the following particulars as to his work:
The MS. extended to 3012 quarto pages of shorthand, which furnished
9325 quarto pages in longhand and embraced 314 different shorthand charac-
ters, comprising 391 words and letters, which all had to be kept continually
in mind, whilst the head, the eye and hand of the decipherer were all engaged
on the MS.
Smith says that the eminent shorthand writer William Brodie
Gurney assured him that neither he nor any other man would ever
be able to decipher it, and two other professors of the art confirmed
his opinion'. The shorthand used by Pepys was the system of
Thomas Shelton, author of Tachygraphy, 1641, although Lord
Braybrooke was under the impression that it resembled Rich's
system. This opinion put some persons on a wrong scent, and it is
affirmed that two friends in America, who usually practised two
modern and briefer systems, corresponded with each other in
Rich's, which they had mastered out of interest in Pepys.
Evelyn and Pepys were lifelong friends, and they had many
business relations in connection with the navy which were carried
on in a spirit of mutual esteem. There was a certain likeness
between the two men in public spirit and literary tastes; but
there was, perhaps, still more divergence in their characters, as
shown by their respective diaries. Both were of gentle birth, but
Evelyn belonged to the class of 'men of quality, and was a
frequenter of courts, while Pepys had to make his own way in the
world by his tenacity of purpose and great abilities. Although the
two diaries are closely united in popular esteem, they differ greatly
in the length of the periods which they cover as well as in the
character of their contents. Evelyn's work practically deals with
the whole of his life, having been begun at a comparatively early
age and continued until a short time before his death, while Pepys's
(although of considerably greater length) only occupies a little
over nine years of his busy career.
a
The figure of John Evelyn stands out in our history as a repre-
sentative of the model English country gentleman-a man of the
1 See The Eagle, a magazine supported by members of St John's college, Cambridge,
March 1898, pp. 238–43.
16-2


## p. 244 (#266) ############################################

244
Memoir and Letter Writers
world, of culture and of business—and his occupation in later life,
- at Wotton, the beautiful old Surrey country house, with its woods
planted by himself, has formed an appropriate background for his
picturesque figure. He was a calm and dignified man, largely
taken up by the duties of his family and his social position, for,
although peculiarly fitted for the contemplative life, he did not
shirk the responsibilities of his station, but consistently carried
out in an efficient and thoroughly businesslike manner the impor-
tant duties undertaken by him. All the many books he produced
during his life are of interest; but Evelyn was not a professed
author, and his publications were mostly intended to meet some
particular want which he had descried. That his judgment was
not often at fault is seen by the fact that several of his books
went through many editions.
Evelyn’s diary really tells the history of his life, and tells it
well. The diarist is contented to relate facts and seldom analyses
his feelings or gives his opinions; nevertheless, his fine character
is exhibited in lifelike proportions. Southey said of him that
Satire from whom nothing is sacred, scarcely attempted to touch him
while living; and the acrimony of political and religious batred, though it
spares not the dead, has never assailed his memoryl,
John Evelyn's father, Richard Evelyn, kept a diary, and the son
began to follow the father's example in the year 1631; but the
diary we possess cannot have been undertaken until a much later
period of his life, although his birth at Wotton on 31 October 1620
begins the record. After some unconnected teaching, which began
when he was four years old, he was placed in the free school
of Southover in January 1630, where he remained until he was
entered, in 1637, as a fellow-commoner of Balliol college, Oxford.
In 1640, his father died, and, at the age of twenty, he was left his
own master. Richard Evelyn was a man of ample means, his estate
being estimated as worth about £40,000 a year; and, when high
sheriff of Surrey and Sussex, he distinguished himself by his
princely hospitality. John was the second son; but George, the
eldest, was attached to his brother and always encouraged him to
feel that Wotton was his home. The growing political troubles
caused Evelyn to leave England for a time; so he embarked for
Holland on 21 July 1641, and made good use of his time in visiting
some of the chief continental towns. He returned to England on
12 October and, at Christmas, was appointed one of the comp-
trollers of the Middle Temple revels; but, wishing to spend the
· The Quarterly Review, XIX, 53.


## p. 245 (#267) ############################################

Evelyn's Younger Days and Travels 245
holidays at Wotton, he obtained leave to resign his staff of
office.
Evelyn was a cavalier and a hearty royalist; but, as Sir Leslie
Stephen says, “his zeal was tempered with caution. ' This may be
seen in the instance of the battle of Brentford (12 November 1642)
between the royal and parliamentary troops. Evelyn came in with
his horse and arms just at the retreat, and he only stayed with the
royal army until the 15th, because it was about to march to
Gloucester. Had he marched with it, he and his brothers would
have been exposed to ruin, without any advantage to the king.
So he returned to Wotton, and no one knew that he had been with
the royal army.
)
In spite of his attempts to live in retirement at Wotton, he
was forced to leave the country, in order to escape the constant
pressure upon him to sign the covenant. Therefore, in November
1643, he obtained from Charles I a licence to travel, and he
made an extensive tour on the continent, the particulars of which
are recorded in the diary in an interesting narrative. The
diarist tells just the things we want to know, and many bits of
information given by him help us to form a vivid picture of the
places which he visited, both in France and Italy. The galleys at
Marseilles and the beauty of malls at Blois and Tours (where 'pall
mall' was played) are specially noted. He passed across the Alps
from Italy to Geneva, and, after travelling along many miles of
level country, came suddenly to the mountains. He remarks that
nature seemed to have swept up the rubbish of the earth in the
Alps, to form and clear the plains of Lombardy. Bears and wolves
abounded in the rocky fastnesses; and, the accommodation for
travellers being of the most meagre description, they had some
excuse for speaking of the horrid mountains' in what is now the
playground of Europe. '
On Thursday 27 June 1647, Evelyn was married by John Earle
(afterwards bishop of Salisbury) to Mary, daughter of Sir Richard
Browne, Charles I's resident at the French court, with whom, on
his first visit to Paris, Evelyn became very intimate. His newly
married wife was a mere child of fifteen, and when, after an
absence of four years, he returned to England, he left her 'under
the care of an excellent lady and prudent mother. ' On 10 October
1647, he kissed the captive king's hand at Hampton court, and gave
him an account of certain things he had in charge to tell. He also
went to see Sayes court at Deptford, then inhabited by a brother-
in-law of its owner, Sir Richard Browne. A little over a year after


## p. 246 (#268) ############################################

246
Memoir and Letter Writers
this, Evelyn himself took up his residence at Sayes court, which
was associated with him for many years of his life.
About the same time (January 1648—9) appeared his first publi-
cation, a translation from the French of an essay by François de la
Mothe Le Vayer, entitled Liberty and Servitude. In the preface,
Evelyn was overbold in his reference to the captive king; and, in
his own copy of this little volume, he wrote the following pencil
note: 'I was like to be call'd in question by the Rebells for this
booke, being published a few days before His Majesty's decollation. '
At midsummer of the same year (1649), he left England for a time,
as it was not then a place where a pronounced royalist could
live with comfort. In September 1651, he visited Hobbes of
Malmesbury in Paris, from whose window he saw the procession
of the young king Louis XIV (then in his fourteenth year) to
parliament, where he took upon himself the government. After-
wards, Evelyn accompanied Sir Richard Browne to an audience
with the king and his mother. The news of the decisive battle of
Worcester, fought on 3 September, did not reach Paris until the
twenty-second of the month. This event dashed all the hopes of
the royalists, and Evelyn decided to settle with his wife in England.
He went first, at the beginning of 1652, Mrs Evelyn following in
June. It was an adventurous journey; for, at the time when the
party escaped from Paris, that city was being besieged by Condé.
Thus ended Evelyn's travels abroad, which occupied nearly ten
years of his life, and the account of which takes up more than a
third of the diary. He now quietly settled with his wife in
England. In January 1653, he sealed the writings connected with
his purchase from the commonwealth of Sayes court, for which he
paid £3500. When the property was securely in his own possession
(though, in 1672, the king would only renew the lease of the pastures
for 99 years), Evelyn began to set out the oval garden, which, he
says, was the beginning of all succeeding gardens, walks, groves,
enclosures and plantations. Before he took it in hand, the place
was nothing but an open field of one hundred acres, with scarcely
a hedge in it, so that he had a fine scope for his skill in the art of
horticulture.
There is little to record of his experiences during this com-
paratively quiet period of his life, besides the birth and death of
some of his children, and the production of the children of his
brain, a notice of which will be found in the bibliography. His
eldest child Richard was born in 1652 and died in 1658. The father
was very proud of his boy, who was so filled with the ardour of
2


## p. 247 (#269) ############################################

Evelyn's Later Life and Activities 247
a
knowledge that, when he was told that Terence and Plautus were
too difficult for him, he wept for very grief and would hardly be
pacifiedDuring these years, Evelyn was in the constant practice
of sending abroad intelligence to Charles II; and he mentions, in
his diary for 22 October 1657, that he had contracted a friendship
with the Dutch ambassador, whose information he found of great
use in his correspondence with the king.
We now come to the period when the diaries of Evelyn and
Pepys cover somewhat the same ground; thus, there is much about
the newly-founded Royal Society in both, for the two men were
greatly interested in its proceedings. In December 1660, Boyle,
Oldenburg, Denham, Ashmole and Evelyn were elected fellows,
and, in the following January, Evelyn was one of those whom the
king nominated as members of council. From this time forward,
the records of the society prove how constant an attendant he was
at the meetings. Pepys did not join the society until 1664.
In 1672, Evelyn was elected secretary, in place of his friend
Thomas Henshaw; but he only held the office for a single year.
Ten years afterwards, he was importuned to stand for election as
president; infirmities were, however, growing upon him, and he
desired his friends to vote, in his stead, for Sir John Hoskins, who
was elected. Eleven years later, he was again importuned to take
the presidentship, but he again refused? Pepys was president for
two years from 1684; and, after his retirement, he continued to
entertain some of the most distinguished fellows.
34
Immediately after the restoration, Evelyn's public life became
a very busy one. He was employed on many important com-
missions, without slackening in his literary labour. In 1661, he
published, by the king's special command, Fumifugium, or The
inconvenience of the Air and Smoke of London dissipated.
Charles was pleased with the book, and commanded the author
to prepare a bill for the next session of parliament to make certain
provisions for the prevention of evils caused by smoke in London;
but the royal interest cooled, and nothing was done.
A curious instance of the value of these diaries in respect to
notices of passing events may be found in the narrative of the
adoption of a special costume by the king and his court, in
opposition to the fashions of the French. The whole story is
1 Diary, 27 January 1657/8; and see Evelyn's translation of The Golden Book of
St John Chrysostom, 1658.
. Cf. , as to Evelyn's interest in science, and his connection with the Royal Society,
post, chap. xv.


## p. 248 (#270) ############################################

248
Memoir and Letter Writers
amusing, as showing how an international quarrel may arise out
of a very small matter. In 1661, Evelyn published a booklet
entitled Tyrannus, or the Mode, in which he condemns the
tyranny of a foreign fashion, and urges Charles II to form a
standard for his people, writing, we have a Prince whose shape
is elegant and perfect to admiration. ' Henrietta, duchess of
Orleans, was of the same opinion as to her brother doing justice
to the costume she suggested. She wrote to him on 8 April 1665:
Madame de Fiennes having told me that you would be glad to see a
pattern of the vests that are worp here, I take the liberty of sending you
one, and am sure that on your fine figure it will look very welli,
On 10 October 1666, Evelyn wrote:
To Court. It being the first time His Majesty put himself solemnly into
the Eastern fashion of vest, changing doublet, stiff coller, bands and cloake
into a comely dress, after the Persian mode, with girdle, or straps and shoe
strings and garters into boucles, of which some were set with precious stones:
resolving never to alter it.
The courtiers wagered the king that he would not persist in his
resolution, and they soon won their bets. Evelyn, in his book,
takes credit for having suggested this change of costume. Pepys
gives an account (22 November 1666) of the sequel of the story,
which is that Louis XIV caused all his footmen to be put into
vests like those adopted by Charles II. Pepys adds: 'It makes
me angry to see that the King of England has become so little as
to have this affront offered to him. '
After the restoration, special attention was paid to the wants
of the navy, and the officers of the navy found great difficulty in
obtaining the timber required in shipbuilding. There had been a
serious destruction of woods caused by the glassworks, the iron
furnaces and, partly, by the increase of shipping; and this destruc-
tion had culminated during the period of the civil wars. Not only
was destruction rampant, but cultivation was neglected. In its
difficulty, the navy office propounded certain queries to the Royal
Society, who gave them to Evelyn to answer. Thus originated
that noble book Sylva (1664), which revived the spirit of planting
in England, and exerted an enormous influence upon the future of
the country. Evelyn was able to say, in his dedication to the king:
'Many millions of timber trees have been propagated and planted
at the instigation and by the sole direction of this work. '
Evelyn obtained his first public appointment in May 1662,
when he was chosen one of the commissioners for reforming the
buildings, ways, streets and encumbrances, and regulating the
i Cartwright, Julia (Mrs Henry Ady), Madame, p. 210.


## p. 249 (#271) ############################################

Evelyn's Public Services
249
hackney coaches, in London. About the same time, he was appointed
on a commission for the purpose of enquiring how the revenues of
Gresham college had been disposed of, and why the salaries of
the professors were not improved. Little came of either of these
commissions. He was appointed on others; but he was not in full
public employment until 1664, when he was named one of four
commissioners for dealing with the sick and wounded in the Dutch
war. This was a most onerous duty, which caused him immense
anxiety, not only in providing accommodation and food, but as to
meeting the difficulty of obtaining money. In May 1665, Evelyn was
called into the council chamber before the king, when he explained
why the expenses of the commission were not less than £1000
a week. In June, he asked for £20,000, and he obtained the use
of Savoy hospital, where he fitted up fifty beds. The plague was
then raging in London; and he was left single-handed to deal with
the vast business of providing for the sick and wounded prisoners.
It is interesting to note that, when others fled, Pepys, as well as
Evelyn, remained to do their duty in the plague-stricken city.
On 17 September 1666, Evelyn received news of the defeat of
the Dutch by lord Sandwich, and learned that 3000 prisoners had
been sent to him to dispose of. He was at a loss how to deal with
this great responsibility, but proposed the erection of an infirmary
at Chatham, and made an elaborate estimate of the cost, which he
sent to Pepys. The commissioners of the navy encouraged the
scheme, but they were without money, and the project fell through.
At this time, Evelyn required £7000 for the weekly expenses of his
charge, but he had great difficulty in obtaining it. Money was still
owing to him long after the revolution, and he had to petition for
his rights so late as March 1702, when some of his just charges
were disallowed. The highest office held by Evelyn was that of
one of the commissioners appointed to execute the office of lord
privy seal, in September 1685, when the second earl of Clarendon
was sent to Ireland as lord lieutenant. Evelyn took the test in
February 1686, and went to lodge at Whitehall, in the lord privy
seal's apartments.