1 believe they are a subject of much consideration and puz-
zlement; the supplies of the army are also matters of pre-
sent attention, but I don't know what will be done.
zlement; the supplies of the army are also matters of pre-
sent attention, but I don't know what will be done.
Hamilton - 1834 - Life on Hamilton - v1
They may even, in many ways, find
it their interest to undermine it. The only certain manner
to obtainapermanent paper credit, is to engage the moneyed
interest immediately in it, by making them contribute the
whole or part of the stock, and giving them the whole or
part of the profits.
The invention of banks, on the modern principle, origina-
P~
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 301
ted in Venice. There, the public, and a company of mo-
neyed men, are mutually concerned. The Bank of England . . 1 \ t>'
unites public authority and faith, with private credit; and . --. "' J. {.
hence we see what a vast fabric of paper credit is raised on'
a visionary basis. Had it not been for this, England would
never have found sufficient funds to carry on her wars; but
with the help of this, she has done, and is doing, wonders.
The Bank of Amsterdam is on a similar foundation.
And why cannot we have an American bank? Are our
moneyed men less enlightened to their own interest, or less
enterprising in the pursuit 1 I believe the fault is in go-
vernment, which does not exert itself to engage them in
such a scheme. It is true, the individuals in America are
not very rich; but this would not prevent their instituting
a bank; it would only prevent its being done with such
ample funds as in other countries. Have they not sufficient
confidence in the government, and in the issue of the cause?
Let the government endeavour to inspire that confidence,
by adopting the measures I have recommended, or others
equivalent to them. Let it exert itself to procure a solid
confederation, -- to establish a good plan of executive ad-
ministration,-- to form a permanent military force,--to ob-
tain, at all events, a foreign loan. If these things were in
a train of vigorous execution, it would give a new spring
to our affairs; government would recover its respectability,
and individuals would renounce their diffidence.
The object I should propose to myself, in the first in-
stance, from a bank, would be an auxiliary mode of sup-
plies; for which purpose contracts should be made between
government and the bank, on terms liberal and advanta-
geous t<j the latter. Every thing should be done, in the first
instance, to encourage the bank ; after it gets well establish-
ed, it will take care of itself, and government may make the
best terms it can for itself. -"\
The first step to establishing the bank, will be to engage j
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 302 THE LIFE OF
a number of moneyed men of influence to relish the project,
and make it a business. The subscribers to that lately es-
tablished, are the fittest persons that can be found; and their
plan may be interwoven.
The outlines of my plan would be to open subscriptions,
in all the states, for the stock, which we will suppose to be
one million of pounds. Real property, of every kind, as
well as specie, should be deemed good stock; but at least
a fourth part of the subscription should be in specie or
plate. There should be one great company, in three di-
visions; in Virginia^ Philadelphia, and at Boston; or two,
at Philadelphia and Boston. The bank should have aright
to issue bank notes, bearing two per cent, interest for the
whole of their stock; but not to exceed it. These notes
may be payable every three months, or oftener; and the
faith of government must be pledged for the support of the
bank. It must, therefore, have a right, from time to time,
to inspect its operations; and must appoint inspectors for
the purpose.
The advantages of the bank may consist in this: in the
profits of the contracts made with government, which should
bear interest, to be annually paid in specie; in the loan of
money at interest, say six per cent. ; in purchasing lives by
annuities, as practised in England, &c. The benefit result-
ing to the company is evident, from the consideration, that
they may employ in circulation a great deal more money
than they have specie in stock, on the credit of the real
property which they will have in other use. This money
will be employed, either in fulfilling their contracts with
the public, by which, also, they will gain a profit, or in
loans, at an advantageous interest, or in annuities.
The bank may be allowed to purchase plate and bullion,
and coin money, allowing government a part of the profit.
I make the bank notes bear interest, to obtain a readier
currency, and to induce the holders to prefer them to spe-
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 303
cie, to prevent too great a run upon the bank, at any time,
beyond its ability to pay.
If government can obtain a foreign loan, it should lend to
the bank, on easy terms, to extend its influence, and facili-
tate a compliance with its engagements. If government
could engage the states to raise a sum of money in specie,
to be deposited in bank, in the same manner, it would be
of the greatest consequence. If government could prevail
on the enthusiasm of the people, to make a contribution in
plate, for the same purpose, it would be a master stroke.
Things of this kind sometimes succeed in popular contests;
and if undertaken with address, I should not despair of its
success; but I should not be sanguine.
The bank may be instituted for a term of years, by way
of trial; and the particular privilege of coining money be
for a term still shorter.
A temporary transfer of it to a particular company can
have no inconvenience, as the government are in no condi-
tion to improve this resource; nor could it, in our circum-
stances, be an object to it, though with the industry of a
knot of individuals, it might be a valuable one to them.
A bank of this kind, even in its commencement, would
answer the most valuable purposes to government, and to
the proprietors; in its progress, the advantages will exceed
calculation. It will promote commerce, by furnishing a
more extensive medium, which we greatly want, in our cir-
cumstances. I mean a more extensive, valuable medium.
We have an enormous nominal one at this time; but it is
only a name.
In the present unsettled state of things, in this country,
we can hardly draw inferences, from what has happened in
others; otherwise I should be certain of the success of this
scheme; but I think it has enough in its favour to be wor-
thy of trial.
I have only skimmed the surface of the different subjects
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 304 THE LIFE OF
I have introduced. Should the plans recommended come
into contemplation in earnest, and you desire my farther
thoughts, I will endeavour to give them more form and
articularity.
I am persuaded a solid confederation, a permanent ar-
my, a reasonable prospect of subsisting it, would give us
treble consideration in Europe, and produce a peace this
winter.
If a convention is called, the minds of all the states and
the people ought to be prepared to receive its determina-
tions by sensible and popular writings, which should conform
to the views of congress. There are epochs in human af-
fairs, when novelty even is useful. If a general opinion
prevails that the old way is bad, whether true or false, and
this obstructs or relaxes the operations of the public ser-
vice, a change is necessary if it be but for the sake of
change. This is exactly the case now. 'Tis an universal
sentiment that our present system is a bad one, and that
things do not go right on this account. The measure of a
convention would revive the hopes of the people, and give
a new direction to their passions, which may be improved
in carrying points of substantial utility. The eastern states
have already pointed out this mode to congress: they ought
to take the hint, and anticipate the others.
And in future, my dear sir, two things let me recommend,
as fundamental rules for the conduct of congress: to attach
the army to them by every motive, -- to maintain an au-
thority, (not domineering,) in all their measures with the
states. ) The manner in which a thing is done, has more in-
fluence than is commonly imagined. Men are governed
by opinion: this opinion is as much influenced by appear-
ances as by realities. If a government appears to be con-
fident of its own powers, it is the surest way to inspire the
same confidence in others. If it is diffident, it may be cer-
tain there will be a still greater diffidence in others, and
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 305
that its authority will not only be distrusted, controverted,
but contemned.
I wish, too, congress would always consider, that a kind-
ness consists as much in the manner as in the thing. The best
things, done hesitatingly, and with an ill grace, lose their
effect, and produce disgust rather than satisfaction or grati-
tude. In what congress have at any time done for the army,
they have commonly been too late. They have seemed to
yield to importunity, rather than to sentiments of justice, or
to a regard to the accommodation of their troops. An at-
tention to this idea is of more importance than it may be
thought. I, who have seen all the workings and progress
of the present discontents, am convinced that a want of
this has not been among the most inconsiderable causes.
You will perceive, my dear sir, this letter is hastily writ-
ten, and with a confidential freedom, not as to a member
of congress, whose feelings may be sore at the prevailing
clamour; but as to a friend, who is in a situation to remedy
public disorders,--who wishes for nothing so much as truth,
and who is desirous for information, even from those less
capable of judging than himself. I have not even time to
correct and copy,* and only enough to add, that I am, very
truly and affectionately, dear sir,
Your most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.
Such were the plans which his extensive genius origi-
nated, to raise this country above all the chances of the revo-
lution, -- to give to it a national government, -- to call out
all its resources, and to relieve it from that entire depend-
ence on France, which, though not a native, he felt with all
a native's pride.
* For this document, the author is indebted to a connexion of Mr. Ihiane.
vol. i. 39
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 306 TUB LIFE OF
This feeling is strongly indicated in the following letter
to congress from head quarters.
*****" We may soon be reduced to the humiliating
condition of seeing the cause of America, in America, up-
held by foreign arms. The generosity of our allies has a
claim to all our confidence and all our gratitude; but it is
neither for the honour of America, nor for the interest of
the common cause, to leave the work entirely to them. "
The measures thus suggested by Hamilton, were before
the times. His remark, that the people were proof against
experience, was too true; and the moment when a govern-
ment, possessing all the energies necessary for its own pre-
servation, and all the checks essential to freedom, might
have been formed, passed away.
A short time after this subject was brought before con-
gress, the news of the defeat of Gates, at Camden, was re-
ceived, and a deeper gloom was spread over the public
mind, now sadly disappointed in the fond hopes which had
been indulged, of the benefits to be derived from the co-
operation of France. Hamilton thus speaks of this event,
in a letter of the sixth of September, written to a near friend
in perfect confidence.
"Most people here are groaning under a very disagree-
able piece of intelligence, just come from the southward,
that Gates has had a total defeat near Camden, in South
Carolina. Cornwallis and he met in the night of the fif-
teenth, by accident, marching to the same point. The ad-
vanced guards skirmished, and the two armies halted and
formed till morning. In the morning a battle ensued, in
which the militia, and Gates with them, immediately ran
away, and left the continental troops to contend with the
enemy's whole force.
"They did it obstinately, and probably are most of them
cut off. Gates, however, who writes to congress, seems
to know very little what has become of his army. He
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 307
showed that age, and the long labours and fatigues of a
military life, had not. in the least impaired his activity; for
in three days and a half he reached Hillsborough, one hun-
dred and eighty miles from the scene of action, leaving all
his troops to take care of themselves, and get out of the
scrape as well as they could. He has confirmed, in this
instance, the opinion I always had of him. This event
will have very serious consequences to the southward.
People's imaginations have already given up North Caro-
lina and Virginia; but I do not believe either of them will
fall. I am certain Virginia cannot. This misfortune af-
fects me less than others, because it is not in my temper to
repine at evils that are past, but to endeavour to draw
good out of them, and because I think our safety depends
on a total change of system, and this change of system will
only be produced by misfortune. "
On being informed of this disaster, congress wisely con-
fided to Washington the selection of a successor to the un-
fortunate general. The importance of this trust, was strongly
felt at head quarters, and though Washington preferred
Greene, yet when called upon to act under the resolution
of that body, he duly appreciated the full extent of their
confidence, and with that slow, but sure discretion, which
rarely erred, he weighed every circumstance connected with
the station. Respect for local feelings, might have led him
to prefer a general officer from the south, had any such been
deemed equal to this high command; a regard, also, for the
prejudices of certain members of congress against Greene,
and the injurious conduct which had been exhibited to him
as quarter-master-general, gave rise to a fear that he might
not receive that support which the scene of his operations
eminently demanded. These well-grounded reasons for
hesitation, induced the ardent friendship of Hamilton to ap-
prehend, lest, in the interval of decision, some circumstance
might occur to bias the judgement of the commander-in-
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 308 THE LIFE OF
chief, and lose to the country the services of a man, in whose
superior qualifications he had unmeasured confidence. He
immediately exerted all his influence to induce an instant
decision. The other members of the family, in whom the
character of Greene had inspired similar sentiments, con-
curred in urging his selection; and Washington, thus sus-
tained by his disinterested and most confidential advisers,
chose a Deliverer for the south, -- a choice which, under the
peculiar circumstances which existed, is perhaps among the
most exalted acts of his life.
"This choice," says La Fayette, "when made public, was
generally approved by the army, but not to the high degree
in which it was afterwards applauded. Congress and the
country supposed the share of friendship in the choice,
greater than it had been. Many suspended, or flatly denied
their approbation, until it was universally acknowledged,
that in General Greene were united all the abilities and
virtues which fitted him for this important command. "
A letter from Colonel Harrison, written at this time
marks the state of opinion in congress on this subject.
HARRISON TO HAMILTON.
October 27, 1780.
MY DEAR HAMILTON,
We are only leaving Philadelphia. The most flattering
attentions have been paid to Meade and myself, and such
as would not permit us to progress before, unless we had
shown ourselves entirely disregardless of the great world;
besides, motives of a public nature concurred to make us
stay thus long. From all I have seen and heard, there is a
good disposition in congress to do all they can for the army
and the public interest, and there are many very sensible
men among them. In general, they are most warmly at-
tached to the General, and his recommendations will have
their weight, while the same spirit prevails. It is said, there
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 309
has been infinitely more harmony among them for some time
past, than has appeared since the first years of their appoint-
ment. I am not, however, without some apprehension, that
if they proceed in the case of Lee, &c. the monster (party,)
may show itself again, and that we may have a second
edition of the measures adopted in the instance of Deane.
Our friends Sullivan and Carroll have been of great service;
and gentlemen who are, or pretend to be, in the secrets of the
cabinet, say they have contributed immeasurably, by their
independent conduct, to destroy the eastern alliance.
Bland is very clever, and without question wishes to push on
in the true and right road. Grayson says this is the best
congress we have had since the first. Our dear Laurens
respects many of the members; and General Greene's ap-
pointment, I believe, is entirely consonant to the wishes of
congress in general, though we have heard there were mem-
bers much disposed, if facts had not been so obstinate, to
excuse General Gates. The former is here, and I suppose
will set out in a day or two; Meade and I will serve him
all we can. We have done what we could already. Apro-
pos, you delivered him my letter. Our finances are entirely
deranged, and there is little or no money in the treasury.
1 believe they are a subject of much consideration and puz-
zlement; the supplies of the army are also matters of pre-
sent attention, but I don't know what will be done. I hope
we shall, by Christmas, have some clothing from the West
Indies, if the moth have not destroyed it; -- a quantity it is
said has been lying there. It is much to be wished that
General Greene were at the south. The delegates from
that quarter think the situation of Cornwallis delicate, and
that by management, and a proper application and use of
the force there, the late check given Ferguson might be im-
proved into the Earl's total defeat. This, I fear, is too much
even to hope. The sending the Baron is considered, as far
as I have heard, perfectly right, and Lee's corps give great
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 310 THE LIFE OP
satisfaction. I am just about to mount my horse, and there-
fore shall say but little more. Laurens will write unto you
in a few days, I suppose, and communicate any new occur-
rences. My love to the lads of the family, -- the same to
you. May you be long happy. My most respectful com-
pliments to the General.
Most truly and affectionately,
Rob. H. Harrison.
P. S. The Board have been absolutely too poor to pro-
cure parchment for the many promotions that have been
required.
Greene, on the annunciation to him of his appointment,
by Hamilton, proceeded to head quarters,* and, after an
interview with Washington, visited Philadelphia, to con-
cert the measures necessary for the supplies of his army;
and having made every exertion to secure the co-operation
of individuals possessing influence, near the scene of his fu-
ture operations, arrived at Charlotte, the head quarters of
the army, on the second of December, where he received
a letter from Hamilton, directing him to call a court mar-
tial on Gates, without delay, and give him every facility for
an immediate defence, -- who wrote to Congress,! com-
plaining of his not being notified, in due time, of his being
superseded. The defeat of King's Mountain induced Corn-
wallis to order a detachment, under Leslie, of three thou-
sand men, which Clinton had sent on to co-operate in Vir-
ginia, to join him by the way of Charleston; and as it was
advancing in the direction of Camden, Greene moved with
his main body to the vicinity of the troops under General
Morgan.
The situation of the country, and of the army, when
Greene took the command, is thus described, in a letter
* October 22d, 1780. t January 3d, 1781.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 311
from him to Colonel Hamilton, written from the camp, at
the falls of the Pedee.
GENERAL GREENE TO COLONEL HAMILTON.
January 10th, 1781.
MY SEAR COLONEL,
General Du Portail being on his way to the northward,
gives me an opportunity to write you, which I should have
done before, had not my letters to his excellency contained
as full information of the state of things as I was able to
give, from the little time I had been in the department.
When I was appointed to this command, I expected to
meet with many new and singular difficulties; but they in-
finitely exceed what I apprehended. This is really carry-
ing on a war in an enemy's country; for you cannot esta-
blish the most inconsiderable magazine, or convey the
smallest quantity of stores from one post to another, with-
out being obliged to detach guards for their security. The
division among the people is much greater than I imagined,
and the whigs and tories persecute each other, with little
less than savage fury. There is nothing but murders, and
devastations, in every quarter.
The loss of our army at Charleston, and the defeat of
General Gates, has been the cause of keeping such shoals
of militia on foot, and their service has been accompanied
with such destruction and loss, as has almost laid waste the
whole country. Nothing has been more destructive to the
true interest of this country, than the mode adopted for its
defence. Two misfortunes happening, one after the other,
may have rendered it unavoidable the last season; but
should it be continued, the inhabitants are inevitably ruined,
and the resources of the country rendered incapable of af-
fording support to an army competent to its defence. Go-
vernment here is infinitely more popular than to the north-
ward, and there is no such thing as national character or
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 312 THE LIFE OF
national sentiment. The inhabitants are from all quarters
of the globe, and as various in their opinions, projects, and
schemes, as their manners and habits are from their early
education. Those in office, from a vanity to be thought
powerful, join in the measure of imposing upon the public
respecting the strength and resources of these southern
states; and while congress, and the minister of France, are
kept under this fatal delusion, I fear little support will be
given to this department. The inhabitants are numerous;
but they would be rather formidable abroad than at home.
They are scattered over such a vast extent of country, that
it is difficult to collect, and still more difficult to subsist
them. There is a great spirit of enterprise among the back
people, and those that come out as volunteers are not a lit-
tle formidable to the enemy. There are, also, some parti-
cular corps, under Sumpter, Marion, and Clarke, that are
bold and daring; the rest of the militia are better calcula-
ted to destroy provisions than oppose the enemy.
At Philadelphia, and all my journey through the country,
I endeavoured to impress upon those in power, the necessi-
ty of sending clothing, and supplies of every kind, immedi-
ately to this army. But poverty was urged as a plea, in bar
to every application. They all promised fair, but I fear
will do but little: ability is wanting with some, and incli-
nation with others.
Public credit is so totally lost, that private people will not
give their aid, though they see themselves involved in one
common ruin. It is my opinion, that General Washington's
influence will do more than all the assemblies upon the con-
tinent. I always thought him exceeding popular; but in
many places he is little less than adored, and universally
admired. His influence in this country might possibly
effect something great. However, I found myself exceed-
ingly well received, but more from being the friend of the
General, than from my own merit.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 313
This country wants for its defence a small, but well ap-
pointed army, organized so as to move with great celerity.
It should consist of about five thousand infantry, and from
eight hundred to a thousand horse. The enemy cannot
maintain a large force in this quarter, neither can we. The
resources of the country are too small to subsist a large
body of troops at any one point; and to draw supplies from
a distance through such long tracts of barren land, will be
next to impossible, unless the business can be aided by a
water transportation, and in either case, it will be accompa-
nied with an amazing expense. Could we get a superiority
of horse, we could soon render it difficult for Lord Corn-
wallis to hold his position so far in the country. Nor should
I be under any apprehension with a much inferior force to
his, of taking post near him, if I had but such a body of
horse. But the enemy's horse is so much superior to ours,
that we cannot move a detachment towards them, without
hazarding its ruin.
When I came to the army, I found it in a most wretched
condition. The officers had lost all confidence in the Gene-
ral, and the troops all their discipline. The troops had not
only lost their discipline, but they were so addicted to
plundering, that they were a terror to the country. The
General and I met at least upon very civil terms; and he
expressed the greatest happiness at my being appointed to
succeed him.
General Smallwood and he were not upon good terms;
the former suspected the latter of having an intention to
supplant him, but many think without reason. Others
again, are of opinion, his suspicions were well founded, and
that Smallwood was not a little mortified at my being appoint-
ed to this department, and got outrageous when he heard
Baron Steuben was coming also. How the matter was, I
know not; certain it is, he is gone home, having refused to
act under Baron Steuben, and declares he will not serve at
voi. . i. 40
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 314 THE LIFE OF
all, unless congress will give him a commission, dated at
least two years before his appointment. This, I think, can
never happen, notwithstanding his private merit, and the
claim of the state. The battle of Camden here is repre-
sented widely different from what it is to the northward.
Colonel Williams thinks that none of the general officers
were entitled to any extraordinary merit. The action was
short, and succeeded by a flight, wherein every body took
care of himself, as well officers as soldiers. Not an offi-
cer, except Major Anderson, and one or two captains, that
brought off the field of battle a single soldier. The Colo-
nel also says, that General Gates would have shared little
more disgrace, than is the common lot of the unfortunate,
notwithstanding he was early off, if he had only halted at
the Waxhaws or Charlotte; -- the first about sixty, and the
last about eighty miles from the field of battle. What lit-
tle incidents either give or destroy reputation? How many
long hours a man may labour with an honest zeal in his
country's service, and be disgraced for the most trifling er-
ror either in conduct or opinion? Hume very justly ob-
serves, no man will have reputation, unless he is use-
ful to society, be his merit or abilities what they may.
Therefore, it is necessary for a man to be fortunate, as well
as wise and just. The greater part of the loss of the Mary-
land line, in the action of Camden, happened after they be-
gan to retreat: indeed, this was the case with all the troops.
What gave Smallwood such great reputation, was his halt
at Salisbury, which was nothing but accident. You know
there are great parties prevailing in the Maryland line, and
perhaps his merit is not a little diminished on that account.
I think him a brave and good officer, but too slow to effect
any thing great in a department like this, where embarrass-
ments are without number; and where nothing can be ef-
fected without the greatest promptitude and decision. This
army is in such a wretched condition, that I hardly know
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 315
what to do with it. The officers have got such a habit of
negligence, and the soldiers so loose and disorderly, that it
is next to impossible to give it a military complexion.
Without clothing, I am sure I shall never do it. I call no
councils of war, and I communicate my intentions to very
few. The army was posted at Charlotte when I came up
with it, and in a council, it had been determined. to winter
there; but the difficulty of procuring subsistence, and other
reasons, induced me not only to take a new position, but to
make an entire new disposition. All this I effected by a
single order, having first made the necessary inquiry re-
specting the new positions, by sending a man to examine the
grounds and other requisites. If I cannot inspire the army
with confidence, and respect by an independent conduct, I
foresee it will be impossible to instil discipline and order
among the troops. General Leslie has arrived, and joined
Lord Cornwallis, whose force now is more than three times
larger than ours; and we are subsisting ourselves by our
own industry, and I am not without hopes of forming some-
thing like a magazine. I am labouring also to get clothing
from every quarter; Baron Steuben is in Virginia, and is
indefatigable in equipping and forwarding the troops from
that state. I left General Gates in Maryland for the same
purpose; but I have got nothing from there yet, nor do I
expect much for months to come. The North Carolina
state have such a high opinion of the militia, that I don't
expect they will ever attempt to raise a single continental
soldier; notwithstanding the most sensible among them
will acknowledge the folly of employing militia.
But I must have tired your patience, and therefore will
make a full stop concerning matters in this department,
and inquire how you go on to the northward. Have you
got married 1 If you have, please to present my compli-
ments to Mrs. Hamilton; if not, to Miss Schuyler, and to
the General and family in either case.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 3J6 THE LIFE OF
I beg my compliments to General Washington's family,
to General Knox and his family, and all other of my ac-
quaintances.
I shall be exceedingly obliged to you if you will commu-
nicate to me, with great freedom, every thing worthy of
note that is said or respects this department.
While the important question of a successor to Gates
was under consideration, a project was in agitation, partly
the result of discontent with the feeble measures of con-
gress, but principally induced by the apprehensions which
the defeat at Camden had produced, for the appointment
of " a Supreme Dictator and Vice Dictators in each state,
with all the powers conferred by the Roman people. "
The difficulty of supplying the armies, and the necessity
of some general concert, had led to the determination of
holding a convention at Hartford, to be composed of the
five New-England states and the state of New-York; by
which latter state, Judge Hobart, Egbert Benson, then at-
torney general, and General Schuyler, were selected as com-
missioners. It was, for a time, contemplated by the legisla-
ture, to give them instructions "to propose that a dictator
should be appointed, for which a majority in the more popu-
lar branch were believed to be favourable. '' "This mad pro-
ject," as Hamilton designated it, was communicated to him
by General Schuyler, in a letter of the sixteenth of Septem-
tember, 1780. As soon as Hamilton heard of it, it met
with his instant disapprobation, and he discouraged it in
the most earnest manner. General Schuyler, upon whom
this duty would have been imposed, relinquished his purpose
of attending at Hartford, where the consultations were con-
fined to the consideration of measures for supplying the
army, which is stated to have resulted in the project of a
national impost. Thus do we observe Hamilton, while
urging the establishment of an efficient government, con-
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 317
fining his views to the distribution of its powers in various
well-defined departments, securing to each its necessary
action and reciprocal dependence, the whole emanating
from, and resting upon, a free and deliberate popular will.
This project of a dictator was regarded by him as "a
temporary effusion," but as a strong example of the rea-
diness with which " the human passions flow from one ex-
treme to the other. " It had a decisive influence on his
determination to endeavour to give such stability to go-
vernment as would protect the people from the danger
which sudden emergencies might produce, of conferring
extraordinary powers on its head, and of rendering neces-
sary and palatable, expedients which would lead from tem-
porary to permanent usurpations. *
About the time of General Greene's departure for the
south, a plan of an attack upon the British troops, then on
Staten Island, was in contemplation, which had originated
with Hamilton, and in which it was arranged that La Fay-
ette was to command. In a letter from him to Colonel
Hamilton, calculations of the means necessary to ensure
success are presented, and at the same time a project of a
different nature is adverted to, in which Hamilton was to
have a share. After some consideration, it was determined
that the intended attempt on Staten Island should be a feint,
and that while the British forces were drawn off into New-
Jersey, a descent should be made upon New-York. Ha-
milton, tired of inactivity, and anxious to signalize himself,
became intent on obtaining a separate command, in which
he hoped to succeed, aided by the influence of the Marquis.
In order to give a more full exposition of his wishes, he ad-
dressed to General Washington the following letter.
* This scheme of a dictator, never ripened into a deliberate and extensive
plan. It was strongly opposed by Governor Clinton, to whose exertions, on
this occasion, great respect is due.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 318 THE LIFE OF
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
November 22d, 1780.
DEAR SIR,
Some time last fall, when I spoke to your excellency about
going to the southward, I explained to you candidly my
feelings with respect to military reputation, and how much
it was my object to act a conspicuous part in some enter-
prise, that might perhaps raise my character as a soldier
above mediocrity. You were so good as to say, you would
be glad to furnish me with an occasion. When the expe-
dition to Staten Island was afoot, a favourable one seemed
to offer. There was a battalion without a field officer, the
command of which, I thought, as it was accidental, might
be given to me without inconvenience. I made an appli-
cation for it through the Marquis, who informed me of your
refusal on two principles, -- one, that the giving me a whole
battalion might be a subject of dissatisfaction; the other,
that if any accident should happen to me in the present state
of your family, you would be embarrassed for the necessa-
ry assistance.
The project you now have in contemplation affords an-
other opportunity. I have a variety of reasons, that press
me to desire ardently to have it in my power to improve it.
I take the liberty to observe, that the command may now
be proportioned to my rank, and that the second objection
ceases to operate, as during the period of establishing our
winter quarters, there will be a suspension of material busi-
ness; besides which, my peculiar situation will, in any case,
call me away from the army in a few days, and Mr. Har-
rison may be expected back early next month. My com-
mand may consist of one hundred and fifty or two hundred
men, composed of fifty men of Major Gibbes' corps, fifty
from Colonel Meigs' regiment, and fifty or an hundred more
from the light infantry, -- Major Gibbes to be my major.
?
it their interest to undermine it. The only certain manner
to obtainapermanent paper credit, is to engage the moneyed
interest immediately in it, by making them contribute the
whole or part of the stock, and giving them the whole or
part of the profits.
The invention of banks, on the modern principle, origina-
P~
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 301
ted in Venice. There, the public, and a company of mo-
neyed men, are mutually concerned. The Bank of England . . 1 \ t>'
unites public authority and faith, with private credit; and . --. "' J. {.
hence we see what a vast fabric of paper credit is raised on'
a visionary basis. Had it not been for this, England would
never have found sufficient funds to carry on her wars; but
with the help of this, she has done, and is doing, wonders.
The Bank of Amsterdam is on a similar foundation.
And why cannot we have an American bank? Are our
moneyed men less enlightened to their own interest, or less
enterprising in the pursuit 1 I believe the fault is in go-
vernment, which does not exert itself to engage them in
such a scheme. It is true, the individuals in America are
not very rich; but this would not prevent their instituting
a bank; it would only prevent its being done with such
ample funds as in other countries. Have they not sufficient
confidence in the government, and in the issue of the cause?
Let the government endeavour to inspire that confidence,
by adopting the measures I have recommended, or others
equivalent to them. Let it exert itself to procure a solid
confederation, -- to establish a good plan of executive ad-
ministration,-- to form a permanent military force,--to ob-
tain, at all events, a foreign loan. If these things were in
a train of vigorous execution, it would give a new spring
to our affairs; government would recover its respectability,
and individuals would renounce their diffidence.
The object I should propose to myself, in the first in-
stance, from a bank, would be an auxiliary mode of sup-
plies; for which purpose contracts should be made between
government and the bank, on terms liberal and advanta-
geous t<j the latter. Every thing should be done, in the first
instance, to encourage the bank ; after it gets well establish-
ed, it will take care of itself, and government may make the
best terms it can for itself. -"\
The first step to establishing the bank, will be to engage j
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 302 THE LIFE OF
a number of moneyed men of influence to relish the project,
and make it a business. The subscribers to that lately es-
tablished, are the fittest persons that can be found; and their
plan may be interwoven.
The outlines of my plan would be to open subscriptions,
in all the states, for the stock, which we will suppose to be
one million of pounds. Real property, of every kind, as
well as specie, should be deemed good stock; but at least
a fourth part of the subscription should be in specie or
plate. There should be one great company, in three di-
visions; in Virginia^ Philadelphia, and at Boston; or two,
at Philadelphia and Boston. The bank should have aright
to issue bank notes, bearing two per cent, interest for the
whole of their stock; but not to exceed it. These notes
may be payable every three months, or oftener; and the
faith of government must be pledged for the support of the
bank. It must, therefore, have a right, from time to time,
to inspect its operations; and must appoint inspectors for
the purpose.
The advantages of the bank may consist in this: in the
profits of the contracts made with government, which should
bear interest, to be annually paid in specie; in the loan of
money at interest, say six per cent. ; in purchasing lives by
annuities, as practised in England, &c. The benefit result-
ing to the company is evident, from the consideration, that
they may employ in circulation a great deal more money
than they have specie in stock, on the credit of the real
property which they will have in other use. This money
will be employed, either in fulfilling their contracts with
the public, by which, also, they will gain a profit, or in
loans, at an advantageous interest, or in annuities.
The bank may be allowed to purchase plate and bullion,
and coin money, allowing government a part of the profit.
I make the bank notes bear interest, to obtain a readier
currency, and to induce the holders to prefer them to spe-
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 303
cie, to prevent too great a run upon the bank, at any time,
beyond its ability to pay.
If government can obtain a foreign loan, it should lend to
the bank, on easy terms, to extend its influence, and facili-
tate a compliance with its engagements. If government
could engage the states to raise a sum of money in specie,
to be deposited in bank, in the same manner, it would be
of the greatest consequence. If government could prevail
on the enthusiasm of the people, to make a contribution in
plate, for the same purpose, it would be a master stroke.
Things of this kind sometimes succeed in popular contests;
and if undertaken with address, I should not despair of its
success; but I should not be sanguine.
The bank may be instituted for a term of years, by way
of trial; and the particular privilege of coining money be
for a term still shorter.
A temporary transfer of it to a particular company can
have no inconvenience, as the government are in no condi-
tion to improve this resource; nor could it, in our circum-
stances, be an object to it, though with the industry of a
knot of individuals, it might be a valuable one to them.
A bank of this kind, even in its commencement, would
answer the most valuable purposes to government, and to
the proprietors; in its progress, the advantages will exceed
calculation. It will promote commerce, by furnishing a
more extensive medium, which we greatly want, in our cir-
cumstances. I mean a more extensive, valuable medium.
We have an enormous nominal one at this time; but it is
only a name.
In the present unsettled state of things, in this country,
we can hardly draw inferences, from what has happened in
others; otherwise I should be certain of the success of this
scheme; but I think it has enough in its favour to be wor-
thy of trial.
I have only skimmed the surface of the different subjects
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 304 THE LIFE OF
I have introduced. Should the plans recommended come
into contemplation in earnest, and you desire my farther
thoughts, I will endeavour to give them more form and
articularity.
I am persuaded a solid confederation, a permanent ar-
my, a reasonable prospect of subsisting it, would give us
treble consideration in Europe, and produce a peace this
winter.
If a convention is called, the minds of all the states and
the people ought to be prepared to receive its determina-
tions by sensible and popular writings, which should conform
to the views of congress. There are epochs in human af-
fairs, when novelty even is useful. If a general opinion
prevails that the old way is bad, whether true or false, and
this obstructs or relaxes the operations of the public ser-
vice, a change is necessary if it be but for the sake of
change. This is exactly the case now. 'Tis an universal
sentiment that our present system is a bad one, and that
things do not go right on this account. The measure of a
convention would revive the hopes of the people, and give
a new direction to their passions, which may be improved
in carrying points of substantial utility. The eastern states
have already pointed out this mode to congress: they ought
to take the hint, and anticipate the others.
And in future, my dear sir, two things let me recommend,
as fundamental rules for the conduct of congress: to attach
the army to them by every motive, -- to maintain an au-
thority, (not domineering,) in all their measures with the
states. ) The manner in which a thing is done, has more in-
fluence than is commonly imagined. Men are governed
by opinion: this opinion is as much influenced by appear-
ances as by realities. If a government appears to be con-
fident of its own powers, it is the surest way to inspire the
same confidence in others. If it is diffident, it may be cer-
tain there will be a still greater diffidence in others, and
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 305
that its authority will not only be distrusted, controverted,
but contemned.
I wish, too, congress would always consider, that a kind-
ness consists as much in the manner as in the thing. The best
things, done hesitatingly, and with an ill grace, lose their
effect, and produce disgust rather than satisfaction or grati-
tude. In what congress have at any time done for the army,
they have commonly been too late. They have seemed to
yield to importunity, rather than to sentiments of justice, or
to a regard to the accommodation of their troops. An at-
tention to this idea is of more importance than it may be
thought. I, who have seen all the workings and progress
of the present discontents, am convinced that a want of
this has not been among the most inconsiderable causes.
You will perceive, my dear sir, this letter is hastily writ-
ten, and with a confidential freedom, not as to a member
of congress, whose feelings may be sore at the prevailing
clamour; but as to a friend, who is in a situation to remedy
public disorders,--who wishes for nothing so much as truth,
and who is desirous for information, even from those less
capable of judging than himself. I have not even time to
correct and copy,* and only enough to add, that I am, very
truly and affectionately, dear sir,
Your most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.
Such were the plans which his extensive genius origi-
nated, to raise this country above all the chances of the revo-
lution, -- to give to it a national government, -- to call out
all its resources, and to relieve it from that entire depend-
ence on France, which, though not a native, he felt with all
a native's pride.
* For this document, the author is indebted to a connexion of Mr. Ihiane.
vol. i. 39
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 306 TUB LIFE OF
This feeling is strongly indicated in the following letter
to congress from head quarters.
*****" We may soon be reduced to the humiliating
condition of seeing the cause of America, in America, up-
held by foreign arms. The generosity of our allies has a
claim to all our confidence and all our gratitude; but it is
neither for the honour of America, nor for the interest of
the common cause, to leave the work entirely to them. "
The measures thus suggested by Hamilton, were before
the times. His remark, that the people were proof against
experience, was too true; and the moment when a govern-
ment, possessing all the energies necessary for its own pre-
servation, and all the checks essential to freedom, might
have been formed, passed away.
A short time after this subject was brought before con-
gress, the news of the defeat of Gates, at Camden, was re-
ceived, and a deeper gloom was spread over the public
mind, now sadly disappointed in the fond hopes which had
been indulged, of the benefits to be derived from the co-
operation of France. Hamilton thus speaks of this event,
in a letter of the sixth of September, written to a near friend
in perfect confidence.
"Most people here are groaning under a very disagree-
able piece of intelligence, just come from the southward,
that Gates has had a total defeat near Camden, in South
Carolina. Cornwallis and he met in the night of the fif-
teenth, by accident, marching to the same point. The ad-
vanced guards skirmished, and the two armies halted and
formed till morning. In the morning a battle ensued, in
which the militia, and Gates with them, immediately ran
away, and left the continental troops to contend with the
enemy's whole force.
"They did it obstinately, and probably are most of them
cut off. Gates, however, who writes to congress, seems
to know very little what has become of his army. He
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 307
showed that age, and the long labours and fatigues of a
military life, had not. in the least impaired his activity; for
in three days and a half he reached Hillsborough, one hun-
dred and eighty miles from the scene of action, leaving all
his troops to take care of themselves, and get out of the
scrape as well as they could. He has confirmed, in this
instance, the opinion I always had of him. This event
will have very serious consequences to the southward.
People's imaginations have already given up North Caro-
lina and Virginia; but I do not believe either of them will
fall. I am certain Virginia cannot. This misfortune af-
fects me less than others, because it is not in my temper to
repine at evils that are past, but to endeavour to draw
good out of them, and because I think our safety depends
on a total change of system, and this change of system will
only be produced by misfortune. "
On being informed of this disaster, congress wisely con-
fided to Washington the selection of a successor to the un-
fortunate general. The importance of this trust, was strongly
felt at head quarters, and though Washington preferred
Greene, yet when called upon to act under the resolution
of that body, he duly appreciated the full extent of their
confidence, and with that slow, but sure discretion, which
rarely erred, he weighed every circumstance connected with
the station. Respect for local feelings, might have led him
to prefer a general officer from the south, had any such been
deemed equal to this high command; a regard, also, for the
prejudices of certain members of congress against Greene,
and the injurious conduct which had been exhibited to him
as quarter-master-general, gave rise to a fear that he might
not receive that support which the scene of his operations
eminently demanded. These well-grounded reasons for
hesitation, induced the ardent friendship of Hamilton to ap-
prehend, lest, in the interval of decision, some circumstance
might occur to bias the judgement of the commander-in-
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 308 THE LIFE OF
chief, and lose to the country the services of a man, in whose
superior qualifications he had unmeasured confidence. He
immediately exerted all his influence to induce an instant
decision. The other members of the family, in whom the
character of Greene had inspired similar sentiments, con-
curred in urging his selection; and Washington, thus sus-
tained by his disinterested and most confidential advisers,
chose a Deliverer for the south, -- a choice which, under the
peculiar circumstances which existed, is perhaps among the
most exalted acts of his life.
"This choice," says La Fayette, "when made public, was
generally approved by the army, but not to the high degree
in which it was afterwards applauded. Congress and the
country supposed the share of friendship in the choice,
greater than it had been. Many suspended, or flatly denied
their approbation, until it was universally acknowledged,
that in General Greene were united all the abilities and
virtues which fitted him for this important command. "
A letter from Colonel Harrison, written at this time
marks the state of opinion in congress on this subject.
HARRISON TO HAMILTON.
October 27, 1780.
MY DEAR HAMILTON,
We are only leaving Philadelphia. The most flattering
attentions have been paid to Meade and myself, and such
as would not permit us to progress before, unless we had
shown ourselves entirely disregardless of the great world;
besides, motives of a public nature concurred to make us
stay thus long. From all I have seen and heard, there is a
good disposition in congress to do all they can for the army
and the public interest, and there are many very sensible
men among them. In general, they are most warmly at-
tached to the General, and his recommendations will have
their weight, while the same spirit prevails. It is said, there
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 309
has been infinitely more harmony among them for some time
past, than has appeared since the first years of their appoint-
ment. I am not, however, without some apprehension, that
if they proceed in the case of Lee, &c. the monster (party,)
may show itself again, and that we may have a second
edition of the measures adopted in the instance of Deane.
Our friends Sullivan and Carroll have been of great service;
and gentlemen who are, or pretend to be, in the secrets of the
cabinet, say they have contributed immeasurably, by their
independent conduct, to destroy the eastern alliance.
Bland is very clever, and without question wishes to push on
in the true and right road. Grayson says this is the best
congress we have had since the first. Our dear Laurens
respects many of the members; and General Greene's ap-
pointment, I believe, is entirely consonant to the wishes of
congress in general, though we have heard there were mem-
bers much disposed, if facts had not been so obstinate, to
excuse General Gates. The former is here, and I suppose
will set out in a day or two; Meade and I will serve him
all we can. We have done what we could already. Apro-
pos, you delivered him my letter. Our finances are entirely
deranged, and there is little or no money in the treasury.
1 believe they are a subject of much consideration and puz-
zlement; the supplies of the army are also matters of pre-
sent attention, but I don't know what will be done. I hope
we shall, by Christmas, have some clothing from the West
Indies, if the moth have not destroyed it; -- a quantity it is
said has been lying there. It is much to be wished that
General Greene were at the south. The delegates from
that quarter think the situation of Cornwallis delicate, and
that by management, and a proper application and use of
the force there, the late check given Ferguson might be im-
proved into the Earl's total defeat. This, I fear, is too much
even to hope. The sending the Baron is considered, as far
as I have heard, perfectly right, and Lee's corps give great
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 310 THE LIFE OP
satisfaction. I am just about to mount my horse, and there-
fore shall say but little more. Laurens will write unto you
in a few days, I suppose, and communicate any new occur-
rences. My love to the lads of the family, -- the same to
you. May you be long happy. My most respectful com-
pliments to the General.
Most truly and affectionately,
Rob. H. Harrison.
P. S. The Board have been absolutely too poor to pro-
cure parchment for the many promotions that have been
required.
Greene, on the annunciation to him of his appointment,
by Hamilton, proceeded to head quarters,* and, after an
interview with Washington, visited Philadelphia, to con-
cert the measures necessary for the supplies of his army;
and having made every exertion to secure the co-operation
of individuals possessing influence, near the scene of his fu-
ture operations, arrived at Charlotte, the head quarters of
the army, on the second of December, where he received
a letter from Hamilton, directing him to call a court mar-
tial on Gates, without delay, and give him every facility for
an immediate defence, -- who wrote to Congress,! com-
plaining of his not being notified, in due time, of his being
superseded. The defeat of King's Mountain induced Corn-
wallis to order a detachment, under Leslie, of three thou-
sand men, which Clinton had sent on to co-operate in Vir-
ginia, to join him by the way of Charleston; and as it was
advancing in the direction of Camden, Greene moved with
his main body to the vicinity of the troops under General
Morgan.
The situation of the country, and of the army, when
Greene took the command, is thus described, in a letter
* October 22d, 1780. t January 3d, 1781.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 311
from him to Colonel Hamilton, written from the camp, at
the falls of the Pedee.
GENERAL GREENE TO COLONEL HAMILTON.
January 10th, 1781.
MY SEAR COLONEL,
General Du Portail being on his way to the northward,
gives me an opportunity to write you, which I should have
done before, had not my letters to his excellency contained
as full information of the state of things as I was able to
give, from the little time I had been in the department.
When I was appointed to this command, I expected to
meet with many new and singular difficulties; but they in-
finitely exceed what I apprehended. This is really carry-
ing on a war in an enemy's country; for you cannot esta-
blish the most inconsiderable magazine, or convey the
smallest quantity of stores from one post to another, with-
out being obliged to detach guards for their security. The
division among the people is much greater than I imagined,
and the whigs and tories persecute each other, with little
less than savage fury. There is nothing but murders, and
devastations, in every quarter.
The loss of our army at Charleston, and the defeat of
General Gates, has been the cause of keeping such shoals
of militia on foot, and their service has been accompanied
with such destruction and loss, as has almost laid waste the
whole country. Nothing has been more destructive to the
true interest of this country, than the mode adopted for its
defence. Two misfortunes happening, one after the other,
may have rendered it unavoidable the last season; but
should it be continued, the inhabitants are inevitably ruined,
and the resources of the country rendered incapable of af-
fording support to an army competent to its defence. Go-
vernment here is infinitely more popular than to the north-
ward, and there is no such thing as national character or
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 312 THE LIFE OF
national sentiment. The inhabitants are from all quarters
of the globe, and as various in their opinions, projects, and
schemes, as their manners and habits are from their early
education. Those in office, from a vanity to be thought
powerful, join in the measure of imposing upon the public
respecting the strength and resources of these southern
states; and while congress, and the minister of France, are
kept under this fatal delusion, I fear little support will be
given to this department. The inhabitants are numerous;
but they would be rather formidable abroad than at home.
They are scattered over such a vast extent of country, that
it is difficult to collect, and still more difficult to subsist
them. There is a great spirit of enterprise among the back
people, and those that come out as volunteers are not a lit-
tle formidable to the enemy. There are, also, some parti-
cular corps, under Sumpter, Marion, and Clarke, that are
bold and daring; the rest of the militia are better calcula-
ted to destroy provisions than oppose the enemy.
At Philadelphia, and all my journey through the country,
I endeavoured to impress upon those in power, the necessi-
ty of sending clothing, and supplies of every kind, immedi-
ately to this army. But poverty was urged as a plea, in bar
to every application. They all promised fair, but I fear
will do but little: ability is wanting with some, and incli-
nation with others.
Public credit is so totally lost, that private people will not
give their aid, though they see themselves involved in one
common ruin. It is my opinion, that General Washington's
influence will do more than all the assemblies upon the con-
tinent. I always thought him exceeding popular; but in
many places he is little less than adored, and universally
admired. His influence in this country might possibly
effect something great. However, I found myself exceed-
ingly well received, but more from being the friend of the
General, than from my own merit.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 313
This country wants for its defence a small, but well ap-
pointed army, organized so as to move with great celerity.
It should consist of about five thousand infantry, and from
eight hundred to a thousand horse. The enemy cannot
maintain a large force in this quarter, neither can we. The
resources of the country are too small to subsist a large
body of troops at any one point; and to draw supplies from
a distance through such long tracts of barren land, will be
next to impossible, unless the business can be aided by a
water transportation, and in either case, it will be accompa-
nied with an amazing expense. Could we get a superiority
of horse, we could soon render it difficult for Lord Corn-
wallis to hold his position so far in the country. Nor should
I be under any apprehension with a much inferior force to
his, of taking post near him, if I had but such a body of
horse. But the enemy's horse is so much superior to ours,
that we cannot move a detachment towards them, without
hazarding its ruin.
When I came to the army, I found it in a most wretched
condition. The officers had lost all confidence in the Gene-
ral, and the troops all their discipline. The troops had not
only lost their discipline, but they were so addicted to
plundering, that they were a terror to the country. The
General and I met at least upon very civil terms; and he
expressed the greatest happiness at my being appointed to
succeed him.
General Smallwood and he were not upon good terms;
the former suspected the latter of having an intention to
supplant him, but many think without reason. Others
again, are of opinion, his suspicions were well founded, and
that Smallwood was not a little mortified at my being appoint-
ed to this department, and got outrageous when he heard
Baron Steuben was coming also. How the matter was, I
know not; certain it is, he is gone home, having refused to
act under Baron Steuben, and declares he will not serve at
voi. . i. 40
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 314 THE LIFE OF
all, unless congress will give him a commission, dated at
least two years before his appointment. This, I think, can
never happen, notwithstanding his private merit, and the
claim of the state. The battle of Camden here is repre-
sented widely different from what it is to the northward.
Colonel Williams thinks that none of the general officers
were entitled to any extraordinary merit. The action was
short, and succeeded by a flight, wherein every body took
care of himself, as well officers as soldiers. Not an offi-
cer, except Major Anderson, and one or two captains, that
brought off the field of battle a single soldier. The Colo-
nel also says, that General Gates would have shared little
more disgrace, than is the common lot of the unfortunate,
notwithstanding he was early off, if he had only halted at
the Waxhaws or Charlotte; -- the first about sixty, and the
last about eighty miles from the field of battle. What lit-
tle incidents either give or destroy reputation? How many
long hours a man may labour with an honest zeal in his
country's service, and be disgraced for the most trifling er-
ror either in conduct or opinion? Hume very justly ob-
serves, no man will have reputation, unless he is use-
ful to society, be his merit or abilities what they may.
Therefore, it is necessary for a man to be fortunate, as well
as wise and just. The greater part of the loss of the Mary-
land line, in the action of Camden, happened after they be-
gan to retreat: indeed, this was the case with all the troops.
What gave Smallwood such great reputation, was his halt
at Salisbury, which was nothing but accident. You know
there are great parties prevailing in the Maryland line, and
perhaps his merit is not a little diminished on that account.
I think him a brave and good officer, but too slow to effect
any thing great in a department like this, where embarrass-
ments are without number; and where nothing can be ef-
fected without the greatest promptitude and decision. This
army is in such a wretched condition, that I hardly know
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 315
what to do with it. The officers have got such a habit of
negligence, and the soldiers so loose and disorderly, that it
is next to impossible to give it a military complexion.
Without clothing, I am sure I shall never do it. I call no
councils of war, and I communicate my intentions to very
few. The army was posted at Charlotte when I came up
with it, and in a council, it had been determined. to winter
there; but the difficulty of procuring subsistence, and other
reasons, induced me not only to take a new position, but to
make an entire new disposition. All this I effected by a
single order, having first made the necessary inquiry re-
specting the new positions, by sending a man to examine the
grounds and other requisites. If I cannot inspire the army
with confidence, and respect by an independent conduct, I
foresee it will be impossible to instil discipline and order
among the troops. General Leslie has arrived, and joined
Lord Cornwallis, whose force now is more than three times
larger than ours; and we are subsisting ourselves by our
own industry, and I am not without hopes of forming some-
thing like a magazine. I am labouring also to get clothing
from every quarter; Baron Steuben is in Virginia, and is
indefatigable in equipping and forwarding the troops from
that state. I left General Gates in Maryland for the same
purpose; but I have got nothing from there yet, nor do I
expect much for months to come. The North Carolina
state have such a high opinion of the militia, that I don't
expect they will ever attempt to raise a single continental
soldier; notwithstanding the most sensible among them
will acknowledge the folly of employing militia.
But I must have tired your patience, and therefore will
make a full stop concerning matters in this department,
and inquire how you go on to the northward. Have you
got married 1 If you have, please to present my compli-
ments to Mrs. Hamilton; if not, to Miss Schuyler, and to
the General and family in either case.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 3J6 THE LIFE OF
I beg my compliments to General Washington's family,
to General Knox and his family, and all other of my ac-
quaintances.
I shall be exceedingly obliged to you if you will commu-
nicate to me, with great freedom, every thing worthy of
note that is said or respects this department.
While the important question of a successor to Gates
was under consideration, a project was in agitation, partly
the result of discontent with the feeble measures of con-
gress, but principally induced by the apprehensions which
the defeat at Camden had produced, for the appointment
of " a Supreme Dictator and Vice Dictators in each state,
with all the powers conferred by the Roman people. "
The difficulty of supplying the armies, and the necessity
of some general concert, had led to the determination of
holding a convention at Hartford, to be composed of the
five New-England states and the state of New-York; by
which latter state, Judge Hobart, Egbert Benson, then at-
torney general, and General Schuyler, were selected as com-
missioners. It was, for a time, contemplated by the legisla-
ture, to give them instructions "to propose that a dictator
should be appointed, for which a majority in the more popu-
lar branch were believed to be favourable. '' "This mad pro-
ject," as Hamilton designated it, was communicated to him
by General Schuyler, in a letter of the sixteenth of Septem-
tember, 1780. As soon as Hamilton heard of it, it met
with his instant disapprobation, and he discouraged it in
the most earnest manner. General Schuyler, upon whom
this duty would have been imposed, relinquished his purpose
of attending at Hartford, where the consultations were con-
fined to the consideration of measures for supplying the
army, which is stated to have resulted in the project of a
national impost. Thus do we observe Hamilton, while
urging the establishment of an efficient government, con-
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HAMILTON. 317
fining his views to the distribution of its powers in various
well-defined departments, securing to each its necessary
action and reciprocal dependence, the whole emanating
from, and resting upon, a free and deliberate popular will.
This project of a dictator was regarded by him as "a
temporary effusion," but as a strong example of the rea-
diness with which " the human passions flow from one ex-
treme to the other. " It had a decisive influence on his
determination to endeavour to give such stability to go-
vernment as would protect the people from the danger
which sudden emergencies might produce, of conferring
extraordinary powers on its head, and of rendering neces-
sary and palatable, expedients which would lead from tem-
porary to permanent usurpations. *
About the time of General Greene's departure for the
south, a plan of an attack upon the British troops, then on
Staten Island, was in contemplation, which had originated
with Hamilton, and in which it was arranged that La Fay-
ette was to command. In a letter from him to Colonel
Hamilton, calculations of the means necessary to ensure
success are presented, and at the same time a project of a
different nature is adverted to, in which Hamilton was to
have a share. After some consideration, it was determined
that the intended attempt on Staten Island should be a feint,
and that while the British forces were drawn off into New-
Jersey, a descent should be made upon New-York. Ha-
milton, tired of inactivity, and anxious to signalize himself,
became intent on obtaining a separate command, in which
he hoped to succeed, aided by the influence of the Marquis.
In order to give a more full exposition of his wishes, he ad-
dressed to General Washington the following letter.
* This scheme of a dictator, never ripened into a deliberate and extensive
plan. It was strongly opposed by Governor Clinton, to whose exertions, on
this occasion, great respect is due.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x000275470 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 318 THE LIFE OF
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
November 22d, 1780.
DEAR SIR,
Some time last fall, when I spoke to your excellency about
going to the southward, I explained to you candidly my
feelings with respect to military reputation, and how much
it was my object to act a conspicuous part in some enter-
prise, that might perhaps raise my character as a soldier
above mediocrity. You were so good as to say, you would
be glad to furnish me with an occasion. When the expe-
dition to Staten Island was afoot, a favourable one seemed
to offer. There was a battalion without a field officer, the
command of which, I thought, as it was accidental, might
be given to me without inconvenience. I made an appli-
cation for it through the Marquis, who informed me of your
refusal on two principles, -- one, that the giving me a whole
battalion might be a subject of dissatisfaction; the other,
that if any accident should happen to me in the present state
of your family, you would be embarrassed for the necessa-
ry assistance.
The project you now have in contemplation affords an-
other opportunity. I have a variety of reasons, that press
me to desire ardently to have it in my power to improve it.
I take the liberty to observe, that the command may now
be proportioned to my rank, and that the second objection
ceases to operate, as during the period of establishing our
winter quarters, there will be a suspension of material busi-
ness; besides which, my peculiar situation will, in any case,
call me away from the army in a few days, and Mr. Har-
rison may be expected back early next month. My com-
mand may consist of one hundred and fifty or two hundred
men, composed of fifty men of Major Gibbes' corps, fifty
from Colonel Meigs' regiment, and fifty or an hundred more
from the light infantry, -- Major Gibbes to be my major.
?
