Of
the fourteen counties of New-York, five, and a part of a
sixth, were at this time in the possession of the enemy; a
single galley was riding the Hudson triumphant and unmo-
lested; the militia, harassed with repeated calls, had, in
some instances refused to march until the Convention or-
dered the recusants to be fired upon, and serious appre-
hensions were entertained that the interior of the state
would soon be lighted up with the fires of the savages, who
were moving from their coverts.
the fourteen counties of New-York, five, and a part of a
sixth, were at this time in the possession of the enemy; a
single galley was riding the Hudson triumphant and unmo-
lested; the militia, harassed with repeated calls, had, in
some instances refused to march until the Convention or-
dered the recusants to be fired upon, and serious appre-
hensions were entertained that the interior of the state
would soon be lighted up with the fires of the savages, who
were moving from their coverts.
Hamilton - 1834 - Life on Hamilton - v1
He served through the war, and died
in 1783, when Washington, in a letter to congress, paid this high tribute to
his courage and patriotism, -- " The remarkable bravery, intelligence, and
promptitude of his lordship, to perform his duty as an officer, had endeared him
to the whole army, and now make his loss the more sincerely regretted. "--
Dated January 20, 1783.
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? HAMILTON. 59
The arrival of the British army in New-York seemed
hardly to have awakened them from their security; and
when the determination of Washington to cross the Hud-
son, threw upon them, of a sudden, the whole weight of war,
scenes of unmitigated suffering ensued.
In the track of the pursuing army bridges were broken
down, dwellings destroyed, granaries plundered, and even
the traces of the fugitives were seen printed on the snow
with their blood. While many fled before the enemy, the
condition of those who remained was doubly pitiable. Some
sought security in protections; intestine feuds followed; eve-
ry social feeling seemed to be suspended; and in the gene-
ral insecurity, suspicion was deemed a virtue. Straggling
bands of plunderers were seen stealing along the margin of
the water courses, and by the unfrequented roads. Parties
of horse, foraging at a distance, broke in, during the night,
upon the unhappy people who had taken shelter in the woods,
directed by the fires near which they were cowering. The
rich had removed their wives and children to New-Eng-
land, while the women of the poor were seized, flying in
terror to the interior, where, at the recital of the barbari-
ties they had endured, parties were formed, who came down
upon the disaffected with infuriated passions, to wreak ven-
geance for their wrongs. Even the friends of the cause
were compelled to wrestle with the famished American
soldiers for their secreted provisions.
Amidst all which, their patriotic governor was constantly
issuing mandates against disaffection, and giving to resist-
ance the stronger motive of religious duty. The places of
worship were deserted, and the clergy were seen inciting
the people to arms, thus rendering fiercer and more odious
the ferocious face of war.
The Americans, at the close of this campaign, were re-
duced to few more than twelve hundred troops, enlisted
for short terms of service, at the expiration of which, scarce-
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? 60 THE LIFE OF
ly an inducement could be offered for their re-enlistment.
The selection of the post at Morristown was, under these
circumstances, particularly eligible, and had been made at
the instance of the unfortunate St. Clair. Protected by
inaccessible heights and heavy forests from the approach
of any large body of the enemy, it had the advantage of
being almost equi-distant from Amboy, Newark, and New-
Brunswick, their principal positions, which were all held
in check, while it was secure of a retreat by various denles
in its rear, leading to a fertile and well-peopled country.
But deficient as was the army, if it may so be called, in
numbers, the severe campaign of the Jersies had produced
the happiest effect, in disclosing to the commander-in-chief
the character of his officers, and in drawing around him in
a common devotion to its cause, the most gallant patriots
of the country.
Surrounded by the greatest difficulties, they had them-
selves learned, and their example had taught the American
people the all-important lesson, that their enemy was not
invincible, and their common dangers had inspired a mutual
confidence, which, towards the person of their chief, rose to
the highest point of enthusiasm.
Indeed, in the long life of glory with which Washington
was blessed, this may be selected as the moment when his
popularity was greatest. The reverses which had befallen
the army at the commencement of the campaign, had scarce-
ly left a hope for America short of unconditional submis-
sion; but when, in the language of Colonel Hamilton,*
"after escaping the grasp of a disciplined and victorious
enemy, this little band of patriots were seen skilfully avoid-
ing an engagement until they could contend with advan-
tage, and then, by the masterly enterprises of Trenton and
Princeton, cutting them up in detachments, rallying the
* Eulogium on General Greene.
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? HAMILTON. 61
scattered energies of the country, infusing terror into the
breasts of their invaders, and changing the whole tide and
fortune of the war," a general spirit of enthusiasm per-
vaded the nation, and every bosom swelled with gratitude
to Washington and his illustrious companions.
Among these, the reputation of General Greene de-
servedly stood highest.
Connected with every important movement of the main
army from the investment of Boston until this moment, he
displayed, in all its various difficulties, an unbending con-
stancy, a readiness of decision, a fertility of resource, and
a masterly self-possession, which proved him in every emi-
nent military qualification second to no other officer of the
army, and had given him an influence with the comman-
der-in-chief, which in the future incidents of the revolution,
was exerted most happily for the service. Of him it was
not less truly than eloquently said, "that he carried in his
native genius all the resources of war, and the balance of
every extreme of fortune. " His eminent and distinguished
excellence early attracted the respect of Colonel Hamilton;
an intimacy followed of the closest character; by none of
his comrades were the merits of General Greene more
fully understood, and, as will be seen in the future pages
of this work, by none could they have been more warmly
portrayed.
Next in rank to Greene was Major General Sullivan.
This gentleman having acquired an extensive reputation as
a lawyer in the colony of New-Hampshire, was elected to
represent it in the celebrated congress of seventy-four. In
this situation he commanded respect and confidence as a
man of firmness and intelligence; and having been re-
elected a delegate, on the selection of the general staff of
the army, Sullivan was appointed to the command of a bri-
gade, then on duty near Boston. Early in seventy-six. he re-
ceived orders for the northern army, with which he served
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? 62 thi lifi 01
until the approaching invasion of New-York, when he
again rejoined the main army, and was captured in the bat-
tle of Long Island. Immediately after his exchange, he re-
sumed his command, and in the action of Trenton, at the
head of the right wing, discovered equal gallantry and good
conduct. Of proverbial courage, quick apprehension, and
observing a scrupulous obedience to his instructions, he
was usually selected for stations which required deter-
mined intrepidity, and in no instance did he disappoint the
trust which was reposed in him.
The first regiment of artillery raised on the continental
establishment had been confided to Henry Knox, a native
of Boston, who, leaving a lucrative employment, joined the
army as a volunteer in the battle of Bunker's Hill. Alarmed
at the deficiency of ordnance which gave the enemy such
vast superiority, Knox, full of ardour, hastened to the Ca-
nadian frontier, where, by great personal exertions, he was
enabled in some measure to supply this essential want.
The enterprise he displayed in this instance received the
grateful approbation of the commander-in-chief. He was
appointed a colonel of artillery, and on the increase of that
corps obtained the rank of Major General.
Of great integrity, a sound understanding, and undaunt-
ed courage, he was soon classed among the individuals who
most deserved the public confidence; and on occasions
when the service was the more meritorious, because it was
necessarily secret, he was eminently useful. Frank, open,
and sincere, he won and preserved the regard of his bro-
ther officers, and could boast that which was alone a suffi-
cient passport to consideration, of being the man whom
"Washington loved. "
But the officer who at this time, next to Greene, pos-
sessed most the personal confidence of the commander,
was General John Cadwallader. This gentleman, formed
by education to adorn the most polished circles of society,
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? HAMILTON. 63
combined with a clear and vigorous understanding, a bold
spirit of enterprise and generosity of temper, which rose
above the difficulties of every situation, and inspired among
his followers the highest sense of personal attachment.
Hurried away by his ardour, he had suffered himself to
be taken a prisoner at the same time with General Sullivan.
His manly qualities made a strong impression in the camp
of the enemy, and great, but vain, exertions were used to in-
duce him to influence Washington in favour of conciliation.
On his liberation, he returned to the army; and in the bold
attempts to repulse the British from the borders of the De-
laware, he was entrusted with a most important and difficult
share in the enterprise. His merits soon forced him upon
the attention of Congress. At the close of the campaign he
was promoted to the command of a brigade, and continued
during a great part of the Revolution serving under the im-
mediate eye of Washington.
The gentlemen who at this time composed the personal
staff of the commander-in-chief were, Colonel Robert H.
Harrison, a native of Maryland, who at an early age
removed to Alexandria, where, as a member of the bar, he
was employed by Washington, who, soon after he took the
command at Cambridge, wrote him an urgent letter to join
the army, which he did, in the capacity of an aid-de-camp;
and, in the following year, was appointed his principal se-
cretary; to the performance of the arduous duties of which
office his health, and ultimately his life, became a sacrifice.
He was most commonly known as the "Old Secretary;"
discreet, indefatigable, ingenuous, fearless -- an officer in
whom every man had confidence, and by whom no man was
deceived. -- The generous and accomplished Tilghman, --
the amiable and chivalric Meade, with whom Hamilton was
a welcome associate, and became Washington's "principal
and most confidential aid. "
The intercourse of his staff was of the happiest kind; and
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? 64 THE LIFE OF
the fact related by Lafayette, that, during a familiar asso-
ciation of five years, not an instance of disagreement oc-
curred, is a remarkable evidence of the tone of feeling
which prevailed.
Harrison, who was much the elder, treated Hamilton with
parental kindness, and soon after he had entered the family,
gave him the epithet of " The Little Lion," a term of en-
dearment by which he was familiarly known among his
bosom friends to the close of his life.
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? HAMILTON. 65
CHAPTER V.
[1777. ]
On his appointment to the staff of Washington, Colonel
Hamilton, immediately after his recovery from a very se-
vere indisposition,induced by the hardships of the campaign,
wrote to the New-York convention, apprizing them of his
change of situation, and suggesting the transfer of his com-
pany to the continental establishment.
A reply was received from Messrs. Morris and Allison,
announcing "that they had been appointed a committee of
the New-York convention, to correspond with him at head
quarters," and concurring in his suggestion, as to the dis-
posal of his company. A long and interesting correspond-
ence ensued, parts of which will be presented in their ap-
propriate connexion.
Having served with distinction through the most arduous
campaign of the revolution, and having thus entitled him-
self to rapid promotion in the line of the army, Hamilton
hesitated much before he consented to relinquish this pros-
pect for a place in the staff. His high sense of personal
independence, had already induced him to decline a similar
invitation from two general officers; but influenced by the
reputation of the commander-in-chief, he relinquished his
objections, and entered upon the discharge of his duties
with all the devotion due to his early and illustrious friend.
This larger and more appropriate sphere of action, gave
to his mind not only a wider but a loftier range. He was
called, not merely to execute subordinate parts, but to assist
in planning campaigns, in devising means to support them,
in corresponding with the different members of this exten-
sive empire, and in introducing order and harmony into the
general system.
vol,, i. 9
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? 66 TIIS LIFE OF
The situation of an aid-de-camp to the commander-in-
chief, from the position in which he stood, was among the
most arduous that can be imagined. The pressure of the
correspondence was that which the general principally felt;
and in the selection of the members of his staff, "as to mi-
litary knowledge," he says in a letter to Colonel Harrison,
of the 9th of January, 1777, "I do not expect to find gen-
tlemen much skilled in it; if they can write a good letter,
write quick, are methodical and diligent, it is all I expect
to find in my aids. " And in a subsequent letter to congress,*
calling for additional assistance, he remarks "the business
that has given constant exercise to the pen of my secretary,
and not only frequently, but always, to those of my aids-de-
camp, has rendered it impracticable for the former to regis-
ter the copies of my letters, instructions, &c. in books; by
which means, valuable documents, which may be of equal
public utility and private satisfaction, remain in loose sheets,
and in the rough manner in which they were first drawn. "
The principal labour of the correspondence fell upon
Colonel Harrison; and even to a limited knowledge of its
extent, it is surprising how much and how well it was per-
formed. Soon habituated to the mind of the commander-
in-chief, with the brief memoranda which were before him,
he seized upon his thoughts, and though in a style perhaps
too diffuse, and sometimes hurried, placed them in a most
perspicuous light. Tilghman's style partook more of the
character of his sprightly temper. His sentences were
brief and simple, giving results rather than the processes
by which they were reached, and might often be supposed
to have been written on the drum-head, but still always
breathing throughout a general air of elegance. The more
elaborate and important communications, which did not
* Dated New-Windsor, April 4th, 1781, -- Addressed to the President of
Congress.
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? HAMILTON. 67
proceed from the commander-in-chief, devolved upon
Hamilton.
Soon after he had entered the General's family, having
closed a correspondence with Governor Livingston as to
the punishment of disaffected persons, he was called upon
to serve him in that line in which he had become most con-
spicuous. Amid the various high duties which engrossed
his cares, the attention of Washington was at this time par-
ticularly directed to a negotiation with the enemy relative
to the exchange of prisoners, -- a matter always of difficult
adjustment, and arousing much national feeling; but in a
civil war, such as this, where the policy of England was
closely adhered to, of treating it as a rebellion, attended
with peculiar embarrassments.
The capture of St. Johns, in the preceding autumn, first
invited the cares of congress to this interesting object. In
a spirit not less dictated by a liberal view of the interests
of nations at war, than by the humanity which is due to the
subjects of its calamities, but which is so often forgotten,
they immediately directed an equal exchange of prisoners,
which was followed by successive resolutions, giving them
a choice of residence; directing them to be treated with
kindness; making the same provision for them as for their
own troops; appointing a commissioned officer to protect
them from neglect; and assigning the punctual payment of
their allowance as the especial duty of the president of each
state convention, or of the speakers of the assemblies.
These regulations were strictly enforced, and every in-
stance of inattention promptly redressed.
The measures taken by the commander-in-chief had cor-
responded fully with the intentions of congress, and from
the commencement until the close of the contest, under the
most trying circumstances, he sought every opportunity of
adding to the valour of the American arms, the lustre of
humanity.
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? 68 THE LIFE OF
An opposite line of conduct had been adopted by the
enemy, and the greatest indignation had been excited by
the recitals which were made of the indignities suffered by
those Americans who had fallen into their hands.
In the hope of establishing a general principle of ex-
change, a negotiation had been opened with General Howe,
before the commencement of the preceding campaign, to
which he had acceded; but, in his career of success, look-
ing to an early triumph, this agreement had been departed
from, and difficulty after difficulty arose in its execution.
The treatment of the prisoners who capitulated at Fort
Washington, had been keenly felt at head quarters, and had
quickened Washington's anxiety to remove all artificial ob-
stacles; but the circumstance which at this time chiefly
interested him, was the situation of General Lee, who had
been captured at Baskenridge, by Colonel Harcourt, and
carried to New-York. On learning this event, congress
offered in exchange six field officers of inferior rank, one
of whom was Colonel Campbell. This proposition was
rejected, and General Lee was placed in close confinement,
with an intimation that his treatment would be different
from that usual towards prisoners of war.
Congress, indignant at this procedure, immediately order-
ed Colonel Campbell and the Hessian officers into close
custody, and threatened retaliation for every indignity of-
fered to the American prisoners.
These decisive measures alarmed the enemy, and on the
third of April, 1777, Lord Cornwallis enclosed to General
Washington a letter from Colonel Walcott, which was al-
leged to have been previously delivered to Colonel Harri-
son, but had not been received.
The temper displayed by the English commissioner evin-
ced little disposition to produce a favourable issue. It
seemed rather to have been his design to indulge in a tone
of arrogant crimination of the American army, and im-
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? HAMILTON. 69
peachment of the integrity of Washington's motives, than
to promote an object mutually desirable, and was conduct-
ed in a spirit even more objectionable than that which had
marked the correspondence of the preceding year.
The importance of meeting these charges was strongly
felt, and the task of vindicating the course which had been
adopted, was imposed on Colonel Hamilton. "The pen
for our army," says Troup, "was held by Hamilton; and
for dignity of manner, pith of matter, and elegance of
style, General Washington's letters are unrivalled in mili-
tary annals. "
The effort to establish a cartel failed, in consequence of
the determination of Howe not to include Lee within the
class of American prisoners; and these unfortunate men
were compelled still to endure the privations to which they
had been subject; but the negotiation itself was attended
with flattering circumstances. The correspondence in-
creased the esteem in which the American character was
held in Europe; and their friends proudly referred to it as
another evidence that they were not less accomplished with
the pen than with the sword.
When the season for military operations opened, the
greatest anxiety pervaded the United States as to the
course of policy which would be adopted by the enemy.
The concentration of an army in the north, and the ob-
vious policy of seizing the passes in the Highlands, seemed
to indicate them as the first object, not only because the
campaign might be commenced earlier than in Pennsylva-
nia, as the army would in one case move by water, but
having the command of the Hudson, they might, by taking
advantage of a southerly wind, run up that river in a few
hours, destroy the boats which had been provided on its
banks, thus prevent Washington's army from crossing until
they had marched to Albany, and, after ravaging the state
of New-York, enter Connecticut on the western side, where
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? 70 THE LIFE OF
the disaffection of a part of the people would ensure them
many friends.
This course had also been indicated in the instructions
from Great Britain, which directed a portion of the British
fleet to be employed in making a diversion on the coast of
New-England, and thus perhaps compel her to withdraw a
part of her troops composing the northern army, and cer-
tainly check the progress of enlistment.
An expedition to Peekskill, late in March, (a post at the
foot of the Highlands,) under the command of General
McDougal, where large munitions of war were supposed to
be, and which the gallantry of Colonel Willet prevented
from being more disastrous ;-- the destruction of the stores
at Danbury, where the intrepid Wooster fell, and the move-
ment of the enemy towards Amboy, all conspired to con-
firm this supposition. To meet this event, the Convention
of New-York strained every nerve, having authorized Go-
vernor Clinton, to whom the security of the Highlands had
been entrusted, to make such drafts from the militia as he
might deem necessary, by whose orders every third man
was drawn from the southern, and every fifth man from the
northern counties. And, indeed, at no other moment were
the duties of patriotism more urgent in that quarter.
Of
the fourteen counties of New-York, five, and a part of a
sixth, were at this time in the possession of the enemy; a
single galley was riding the Hudson triumphant and unmo-
lested; the militia, harassed with repeated calls, had, in
some instances refused to march until the Convention or-
dered the recusants to be fired upon, and serious appre-
hensions were entertained that the interior of the state
would soon be lighted up with the fires of the savages, who
were moving from their coverts.
These appalling circumstances rendered the committee
of the Convention exceedingly anxious for intelligence as to
the designs of the enemy; and an active correspondence
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? HAMILTON. 71
was kept up with Colonel Hamilton. The following letter
in reply to one from Robert R. Livingston, since so distin-
guished in the history of his country, in behalf of that body,
mentioning the arrival of a vessel with arms from France,
and their having authorized a draught of militia to meet an
apprehended descent of the enemy high on the banks of the
Hudson, to destroy the boats provided for the army, will
indicate the appearances at this time.
HAMILTON TO A COMMITTEE OP THE PROVINCIAL
CONGRESS.
Head Quarters, Morristown, April 5th, 1777.
Gentlemen:
Since my last I have had the pleasure of receiving your
reply to my two favours of 29th ultimo and 2d current. I
am happy enough to be able to inform you, that my indis-
position, which was the occasion of my brevity when I last
wrote, is now removed.
The opinion I advanced respecting the enemy's not mov-
ing before the beginning of May, seems to be shaken, though
not entirely overthrown, by some present appearances. We
have received information, that they are embarking about
three thousand men on board of transports, which are lying
at the Hook, by way of Staten Island. This, it is conjec-
tured, is with a view to the Delaware; and the supposition
is confirmed, by the circumstance of a confederacy lately
detected at Philadelphia, who, among other things, were
endeavouring, by the temptation of fifty pounds, to engage
persons as pilots up that river. The extreme difficulties
they must labour under for want of forage, and the infinite
hazard they must run by moving with a small body of about
five thousand men, with an enemy in the rear, incapable of
sparing any considerable body of troops to form a post be-
hind, and be an asylum to them in case of accident, -- these
circumstances will hardly allow me to think they will be
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? 72 THE LIFE OF
daring enough to make the attempt at this time. But on
the other hand, as they know we are in a progressive state
as to numbers, and other matters of importance, and as they
have no prospect of early reinforcement, and are in a state
of uncertainty as to any, from the bustling aspect of Euro-
pean affairs, it is probable they may conceive a necessity of
making a push at all risks. Perhaps, however, this embar-
kation is intended for some other purpose; to make a di-
version, or execute some partizan exploit elsewhere. On
the whole, I find it difficult to believe they are yet ready
for any capital operation.
As to your apprehensions of an attempt up the North
river, I imagine you may discard any uneasiness on that
score, although it will be at all times advisable to be on the
watch against such a contingency, it is al most reduced to a cer-
tainty, that the principal views of the enemy in the ensuing
campaign will be directed towards the southward, and to
Philadelphia more immediately; of which idea, the disco-
very before mentioned, with respect to pilots, is no incon-
siderable confirmation. Philadelphia is an object calcu-
lated to strike and attract their attention. It has all along
been the main source of supplies towards the war, and the
getting it into their possession would deprive us of a wheel
we could very badly spare, in the great political and mili-
tary machine. They are sensible of this, and are equally
sensible, that it contains in itself, and is surrounded by a
prodigious number of persons attached to them, and inimi-
cal to us, who would lend them all the assistance they could
in the further prosecution of their designs. It is also a
common and well-grounded rule in war, to strike first and
principally at the capital towns and cities, in order to the
conquest of a country.
I must confess I do not see any object equally interesting
to draw their efforts to the northward. Operations merely
for plundering and devastation can never answer their end;
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? HAMILTON. 73
and if they could, one part of the continent would do nearly
as well as another. And as to the notion of forming a
junction with the northern army, and cutting off the com-
munication between the northern and southern states, I
apprehend it will do better in speculation than in practice.
Unless the geography of the country is far different from
any thing I can conceive, to effect this would require a
chain of posts, and such a number of men at each, as would
never be practicable or maintainable, but to an immense
army. In their progress, by hanging upon their rear, and
seizing every opportunity of skirmishing, their situation
might be rendered insupportably uneasy.
But for fear of mistake, the general has determined to .
collect a considerable body of troops at or about Peekskill,
which will not be drawn off till the intentions of the enemy
have acquired a decisive complexion. These will be rea-
dy, according to conjunctures, either to proceed northerly or
southerly, as'may be requisite. Every precaution should
be taken to prevent the boats from being destroyed, by col-
lecting them at the first movement of the enemy under
cover of one of the forts, or into some inlet, difficult of ac-
cess and easily defensible with a small number of men.
The loss of them would be an irreparable disadvantage.
The enemy's attempt upon Peekskill is a demonstration
of the folly of having any quantity of stores at places so
near the water, and so much exposed to a sudden inroad.
There should never be more there than sufficient to answer
present demands. We have lost a good deal in this way at
different times, and I hope experience will at last make
us wiser.
His excellency lately had a visit from the Oneida chief
and five others. He managed them with a good deal of
address, and sent them away perfectly satisfied. He per-
suaded them to go to Philadelphia, but they declined it,
alleging their impatience to return, and remove the errone-
vot. i. 10
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? 74 THE LIFE OF
ous opinions of their countrymen, from the misrepresenta-
tions of British emissaries, which they were apprehensive
might draw them into some rash proceedings. They part-
ed, after having made the most solemn protestations of
friendship and good will. His excellency has been very
busy all day in despatching the southern post, which has
prevented me giving him your resolve. It will, no doubt,
be very acceptable; and it is with pleasure I inform you,
that the zeal and abilities of the New-York Convention hold
the first rank in his estimation.
No news from France, save that the congress have ob-
tained a credit there, for which they can draw bills to the
amount of ? 100,000 sterling. This will be extremely ser-
viceable in carrying on a trade with the French. The new
troops begin to come in. If we can shortly get any con-
siderable accession of strength, we may be able to strike
some brilliant stroke.
I am, Gentlemen, with the greatest respect,
Your most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.
P. S. We have been some time endeavouring to nego-
tiate a regular cartel; but it has been lately broken off
principally on account of Major General Lee. General
Howe will not allow him to be comprehended under the
general idea of American prisoners.
On the 17th of the same month, he again wrote to the
committee, giving a particular account of the attack of the
enemy on the American troops commanded by General
Lincoln, at Boundbrook, and informing them that three of
the enemy's vessels had entered the Delaware, and that a
vessel from France had been attacked in the river, and, to
prevent her falling into their hands, was blown up.
To aid in counteracting any sudden movement of the
enemy, Washington extended his army from Morristown
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? HAMILTON. 75
to the high ground of Middlebrook, a strong position within
a few miles of New-Brunswick, where the English had col-
lected their principal stores, which enabled him, at the same
time, to keep up his communication with Philadelphia,
which he was confirmed in his belief was the enemy's
ultimate destination.
The state of the public mind in that city, at this expect-
ed invasion, is strongly shown in the following letter from
Mr. Duer, a very able and eloquent delegate in congress
from New-York, whose conduct from the commencement
of the revolution had been marked with boldness and in-
telligence.
WILLIAM DUER TO ABRAHAM TEN BROECK.
Philadelphia, April 17, 1777.
"I am extremely sorry to inform you, that notwithstand-
ing the invasion which threatens this city, a languor pre-
vails amongst the inhabitants of almost all ranks. The
disputes about their constitution, and a want of vigilance
and vigour in detecting and defeating the designs of the
disaffected, have given the malignants a dangerous ascend-
ency. The depreciation of the continental money is aston-
ishingly rapid, and I see, with concern, that no attempts
are made to check so fatal a measure. You will see by
the enclosed resolutions of congress of the 14th and 15th
of April, that they have been under the necessity of supply-
ing an executive authority in this state.
"By the recess of the Supreme Executive Council, there
was an absolute interregnum, and if congress had not in-
terposed, this state would have fallen an easy prey to a very
small body of the enemy's army. -- Only six hundred and
eighty-five men at Ticonderoga fit for duty, including one
hundred and twenty artificers. --I have the pleasure to as-
sure the convention, that the state of New-York stands in
a very high point of light in the eyes of the continent, and
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? 76 tSe life of
that General Washington, in his public letters to congress,
gives the most honourable testimonials in its favour. These,
sir, are the happy effects of our unanimity and vigour. "
It is also stated, "the disputes in Pennsylvania grew out
of no want of attachment to the cause, but from disputes
about the constitution. I wish the establishment of new
forms of government had been deferred. The union, vi-
gour, and security derived from conventions and committees,
are not to be found in any state under its new constitution. "
The severe campaign of the preceding year, though one
of continued successes until the affair of Trenton, had been
productive of little service to the British cause, excepting
the capture of New-York; for the enemy could boast no-
thing more than the ground which their armies occupied.
Sir William Howe now judged that the honour of the Bri-
tish arms required some new enterprise worthy of the force
under his command.
None seemed more imposing than that of Philadelphia.
It was regarded as the capital of the country. It was the
seat of government of Pennsylvania, and the most important
city of the colonies; and although, as a military post, its
possession would yield few advantages, its occupation by an
enemy would weaken the cause of America in Europe,
strengthen the hands of the British ministry, and produce,
he hoped, such a depressing effect on the minds of the Ame-
ricans, as might predispose them to yield more readily to
conciliatory propositions. Having in vain essayed every art
to bring on a general engagement, and not daring to ven-
ture on the bold experiment of crossing the Delaware with
an enemy in his rear, the English general decided upon a
new plan of operations. His whole force now exceeded
forty thousand men; from these, leaving a sufficient strength
to protect New-York, he selected eighteen thousand of his
choicest soldiers, and about the middle of July embarked at
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? HAMILTON. 77
Amboy. During this interval of inactivity, the attention of
the Americans was principally directed to the operations on
the northern frontier; and the advance of one army towards
Albany, and the embarkation, at the same time, of another
for an apparently remote expedition, baffled speculation.
The following letter from Colonel Hamilton, to a friend,
written at this time, marks the state of opinion.
Head Quarters, Smith's Clove, July 22d, 1777.
Your favour of the eighteenth, from Saratoga, reached
me yesterday Your pronouncing Fort Edward among
the other forts, indefensible, surprises me a little, as it is
entirely contrary to the representations of several gentle-
men of judgment, who have had an opportunity of seeing
and considering its situation, by whom we have been taught
to believe that it would be an excellent post, at least for
checking and retarding Burgoyne's progress. I agree with
you that our principal strength in the quarter you are, will
be in the forests and natural strength of the country, and in
the want of forage, provisions, carriages, &c. in which the
enemy may easily be thrown, by taking away what there
are of those articles which you observe have never been in
great abundance.
I am doubtful whether Burgoyne will attempt to pene-
trate far, and whether he will not content himself with ha-
rassing our back settlements by parties, assisted by the sa-
vages, who, it is to be feared, will pretty generally be
tempted by the enemy's late successes, to confederate in
hostilities against us.
This doubt arises from some appearances that indicate a
southern movement of General Howe's army, which if it
should really happen, will certainly be a barrier against
any further impressions of Burgoyne; for it cannot be sup-
posed he would be rash enough to plunge into the bosom of
the country without an expectation of being met by Ge-
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? 78 THE LIFE OF
neral Howe. Things must prove very adverse to us in-
deed, should he make such an attempt and not be ruined
by it. I confess, however, that the appearances I allude
to do not carry a full evidence in my mind; because they
are opposed by others of a contradictory kind, and because
I cannot conceive upon what principle of common sense or
military propriety Howe can be running away from Bur-
goyne to the southward.
It is much to be wished he may, even though it should
give him the possession of Philadelphia, which, by our re-
moteness from it may very well happen. In this case we
may not only, if we think proper, retaliate, by aiming a
stroke at New-York; but we may come upon him with the
greatest part of our collective force, to act against that
part which is under him. We shall then be certain that
Burgoyne cannot proceed, and that a small force of conti-
nental troops will be sufficient for that partizan war which
he must carry on the rest of the campaign.
A small force will also be sufficient to garrison the posts
in the Highlands, and prevent any danger there; so that
we shall be able to bring nearly the whole of the continen-
tal army against Mr. Howe. The advantages of this are
obvious. Should he be satisfied with the splendour of his
acquisition, and shut himself up in Philadelphia, we can
ruin him by confinement. Should he leave a garrison
there, and go forward, we can either fall upon that or his
main body, diminished as it will be by such a measure,
with our whole force There will, however, be many dis-
agreeable consequences attending such an event; amongst
which, the foremost is, the depreciation of our currency,
which, from the importance in which Philadelphia is held,
cannot fail to ensue.
I am, dear sir,
Your most obedient servant,
Alex. Hamilton.
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? HAMILTON. 79
A fragment of a letter written by him about this time
to his venerable friend Doctor Knox, who warmly espou-
sed the American cause, will be read with interest, as ex-
hibiting more at large the prospects and views of policy
which he entertained.
"This event [the evacuation of Ticonderoga*] redounds
very little to our credit. For, if the post was untenable,
or required a larger number of troops to defend it than
could be spared for the purpose, it ought long ago to have
been foreseen and given up. Instead of that, we have kept
a large quantity of cannon in it, and have been heaping up
very valuable magazines of stores and provisions, that in
the critical moment of defence are abandoned and lost.
This affair will be attended with several evil consequences;
for, besides the loss of our stores, which we cannot well
afford,it opens a new and easy door by which to penetrate the
northern states. It will fix the hitherto fluctuating disposi-
tion of the Indians in that quarter, in their favour, and ex-
pose the frontiers of the adjacent country to their depreda-
tions. But, though it is a misfortune we have reason to la-
ment, I dare say it will be regarded with you as much
more important than it really is, and as materially endanger-
ing the success of our cause, which is by no means the case.
Our opposition is at this time too well matured, and has too
great stability to be shaken by an accident of that kind.
While we have a respectable army in the field, and resources
to feed, clothe, and arm them, we are safe We have had
a force sufficient for the foregoing part of the campaign, to
maintain such a superiority over the main army of the enemy
as effectually to hinder them from attaining any of their pur-
poses. And, to the northward, with the reinforcements
sent up to succour the retreating garrison of Ticonderoga,
and the militia flocking in from New-England, I think there
is little doubt we have by this time a force adequate to give
* July 5th, 1777.
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? 80 THELIFEOF
Mr. Burgoyne a seasonable check. One good effect will
result from the misfortune, which is, that it will stimulate
the eastern states to greater exertions than they might other-
wise make.
"By our last advices, the enemy were in possession of all
the country between Ticonderoga and Fort George, and
our army, nearly equal in number to them, were about to
take post somewhere between Fort Edward and Saratoga.
"The consequences of this northern affair will depend
much upon the part that Howe acts. If he were to co-ope-
rate with Burgoyne, it would demand our utmost efforts to
counteract them. But, if he should go towards the south-
ward, all, or most of the advantages of Burgoyne's success
will be lost. He will either be obliged to content himself
with the possession of Ticonderoga, and the dependent for-
tresses, and with carrying on a partizan war the rest of the
campaign, or he must precipitate himself into certain ruin>
by attempting to advance in the country with a very in-
competent force.
"Appearances lead us to suppose that Howe is fool enough
to meditate a southern expedition; for he has now altered
his station at Staten Island, mentioned above, and has fallen
down to the Hook. Judging it morally certain that there
would be a co-operation of the two armies, we thought it
expedient to march northerly, and had accordingly reached
within fourteen miles of New-Windsor, the place where we
could cross the North river without danger of interruption.
in 1783, when Washington, in a letter to congress, paid this high tribute to
his courage and patriotism, -- " The remarkable bravery, intelligence, and
promptitude of his lordship, to perform his duty as an officer, had endeared him
to the whole army, and now make his loss the more sincerely regretted. "--
Dated January 20, 1783.
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? HAMILTON. 59
The arrival of the British army in New-York seemed
hardly to have awakened them from their security; and
when the determination of Washington to cross the Hud-
son, threw upon them, of a sudden, the whole weight of war,
scenes of unmitigated suffering ensued.
In the track of the pursuing army bridges were broken
down, dwellings destroyed, granaries plundered, and even
the traces of the fugitives were seen printed on the snow
with their blood. While many fled before the enemy, the
condition of those who remained was doubly pitiable. Some
sought security in protections; intestine feuds followed; eve-
ry social feeling seemed to be suspended; and in the gene-
ral insecurity, suspicion was deemed a virtue. Straggling
bands of plunderers were seen stealing along the margin of
the water courses, and by the unfrequented roads. Parties
of horse, foraging at a distance, broke in, during the night,
upon the unhappy people who had taken shelter in the woods,
directed by the fires near which they were cowering. The
rich had removed their wives and children to New-Eng-
land, while the women of the poor were seized, flying in
terror to the interior, where, at the recital of the barbari-
ties they had endured, parties were formed, who came down
upon the disaffected with infuriated passions, to wreak ven-
geance for their wrongs. Even the friends of the cause
were compelled to wrestle with the famished American
soldiers for their secreted provisions.
Amidst all which, their patriotic governor was constantly
issuing mandates against disaffection, and giving to resist-
ance the stronger motive of religious duty. The places of
worship were deserted, and the clergy were seen inciting
the people to arms, thus rendering fiercer and more odious
the ferocious face of war.
The Americans, at the close of this campaign, were re-
duced to few more than twelve hundred troops, enlisted
for short terms of service, at the expiration of which, scarce-
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? 60 THE LIFE OF
ly an inducement could be offered for their re-enlistment.
The selection of the post at Morristown was, under these
circumstances, particularly eligible, and had been made at
the instance of the unfortunate St. Clair. Protected by
inaccessible heights and heavy forests from the approach
of any large body of the enemy, it had the advantage of
being almost equi-distant from Amboy, Newark, and New-
Brunswick, their principal positions, which were all held
in check, while it was secure of a retreat by various denles
in its rear, leading to a fertile and well-peopled country.
But deficient as was the army, if it may so be called, in
numbers, the severe campaign of the Jersies had produced
the happiest effect, in disclosing to the commander-in-chief
the character of his officers, and in drawing around him in
a common devotion to its cause, the most gallant patriots
of the country.
Surrounded by the greatest difficulties, they had them-
selves learned, and their example had taught the American
people the all-important lesson, that their enemy was not
invincible, and their common dangers had inspired a mutual
confidence, which, towards the person of their chief, rose to
the highest point of enthusiasm.
Indeed, in the long life of glory with which Washington
was blessed, this may be selected as the moment when his
popularity was greatest. The reverses which had befallen
the army at the commencement of the campaign, had scarce-
ly left a hope for America short of unconditional submis-
sion; but when, in the language of Colonel Hamilton,*
"after escaping the grasp of a disciplined and victorious
enemy, this little band of patriots were seen skilfully avoid-
ing an engagement until they could contend with advan-
tage, and then, by the masterly enterprises of Trenton and
Princeton, cutting them up in detachments, rallying the
* Eulogium on General Greene.
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? HAMILTON. 61
scattered energies of the country, infusing terror into the
breasts of their invaders, and changing the whole tide and
fortune of the war," a general spirit of enthusiasm per-
vaded the nation, and every bosom swelled with gratitude
to Washington and his illustrious companions.
Among these, the reputation of General Greene de-
servedly stood highest.
Connected with every important movement of the main
army from the investment of Boston until this moment, he
displayed, in all its various difficulties, an unbending con-
stancy, a readiness of decision, a fertility of resource, and
a masterly self-possession, which proved him in every emi-
nent military qualification second to no other officer of the
army, and had given him an influence with the comman-
der-in-chief, which in the future incidents of the revolution,
was exerted most happily for the service. Of him it was
not less truly than eloquently said, "that he carried in his
native genius all the resources of war, and the balance of
every extreme of fortune. " His eminent and distinguished
excellence early attracted the respect of Colonel Hamilton;
an intimacy followed of the closest character; by none of
his comrades were the merits of General Greene more
fully understood, and, as will be seen in the future pages
of this work, by none could they have been more warmly
portrayed.
Next in rank to Greene was Major General Sullivan.
This gentleman having acquired an extensive reputation as
a lawyer in the colony of New-Hampshire, was elected to
represent it in the celebrated congress of seventy-four. In
this situation he commanded respect and confidence as a
man of firmness and intelligence; and having been re-
elected a delegate, on the selection of the general staff of
the army, Sullivan was appointed to the command of a bri-
gade, then on duty near Boston. Early in seventy-six. he re-
ceived orders for the northern army, with which he served
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? 62 thi lifi 01
until the approaching invasion of New-York, when he
again rejoined the main army, and was captured in the bat-
tle of Long Island. Immediately after his exchange, he re-
sumed his command, and in the action of Trenton, at the
head of the right wing, discovered equal gallantry and good
conduct. Of proverbial courage, quick apprehension, and
observing a scrupulous obedience to his instructions, he
was usually selected for stations which required deter-
mined intrepidity, and in no instance did he disappoint the
trust which was reposed in him.
The first regiment of artillery raised on the continental
establishment had been confided to Henry Knox, a native
of Boston, who, leaving a lucrative employment, joined the
army as a volunteer in the battle of Bunker's Hill. Alarmed
at the deficiency of ordnance which gave the enemy such
vast superiority, Knox, full of ardour, hastened to the Ca-
nadian frontier, where, by great personal exertions, he was
enabled in some measure to supply this essential want.
The enterprise he displayed in this instance received the
grateful approbation of the commander-in-chief. He was
appointed a colonel of artillery, and on the increase of that
corps obtained the rank of Major General.
Of great integrity, a sound understanding, and undaunt-
ed courage, he was soon classed among the individuals who
most deserved the public confidence; and on occasions
when the service was the more meritorious, because it was
necessarily secret, he was eminently useful. Frank, open,
and sincere, he won and preserved the regard of his bro-
ther officers, and could boast that which was alone a suffi-
cient passport to consideration, of being the man whom
"Washington loved. "
But the officer who at this time, next to Greene, pos-
sessed most the personal confidence of the commander,
was General John Cadwallader. This gentleman, formed
by education to adorn the most polished circles of society,
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? HAMILTON. 63
combined with a clear and vigorous understanding, a bold
spirit of enterprise and generosity of temper, which rose
above the difficulties of every situation, and inspired among
his followers the highest sense of personal attachment.
Hurried away by his ardour, he had suffered himself to
be taken a prisoner at the same time with General Sullivan.
His manly qualities made a strong impression in the camp
of the enemy, and great, but vain, exertions were used to in-
duce him to influence Washington in favour of conciliation.
On his liberation, he returned to the army; and in the bold
attempts to repulse the British from the borders of the De-
laware, he was entrusted with a most important and difficult
share in the enterprise. His merits soon forced him upon
the attention of Congress. At the close of the campaign he
was promoted to the command of a brigade, and continued
during a great part of the Revolution serving under the im-
mediate eye of Washington.
The gentlemen who at this time composed the personal
staff of the commander-in-chief were, Colonel Robert H.
Harrison, a native of Maryland, who at an early age
removed to Alexandria, where, as a member of the bar, he
was employed by Washington, who, soon after he took the
command at Cambridge, wrote him an urgent letter to join
the army, which he did, in the capacity of an aid-de-camp;
and, in the following year, was appointed his principal se-
cretary; to the performance of the arduous duties of which
office his health, and ultimately his life, became a sacrifice.
He was most commonly known as the "Old Secretary;"
discreet, indefatigable, ingenuous, fearless -- an officer in
whom every man had confidence, and by whom no man was
deceived. -- The generous and accomplished Tilghman, --
the amiable and chivalric Meade, with whom Hamilton was
a welcome associate, and became Washington's "principal
and most confidential aid. "
The intercourse of his staff was of the happiest kind; and
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? 64 THE LIFE OF
the fact related by Lafayette, that, during a familiar asso-
ciation of five years, not an instance of disagreement oc-
curred, is a remarkable evidence of the tone of feeling
which prevailed.
Harrison, who was much the elder, treated Hamilton with
parental kindness, and soon after he had entered the family,
gave him the epithet of " The Little Lion," a term of en-
dearment by which he was familiarly known among his
bosom friends to the close of his life.
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? HAMILTON. 65
CHAPTER V.
[1777. ]
On his appointment to the staff of Washington, Colonel
Hamilton, immediately after his recovery from a very se-
vere indisposition,induced by the hardships of the campaign,
wrote to the New-York convention, apprizing them of his
change of situation, and suggesting the transfer of his com-
pany to the continental establishment.
A reply was received from Messrs. Morris and Allison,
announcing "that they had been appointed a committee of
the New-York convention, to correspond with him at head
quarters," and concurring in his suggestion, as to the dis-
posal of his company. A long and interesting correspond-
ence ensued, parts of which will be presented in their ap-
propriate connexion.
Having served with distinction through the most arduous
campaign of the revolution, and having thus entitled him-
self to rapid promotion in the line of the army, Hamilton
hesitated much before he consented to relinquish this pros-
pect for a place in the staff. His high sense of personal
independence, had already induced him to decline a similar
invitation from two general officers; but influenced by the
reputation of the commander-in-chief, he relinquished his
objections, and entered upon the discharge of his duties
with all the devotion due to his early and illustrious friend.
This larger and more appropriate sphere of action, gave
to his mind not only a wider but a loftier range. He was
called, not merely to execute subordinate parts, but to assist
in planning campaigns, in devising means to support them,
in corresponding with the different members of this exten-
sive empire, and in introducing order and harmony into the
general system.
vol,, i. 9
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? 66 TIIS LIFE OF
The situation of an aid-de-camp to the commander-in-
chief, from the position in which he stood, was among the
most arduous that can be imagined. The pressure of the
correspondence was that which the general principally felt;
and in the selection of the members of his staff, "as to mi-
litary knowledge," he says in a letter to Colonel Harrison,
of the 9th of January, 1777, "I do not expect to find gen-
tlemen much skilled in it; if they can write a good letter,
write quick, are methodical and diligent, it is all I expect
to find in my aids. " And in a subsequent letter to congress,*
calling for additional assistance, he remarks "the business
that has given constant exercise to the pen of my secretary,
and not only frequently, but always, to those of my aids-de-
camp, has rendered it impracticable for the former to regis-
ter the copies of my letters, instructions, &c. in books; by
which means, valuable documents, which may be of equal
public utility and private satisfaction, remain in loose sheets,
and in the rough manner in which they were first drawn. "
The principal labour of the correspondence fell upon
Colonel Harrison; and even to a limited knowledge of its
extent, it is surprising how much and how well it was per-
formed. Soon habituated to the mind of the commander-
in-chief, with the brief memoranda which were before him,
he seized upon his thoughts, and though in a style perhaps
too diffuse, and sometimes hurried, placed them in a most
perspicuous light. Tilghman's style partook more of the
character of his sprightly temper. His sentences were
brief and simple, giving results rather than the processes
by which they were reached, and might often be supposed
to have been written on the drum-head, but still always
breathing throughout a general air of elegance. The more
elaborate and important communications, which did not
* Dated New-Windsor, April 4th, 1781, -- Addressed to the President of
Congress.
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? HAMILTON. 67
proceed from the commander-in-chief, devolved upon
Hamilton.
Soon after he had entered the General's family, having
closed a correspondence with Governor Livingston as to
the punishment of disaffected persons, he was called upon
to serve him in that line in which he had become most con-
spicuous. Amid the various high duties which engrossed
his cares, the attention of Washington was at this time par-
ticularly directed to a negotiation with the enemy relative
to the exchange of prisoners, -- a matter always of difficult
adjustment, and arousing much national feeling; but in a
civil war, such as this, where the policy of England was
closely adhered to, of treating it as a rebellion, attended
with peculiar embarrassments.
The capture of St. Johns, in the preceding autumn, first
invited the cares of congress to this interesting object. In
a spirit not less dictated by a liberal view of the interests
of nations at war, than by the humanity which is due to the
subjects of its calamities, but which is so often forgotten,
they immediately directed an equal exchange of prisoners,
which was followed by successive resolutions, giving them
a choice of residence; directing them to be treated with
kindness; making the same provision for them as for their
own troops; appointing a commissioned officer to protect
them from neglect; and assigning the punctual payment of
their allowance as the especial duty of the president of each
state convention, or of the speakers of the assemblies.
These regulations were strictly enforced, and every in-
stance of inattention promptly redressed.
The measures taken by the commander-in-chief had cor-
responded fully with the intentions of congress, and from
the commencement until the close of the contest, under the
most trying circumstances, he sought every opportunity of
adding to the valour of the American arms, the lustre of
humanity.
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? 68 THE LIFE OF
An opposite line of conduct had been adopted by the
enemy, and the greatest indignation had been excited by
the recitals which were made of the indignities suffered by
those Americans who had fallen into their hands.
In the hope of establishing a general principle of ex-
change, a negotiation had been opened with General Howe,
before the commencement of the preceding campaign, to
which he had acceded; but, in his career of success, look-
ing to an early triumph, this agreement had been departed
from, and difficulty after difficulty arose in its execution.
The treatment of the prisoners who capitulated at Fort
Washington, had been keenly felt at head quarters, and had
quickened Washington's anxiety to remove all artificial ob-
stacles; but the circumstance which at this time chiefly
interested him, was the situation of General Lee, who had
been captured at Baskenridge, by Colonel Harcourt, and
carried to New-York. On learning this event, congress
offered in exchange six field officers of inferior rank, one
of whom was Colonel Campbell. This proposition was
rejected, and General Lee was placed in close confinement,
with an intimation that his treatment would be different
from that usual towards prisoners of war.
Congress, indignant at this procedure, immediately order-
ed Colonel Campbell and the Hessian officers into close
custody, and threatened retaliation for every indignity of-
fered to the American prisoners.
These decisive measures alarmed the enemy, and on the
third of April, 1777, Lord Cornwallis enclosed to General
Washington a letter from Colonel Walcott, which was al-
leged to have been previously delivered to Colonel Harri-
son, but had not been received.
The temper displayed by the English commissioner evin-
ced little disposition to produce a favourable issue. It
seemed rather to have been his design to indulge in a tone
of arrogant crimination of the American army, and im-
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? HAMILTON. 69
peachment of the integrity of Washington's motives, than
to promote an object mutually desirable, and was conduct-
ed in a spirit even more objectionable than that which had
marked the correspondence of the preceding year.
The importance of meeting these charges was strongly
felt, and the task of vindicating the course which had been
adopted, was imposed on Colonel Hamilton. "The pen
for our army," says Troup, "was held by Hamilton; and
for dignity of manner, pith of matter, and elegance of
style, General Washington's letters are unrivalled in mili-
tary annals. "
The effort to establish a cartel failed, in consequence of
the determination of Howe not to include Lee within the
class of American prisoners; and these unfortunate men
were compelled still to endure the privations to which they
had been subject; but the negotiation itself was attended
with flattering circumstances. The correspondence in-
creased the esteem in which the American character was
held in Europe; and their friends proudly referred to it as
another evidence that they were not less accomplished with
the pen than with the sword.
When the season for military operations opened, the
greatest anxiety pervaded the United States as to the
course of policy which would be adopted by the enemy.
The concentration of an army in the north, and the ob-
vious policy of seizing the passes in the Highlands, seemed
to indicate them as the first object, not only because the
campaign might be commenced earlier than in Pennsylva-
nia, as the army would in one case move by water, but
having the command of the Hudson, they might, by taking
advantage of a southerly wind, run up that river in a few
hours, destroy the boats which had been provided on its
banks, thus prevent Washington's army from crossing until
they had marched to Albany, and, after ravaging the state
of New-York, enter Connecticut on the western side, where
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? 70 THE LIFE OF
the disaffection of a part of the people would ensure them
many friends.
This course had also been indicated in the instructions
from Great Britain, which directed a portion of the British
fleet to be employed in making a diversion on the coast of
New-England, and thus perhaps compel her to withdraw a
part of her troops composing the northern army, and cer-
tainly check the progress of enlistment.
An expedition to Peekskill, late in March, (a post at the
foot of the Highlands,) under the command of General
McDougal, where large munitions of war were supposed to
be, and which the gallantry of Colonel Willet prevented
from being more disastrous ;-- the destruction of the stores
at Danbury, where the intrepid Wooster fell, and the move-
ment of the enemy towards Amboy, all conspired to con-
firm this supposition. To meet this event, the Convention
of New-York strained every nerve, having authorized Go-
vernor Clinton, to whom the security of the Highlands had
been entrusted, to make such drafts from the militia as he
might deem necessary, by whose orders every third man
was drawn from the southern, and every fifth man from the
northern counties. And, indeed, at no other moment were
the duties of patriotism more urgent in that quarter.
Of
the fourteen counties of New-York, five, and a part of a
sixth, were at this time in the possession of the enemy; a
single galley was riding the Hudson triumphant and unmo-
lested; the militia, harassed with repeated calls, had, in
some instances refused to march until the Convention or-
dered the recusants to be fired upon, and serious appre-
hensions were entertained that the interior of the state
would soon be lighted up with the fires of the savages, who
were moving from their coverts.
These appalling circumstances rendered the committee
of the Convention exceedingly anxious for intelligence as to
the designs of the enemy; and an active correspondence
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? HAMILTON. 71
was kept up with Colonel Hamilton. The following letter
in reply to one from Robert R. Livingston, since so distin-
guished in the history of his country, in behalf of that body,
mentioning the arrival of a vessel with arms from France,
and their having authorized a draught of militia to meet an
apprehended descent of the enemy high on the banks of the
Hudson, to destroy the boats provided for the army, will
indicate the appearances at this time.
HAMILTON TO A COMMITTEE OP THE PROVINCIAL
CONGRESS.
Head Quarters, Morristown, April 5th, 1777.
Gentlemen:
Since my last I have had the pleasure of receiving your
reply to my two favours of 29th ultimo and 2d current. I
am happy enough to be able to inform you, that my indis-
position, which was the occasion of my brevity when I last
wrote, is now removed.
The opinion I advanced respecting the enemy's not mov-
ing before the beginning of May, seems to be shaken, though
not entirely overthrown, by some present appearances. We
have received information, that they are embarking about
three thousand men on board of transports, which are lying
at the Hook, by way of Staten Island. This, it is conjec-
tured, is with a view to the Delaware; and the supposition
is confirmed, by the circumstance of a confederacy lately
detected at Philadelphia, who, among other things, were
endeavouring, by the temptation of fifty pounds, to engage
persons as pilots up that river. The extreme difficulties
they must labour under for want of forage, and the infinite
hazard they must run by moving with a small body of about
five thousand men, with an enemy in the rear, incapable of
sparing any considerable body of troops to form a post be-
hind, and be an asylum to them in case of accident, -- these
circumstances will hardly allow me to think they will be
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? 72 THE LIFE OF
daring enough to make the attempt at this time. But on
the other hand, as they know we are in a progressive state
as to numbers, and other matters of importance, and as they
have no prospect of early reinforcement, and are in a state
of uncertainty as to any, from the bustling aspect of Euro-
pean affairs, it is probable they may conceive a necessity of
making a push at all risks. Perhaps, however, this embar-
kation is intended for some other purpose; to make a di-
version, or execute some partizan exploit elsewhere. On
the whole, I find it difficult to believe they are yet ready
for any capital operation.
As to your apprehensions of an attempt up the North
river, I imagine you may discard any uneasiness on that
score, although it will be at all times advisable to be on the
watch against such a contingency, it is al most reduced to a cer-
tainty, that the principal views of the enemy in the ensuing
campaign will be directed towards the southward, and to
Philadelphia more immediately; of which idea, the disco-
very before mentioned, with respect to pilots, is no incon-
siderable confirmation. Philadelphia is an object calcu-
lated to strike and attract their attention. It has all along
been the main source of supplies towards the war, and the
getting it into their possession would deprive us of a wheel
we could very badly spare, in the great political and mili-
tary machine. They are sensible of this, and are equally
sensible, that it contains in itself, and is surrounded by a
prodigious number of persons attached to them, and inimi-
cal to us, who would lend them all the assistance they could
in the further prosecution of their designs. It is also a
common and well-grounded rule in war, to strike first and
principally at the capital towns and cities, in order to the
conquest of a country.
I must confess I do not see any object equally interesting
to draw their efforts to the northward. Operations merely
for plundering and devastation can never answer their end;
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? HAMILTON. 73
and if they could, one part of the continent would do nearly
as well as another. And as to the notion of forming a
junction with the northern army, and cutting off the com-
munication between the northern and southern states, I
apprehend it will do better in speculation than in practice.
Unless the geography of the country is far different from
any thing I can conceive, to effect this would require a
chain of posts, and such a number of men at each, as would
never be practicable or maintainable, but to an immense
army. In their progress, by hanging upon their rear, and
seizing every opportunity of skirmishing, their situation
might be rendered insupportably uneasy.
But for fear of mistake, the general has determined to .
collect a considerable body of troops at or about Peekskill,
which will not be drawn off till the intentions of the enemy
have acquired a decisive complexion. These will be rea-
dy, according to conjunctures, either to proceed northerly or
southerly, as'may be requisite. Every precaution should
be taken to prevent the boats from being destroyed, by col-
lecting them at the first movement of the enemy under
cover of one of the forts, or into some inlet, difficult of ac-
cess and easily defensible with a small number of men.
The loss of them would be an irreparable disadvantage.
The enemy's attempt upon Peekskill is a demonstration
of the folly of having any quantity of stores at places so
near the water, and so much exposed to a sudden inroad.
There should never be more there than sufficient to answer
present demands. We have lost a good deal in this way at
different times, and I hope experience will at last make
us wiser.
His excellency lately had a visit from the Oneida chief
and five others. He managed them with a good deal of
address, and sent them away perfectly satisfied. He per-
suaded them to go to Philadelphia, but they declined it,
alleging their impatience to return, and remove the errone-
vot. i. 10
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? 74 THE LIFE OF
ous opinions of their countrymen, from the misrepresenta-
tions of British emissaries, which they were apprehensive
might draw them into some rash proceedings. They part-
ed, after having made the most solemn protestations of
friendship and good will. His excellency has been very
busy all day in despatching the southern post, which has
prevented me giving him your resolve. It will, no doubt,
be very acceptable; and it is with pleasure I inform you,
that the zeal and abilities of the New-York Convention hold
the first rank in his estimation.
No news from France, save that the congress have ob-
tained a credit there, for which they can draw bills to the
amount of ? 100,000 sterling. This will be extremely ser-
viceable in carrying on a trade with the French. The new
troops begin to come in. If we can shortly get any con-
siderable accession of strength, we may be able to strike
some brilliant stroke.
I am, Gentlemen, with the greatest respect,
Your most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.
P. S. We have been some time endeavouring to nego-
tiate a regular cartel; but it has been lately broken off
principally on account of Major General Lee. General
Howe will not allow him to be comprehended under the
general idea of American prisoners.
On the 17th of the same month, he again wrote to the
committee, giving a particular account of the attack of the
enemy on the American troops commanded by General
Lincoln, at Boundbrook, and informing them that three of
the enemy's vessels had entered the Delaware, and that a
vessel from France had been attacked in the river, and, to
prevent her falling into their hands, was blown up.
To aid in counteracting any sudden movement of the
enemy, Washington extended his army from Morristown
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? HAMILTON. 75
to the high ground of Middlebrook, a strong position within
a few miles of New-Brunswick, where the English had col-
lected their principal stores, which enabled him, at the same
time, to keep up his communication with Philadelphia,
which he was confirmed in his belief was the enemy's
ultimate destination.
The state of the public mind in that city, at this expect-
ed invasion, is strongly shown in the following letter from
Mr. Duer, a very able and eloquent delegate in congress
from New-York, whose conduct from the commencement
of the revolution had been marked with boldness and in-
telligence.
WILLIAM DUER TO ABRAHAM TEN BROECK.
Philadelphia, April 17, 1777.
"I am extremely sorry to inform you, that notwithstand-
ing the invasion which threatens this city, a languor pre-
vails amongst the inhabitants of almost all ranks. The
disputes about their constitution, and a want of vigilance
and vigour in detecting and defeating the designs of the
disaffected, have given the malignants a dangerous ascend-
ency. The depreciation of the continental money is aston-
ishingly rapid, and I see, with concern, that no attempts
are made to check so fatal a measure. You will see by
the enclosed resolutions of congress of the 14th and 15th
of April, that they have been under the necessity of supply-
ing an executive authority in this state.
"By the recess of the Supreme Executive Council, there
was an absolute interregnum, and if congress had not in-
terposed, this state would have fallen an easy prey to a very
small body of the enemy's army. -- Only six hundred and
eighty-five men at Ticonderoga fit for duty, including one
hundred and twenty artificers. --I have the pleasure to as-
sure the convention, that the state of New-York stands in
a very high point of light in the eyes of the continent, and
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? 76 tSe life of
that General Washington, in his public letters to congress,
gives the most honourable testimonials in its favour. These,
sir, are the happy effects of our unanimity and vigour. "
It is also stated, "the disputes in Pennsylvania grew out
of no want of attachment to the cause, but from disputes
about the constitution. I wish the establishment of new
forms of government had been deferred. The union, vi-
gour, and security derived from conventions and committees,
are not to be found in any state under its new constitution. "
The severe campaign of the preceding year, though one
of continued successes until the affair of Trenton, had been
productive of little service to the British cause, excepting
the capture of New-York; for the enemy could boast no-
thing more than the ground which their armies occupied.
Sir William Howe now judged that the honour of the Bri-
tish arms required some new enterprise worthy of the force
under his command.
None seemed more imposing than that of Philadelphia.
It was regarded as the capital of the country. It was the
seat of government of Pennsylvania, and the most important
city of the colonies; and although, as a military post, its
possession would yield few advantages, its occupation by an
enemy would weaken the cause of America in Europe,
strengthen the hands of the British ministry, and produce,
he hoped, such a depressing effect on the minds of the Ame-
ricans, as might predispose them to yield more readily to
conciliatory propositions. Having in vain essayed every art
to bring on a general engagement, and not daring to ven-
ture on the bold experiment of crossing the Delaware with
an enemy in his rear, the English general decided upon a
new plan of operations. His whole force now exceeded
forty thousand men; from these, leaving a sufficient strength
to protect New-York, he selected eighteen thousand of his
choicest soldiers, and about the middle of July embarked at
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? HAMILTON. 77
Amboy. During this interval of inactivity, the attention of
the Americans was principally directed to the operations on
the northern frontier; and the advance of one army towards
Albany, and the embarkation, at the same time, of another
for an apparently remote expedition, baffled speculation.
The following letter from Colonel Hamilton, to a friend,
written at this time, marks the state of opinion.
Head Quarters, Smith's Clove, July 22d, 1777.
Your favour of the eighteenth, from Saratoga, reached
me yesterday Your pronouncing Fort Edward among
the other forts, indefensible, surprises me a little, as it is
entirely contrary to the representations of several gentle-
men of judgment, who have had an opportunity of seeing
and considering its situation, by whom we have been taught
to believe that it would be an excellent post, at least for
checking and retarding Burgoyne's progress. I agree with
you that our principal strength in the quarter you are, will
be in the forests and natural strength of the country, and in
the want of forage, provisions, carriages, &c. in which the
enemy may easily be thrown, by taking away what there
are of those articles which you observe have never been in
great abundance.
I am doubtful whether Burgoyne will attempt to pene-
trate far, and whether he will not content himself with ha-
rassing our back settlements by parties, assisted by the sa-
vages, who, it is to be feared, will pretty generally be
tempted by the enemy's late successes, to confederate in
hostilities against us.
This doubt arises from some appearances that indicate a
southern movement of General Howe's army, which if it
should really happen, will certainly be a barrier against
any further impressions of Burgoyne; for it cannot be sup-
posed he would be rash enough to plunge into the bosom of
the country without an expectation of being met by Ge-
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? 78 THE LIFE OF
neral Howe. Things must prove very adverse to us in-
deed, should he make such an attempt and not be ruined
by it. I confess, however, that the appearances I allude
to do not carry a full evidence in my mind; because they
are opposed by others of a contradictory kind, and because
I cannot conceive upon what principle of common sense or
military propriety Howe can be running away from Bur-
goyne to the southward.
It is much to be wished he may, even though it should
give him the possession of Philadelphia, which, by our re-
moteness from it may very well happen. In this case we
may not only, if we think proper, retaliate, by aiming a
stroke at New-York; but we may come upon him with the
greatest part of our collective force, to act against that
part which is under him. We shall then be certain that
Burgoyne cannot proceed, and that a small force of conti-
nental troops will be sufficient for that partizan war which
he must carry on the rest of the campaign.
A small force will also be sufficient to garrison the posts
in the Highlands, and prevent any danger there; so that
we shall be able to bring nearly the whole of the continen-
tal army against Mr. Howe. The advantages of this are
obvious. Should he be satisfied with the splendour of his
acquisition, and shut himself up in Philadelphia, we can
ruin him by confinement. Should he leave a garrison
there, and go forward, we can either fall upon that or his
main body, diminished as it will be by such a measure,
with our whole force There will, however, be many dis-
agreeable consequences attending such an event; amongst
which, the foremost is, the depreciation of our currency,
which, from the importance in which Philadelphia is held,
cannot fail to ensue.
I am, dear sir,
Your most obedient servant,
Alex. Hamilton.
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? HAMILTON. 79
A fragment of a letter written by him about this time
to his venerable friend Doctor Knox, who warmly espou-
sed the American cause, will be read with interest, as ex-
hibiting more at large the prospects and views of policy
which he entertained.
"This event [the evacuation of Ticonderoga*] redounds
very little to our credit. For, if the post was untenable,
or required a larger number of troops to defend it than
could be spared for the purpose, it ought long ago to have
been foreseen and given up. Instead of that, we have kept
a large quantity of cannon in it, and have been heaping up
very valuable magazines of stores and provisions, that in
the critical moment of defence are abandoned and lost.
This affair will be attended with several evil consequences;
for, besides the loss of our stores, which we cannot well
afford,it opens a new and easy door by which to penetrate the
northern states. It will fix the hitherto fluctuating disposi-
tion of the Indians in that quarter, in their favour, and ex-
pose the frontiers of the adjacent country to their depreda-
tions. But, though it is a misfortune we have reason to la-
ment, I dare say it will be regarded with you as much
more important than it really is, and as materially endanger-
ing the success of our cause, which is by no means the case.
Our opposition is at this time too well matured, and has too
great stability to be shaken by an accident of that kind.
While we have a respectable army in the field, and resources
to feed, clothe, and arm them, we are safe We have had
a force sufficient for the foregoing part of the campaign, to
maintain such a superiority over the main army of the enemy
as effectually to hinder them from attaining any of their pur-
poses. And, to the northward, with the reinforcements
sent up to succour the retreating garrison of Ticonderoga,
and the militia flocking in from New-England, I think there
is little doubt we have by this time a force adequate to give
* July 5th, 1777.
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? 80 THELIFEOF
Mr. Burgoyne a seasonable check. One good effect will
result from the misfortune, which is, that it will stimulate
the eastern states to greater exertions than they might other-
wise make.
"By our last advices, the enemy were in possession of all
the country between Ticonderoga and Fort George, and
our army, nearly equal in number to them, were about to
take post somewhere between Fort Edward and Saratoga.
"The consequences of this northern affair will depend
much upon the part that Howe acts. If he were to co-ope-
rate with Burgoyne, it would demand our utmost efforts to
counteract them. But, if he should go towards the south-
ward, all, or most of the advantages of Burgoyne's success
will be lost. He will either be obliged to content himself
with the possession of Ticonderoga, and the dependent for-
tresses, and with carrying on a partizan war the rest of the
campaign, or he must precipitate himself into certain ruin>
by attempting to advance in the country with a very in-
competent force.
"Appearances lead us to suppose that Howe is fool enough
to meditate a southern expedition; for he has now altered
his station at Staten Island, mentioned above, and has fallen
down to the Hook. Judging it morally certain that there
would be a co-operation of the two armies, we thought it
expedient to march northerly, and had accordingly reached
within fourteen miles of New-Windsor, the place where we
could cross the North river without danger of interruption.
