He is at a loss also
to understand how any one could suppose that auxiliaries could come to
the Trojans from the Nomades situated above the Borysthenes.
to understand how any one could suppose that auxiliaries could come to
the Trojans from the Nomades situated above the Borysthenes.
Strabo
They advance as a
proof of their statement, first as regards the Bithynians, that there
still exists in Thrace a people called Bithynians, and then, as regards
the Thyni, that the sea-shore, near Apollonia[1104] and
Salmydessus,[1105] is called Thynias. The Bebryces, who preceded them as
settlers in Mysia, were, as I conjecture, Thracians. We have said[1106]
that the Mysians themselves were a colony of those Thracians who are now
called Mæsi.
Such is the account given of these people.
4. There is not, however, the same agreement among writers with regard
to the Mariandyni, and the Caucones. For they say that Heracleia is
situated among the Mariandyni, and was founded by Milesians. [1107] But
who they are, or whence they came, nothing is said. There is no
difference in language, nor any other apparent national distinction
between them and the Bithynians, whom they resemble in all respects. It
is probable therefore the Mariandyni were a Thracian tribe.
Theopompus says that Mariandynus, who governed a part of Paphlagonia,
which was subject to many masters, invaded and obtained possession of
the country of the Bebryces, and that he gave his own name to the
territory which he had before occupied. It is also said that the
Milesians who first founded Heracleia, compelled the Mariandyni, the
former possessors of the place, to serve as Helots, and even sold them,
but not beyond the boundaries of their country. For they were sold on
the same conditions as the class of persons called Mnoans, who were
slaves to the Cretans, and the Penestæ,[1108] who were slaves of the
Thessalians.
5. The Caucones, who, according to history, inhabited the line of
sea-coast which extends from the Mariandyni as far as the river
Parthenius, and to whom belonged the city Tieium,[1109] [CAS. 542] are
said by some writers to be Scythians, by others a tribe of Macedonians,
and by others a tribe of Pelasgi. We have already spoken of these people
elsewhere. [1110] Callisthenes in his comment upon the enumeration of the
ships inserts after this verse,
“Cromna, Ægialus, and the lofty Erythini,”[1111]
these lines,
“The brave son of Polycles led the Caucones,
Who inhabited the well-known dwellings about the river Parthenius,”
for the territory extends from Heracleia, and the Mariandyni as far as
the Leucosyri, whom we call Cappadocians. But the tribe of the Caucones
about Tieium extends to the Parthenius; that of the Heneti, who occupy
Cytorum,[1112] immediately follows the Parthenius, and even at present
some Caucones are living about the Parthenius.
6. Heracleia is a city with a good harbour, and of importance in other
respects. It has sent out colonies, among which are the
Cherronesus,[1113] and the Callatis. [1114] It was once independent,
afterwards for some time it was under the power of tyrants; it again
recovered its freedom; but at last, when subject to the Romans, it was
governed by kings. It received a colony of Romans, which was settled in
a portion of the city, and of its territory. A little before the battle
of Actium, Adiatorix, the son of Domnecleius the tetrarch of Galatia,
who had received from Antony that portion of the city of which the
Heracleiotæ were in possession, attacked the Romans by night, and put
them to death by the command, as he said, of Antony; but after the
victory at Actium, he was led in triumph, and put to death together with
his son. The city belongs to the province of Pontus, which was annexed
to Bithynia.
7. Between Chalcedon and Heracleia are several rivers, as the
Psillis,[1115] the Calpas, and the Sangarius, of which last the poet
makes mention. [1116] It has its source at the village Sangias, at the
distance of 150 stadia from Pessinus. It flows through the greater part
of Phrygia Epictetus, and a part also of Bithynia, so that it is distant
from Nicomedia a little more than 300 stadia, where the river Gallus
unites with it. The latter river has its source at Modra in Phrygia on
the Hellespont, which is the same country as the Epictetus, and was
formerly occupied by the Bithynians.
The Sangarius thus increased in bulk, and navigable, although not so
formerly, is the boundary of Bithynia at the part of the coast where it
discharges itself. In front of this coast is the island Thynia.
In the territory of Heracleia grows the aconite.
This city is distant from the temple at Chalcedon about 1500, and from
the Sangarius 500, stadia.
8. Tieium is now a small town and has nothing remarkable belonging to
it, except that it was the birth-place of Philetærus, the founder of the
family of the Attalic kings.
Next is the river Parthenius, flowing through a country abounding with
flowers; from these it obtained its name. [1117] Its source is in
Paphlagonia. Then succeeded Paphlagonia, and the Heneti. It is a
question what Heneti the poet means, when he says,
“the brave Pylæmenes led the Paphlagonians out of the country
of the Heneti, where they have a race of wild mules;”[1118]
for at present, they say, no Heneti are to be found in Paphlagonia.
Others say that it is a village on the shore distant ten schœni from
Amastris. But Zenodotus writes the verse in this manner, “From Heneta,”
and says that it means the present Amisus. According to others it was a
tribe bordering upon the Cappadocians, which engaged in an expedition
with the Cimmerians, and were afterwards driven away into Adria. But the
account most generally received is, that the Heneti were the most
considerable tribe of the Paphlagonians; that Pylæmenes was descended
from it; that a large body of this people accompanied him to the Trojan
war; that when they had lost their leader they passed over to Thrace
upon the capture of Troy; and in the course of their wanderings arrived
at the present Henetic territory.
Some writers say that both Antenor and his sons participated in this
expedition, and settled at the inner recess of the [CAS. 544] gulf of
Adria, as we have said in the description of Italy. [1119] It is probable
that this was the cause of the extinction of the Heneti, and that they
were no longer to be found in Paphlagonia.
9. The boundary of the Paphlagonians to the east is the river Halys,
which flows from the south between the Syrians and the Paphlagonians;
and according to Herodotus,[1120] (who means Cappadocians, when he is
speaking of Syrians,) discharges itself into the Euxine Sea. Even at
present they are called Leuco-Syrians, (or White Syrians,) while those
without the Taurus are called Syrians. In comparison with the people
within the Taurus, the latter have a burnt complexion; but the former,
not having it, received the appellation of Leuco-Syrians (or White
Syrians). Pindar says that
“the Amazons commanded a Syrian band, armed with spears with
broad iron heads;”
thus designating the people that lived at Themiscyra. [1121] Themiscyra
belongs to the Amiseni,[1122] and the district of the Amiseni to the
Leuco-Syrians settled beyond the Halys.
The river Halys forms the boundary of the Paphlagonians to the east;
Phrygians and the Galatians settled among that people, on the south; and
on the west Bithynians and Mariandyni (for the race of the Caucones has
everywhere entirely disappeared); on the north the Euxine. This country
is divided into two parts, the inland, and the maritime, extending from
the Halys as far as Bithynia. Mithridates Eupator possessed the maritime
part as far as Heracleia, and of the inland country he had the district
nearest to Heracleia, some parts of which extended even beyond the
Halys. These are also the limits of the Roman province of Pontus. The
remainder was subject to chiefs, even after the overthrow of
Mithridates.
We shall afterwards speak of those Paphlagonians in the inland parts,
who were not subject to Mithridates; we propose at present to describe
the country which he governed, called Pontus.
10. After the river Parthenius is Amastris, bearing the same name as the
princess by whom it was founded. It is situated upon a peninsula, with
harbours on each side of the isthmus. Amastris was the wife of
Dionysius, the tyrant of Heracleia, and daughter of Oxyathres, the
brother of the Darius who fought against Alexander. She formed the
settlement out of four cities, Sesamus, Cytorum, Cromna, (mentioned by
Homer in his recital of the Paphlagonian forces,[1123]) and Tieium,
which city however soon separated from the others, but the rest
continued united. Of these, Sesamus is called the citadel of Amastris.
Cytorum was formerly a mart of the people of Sinope. It had its name
from Cytorus, the son of Phrixus, according to Ephorus. Box-wood of the
best quality grows in great abundance in the territory of Amastris, and
particularly about Cytorum.
Ægialus is a line of sea-coast, in length more than 100 stadia. On it is
a village of the same name,[1124] which the poet mentions in these
lines,
“Cromna, and Ægialus, and the lofty Erythini;”[1125]
but some authors write,
“Cromna and Cobialus. ”
The Erythini are said to be the present Erythrini, and to have their
name from their (red) colour. They are two rocks. [1126]
Next to Ægialus is Carambis, a large promontory stretching towards the
north, and the Scythian Chersonesus. We have frequently mentioned this
promontory, and the Criu-metopon opposite it, which divides the Euxine
into two seas. [1127]
Next to Carambis is Cinolis,[1128] and Anti-Cinolis, and
Aboniteichos,[1129] a small city, and Armene,[1130] which gave rise to
the common proverb;
“He who had nothing to do built a wall about Armene. ”
It is a village of the Sinopenses, with a harbour.
11. Next is Sinope itself, distant from Armene 50 stadia, the most
considerable of all the cities in that quarter. It was founded by
Milesians, and when the inhabitants had established a naval force they
commanded the sea within the Cyanean [CAS. 545] rocks, and were allies
of the Greeks in many naval battles beyond these limits. Although this
city was independent for a long period, it did not preserve its liberty
to the last, but was taken by siege, and became subject first to
Pharnaces, then to his successors, to the time when the Romans put an
end to the power of Mithridates Eupator. This prince was born and
brought up in this city, on which he conferred distinguished honour, and
made it a capital of the kingdom. It has received advantages from nature
which have been improved by art. It is built upon the neck of a
peninsula; on each side of the isthmus are harbours, stations for
vessels, and fisheries worthy of admiration for the capture of the
pelamydes. Of these fisheries we have said[1131] that the people of
Sinope have the second, and the Byzantines the third, in point of
excellence.
The peninsula projects in a circular form; the shores are surrounded by
a chain of rocks, and in some parts there are cavities, like rocky pits,
which are called Chœnicides. These are filled when the sea is high. For
the above reason, the place is not easily approached; besides which,
along the whole surface of rock the road is covered with sharp-pointed
stones, and persons cannot walk upon it with naked feet. The lands in
the higher parts and above the city have a good soil, and are adorned
with fields dressed as gardens, and this is the case in a still greater
degree in the suburbs. The city itself is well secured with walls, and
magnificently ornamented with a gymnasium, forum, and porticos.
Notwithstanding these advantages for defence, it was twice taken; first
by Pharnaces, who attacked it unexpectedly; afterwards by Lucullus, who
besieged it while it was harassed by an insidious tyrant within the
walls. For Bacchides,[1132] who was appointed by the king commander of
the garrison, being always suspicious of treachery on the part of those
within the city, had disgraced and put many to death. He thus prevented
the citizens both from defending themselves with bravery, although
capable of making a gallant defence, and from offering terms for a
capitulation. The city was therefore captured. Lucullus took away the
Sphere of Billarus,[1133] and the Autolycus,[1134] the workmanship of
Sthenis, whom the citizens regarded as a founder, and honoured as a god;
he left the other ornaments of the city untouched. There was there an
oracle of Sthenis. He seems to have been one of the companions of Jason
in his voyage, and to have got possession of this place. In after times
the Milesians, observing the natural advantages of the city, and the
weakness of the inhabitants, appropriated it as their own, and sent out
colonists. It has at present a Roman colony, and a part of the city and
of the territory belongs to the Romans. It is distant from Hieron[1135]
3500, from Heracleia 2000, and from Carambis 700, stadia. It has
produced men distinguished among philosophers, Diogenes the Cynic, and
Timotheus surnamed Patrion; among poets, Diphilus, the writer of comedy;
among historians, Baton,[1136] who wrote the history of Persia.
12. Proceeding thence, next in order is the mouth of the river Halys. It
has its name from the _hales_, or salt mines,[1137] near which it flows.
It has its source in the Greater Cappadocia, near the territory of
Pontus, in Camisene. It flows in a large stream towards the west, then
turning to the north through the country of the Galatians and
Paphlagonians, forms the boundary of their territory, and of that of the
Leuco-Syrians. The tract of land belonging to Sinope and all the
mountainous country as far as Bithynia, situated above the sea-coast,
which has been described, furnishes timber of excellent quality for
ship-building, and is easily conveyed away. The territory of [CAS. 546]
Sinope produces the maple, and the mountain nut tree, from which wood
for tables is cut. The whole country is planted with the olive, and
cultivation begins a little above the sea-coast.
13. Next to the mouth of the Halys is Gadilonítis, extending as far as
the Saramene; it is a fertile country, wholly consisting of plains, and
produces every kind of fruit. It affords also pasture for flocks of
sheep which are covered[1138] with skins, and produce a soft wool; very
little of this wool is to be found throughout Cappadocia and Pontus.
There are also deer,[1139] which are rare in other parts.
The Amiseni possess one part of this country. Pompey gave another to
Deïotarus, as well as the tract about Pharnacia and Trapezus as far as
Colchis and the Lesser Armenia. Pompey appointed him king of these
people and countries: he had already inherited the tetrarchy of the
Galatians, called the Tolistobogii. Upon his death various persons
succeeded to the different parts of his kingdom.
14. Next to Gadilon[1140] are the Saramene,[1141] and Amisus, a
considerable city distant from Sinope about 900 stadia. Theopompus says
that the Milesians were the first founders, * * * * * * *[1142] [then by]
a chief of the Cappadocians; in the third place it received a colony of
Athenians under the conduct of Athenocles, and its name was changed to
Piræeus.
This city also was in the possession of the kings. Mithridates Eupator
embellished it with temples, and added a part to it. Lucullus, and
afterwards Pharnaces, who came from across the Bosporus, besieged it.
Antony surrendered it to the kings of Pontus, after it had been declared
free by Divus Cæsar. Then the Tyrant Strato oppressed the inhabitants,
who again recovered their liberty under Cæsar Augustus after the battle
of Actium. They are now in a prosperous condition. Among other fertile
spots is Themiscyra,[1143] the abode of the Amazons, and Sidene. [1144]
15. Themiscyra is a plain, partly washed by the sea, and distant about
60 stadia from the city (Amisus); and partly situated at the foot of a
mountainous country, which is well wooded, and intersected with rivers,
which have their source among the mountains. A river, named Thermodon,
which receives the water of all these rivers, traverses the plain.
Another river very similar to this, of the name of Iris,[1145] flowing
from a place called Phanarœa,[1146] traverses the same plain. It has its
sources in Pontus. Flowing westward through the city of Pontic
Comana,[1147] and through Dazimonitis,[1148] a fertile plain, it then
turns to the north beside Gaziura,[1149] an ancient seat of the kings,
but now deserted; it then again returns to the east, where, uniting with
the Scylax[1150] and other rivers, and taking its course beside the
walls of my native place, Amaseia,[1151] a very strongly fortified city,
proceeds to Phanarœa. There when joined by the Lycus,[1152] which rises
in Armenia, it becomes the Iris. It then enters Themiscyra, and
discharges itself into the Euxine. This plain, therefore, is well
watered with dews, is constantly covered with herbage, and is capable of
affording food to herds of cattle as well as to horses. The largest
crops there consist of panic and millet, or rather they never fail, for
the supply of water more than counteracts the effect of all drought;
these people, therefore, never on any occasion experience a famine. The
country at the foot of the mountains produces so large an autumnal crop
of spontaneous-grown wild fruits, of the vine, the pear, the apple, and
hazel, that, in all seasons of the year, persons who go into the woods
to cut timber gather them in large quantities; the fruit is found either
yet hanging upon the trees or lying beneath a deep covering of fallen
leaves thickly strewed upon the ground. Wild animals of all kinds, which
resort here on account of the abundance of food, are frequently hunted.
16. Next to Themiscyra is Sidene, a fertile plain, but not watered in
the same manner by rivers as Themiscyra. It has strongholds on the
sea-coast, as Side,[1153] from which Sidene has [CAS. 548] its name,
Chabaca and Phabda (Phauda). [1154] Amisene extends as far as this place.
Among the natives of Amisus[1155] distinguished for their learning were
the mathematicians Demetrius, the son of Rathenus, and Dionysodorus, of
the same name as the Ionian (Milesian? ) geometrician, and Tyrannion the
grammarian, whose lessons I attended.
17. Next to Sidene is Pharnacia[1156] a small fortified city, and then
follows Trapezus,[1157] a Greek city, to which from Amisus is a voyage
of about 2200 stadia; thence to the Phasis about 1400 stadia, so that
the sum total of stadia from the Hieron[1158] to the Phasis is about
8000 stadia, either more or less.
In sailing along this coast from Amisus we first come to the Heracleian
promontory;[1159] then succeeds another promontory, Jasonium,[1160] and
the Genetes;[1161] then Cytorus (Cotyorus) a small city,[1162] from
which Pharnacia received a colony; then Ischopolis, which is in ruins.
Next is a bay on which are situated Cerasus, and Hermonassa,[1163] small
settlements. Near Hermonassa is Trapezus, then Colchis. Somewhere about
this place is a settlement called Zygopolis.
I have already spoken of Colchis, and of the sea-coast beyond. [1164]
18. Above Trapezus and Pharnacia are situated Tibareni, Chaldæi, Sanni,
(who were formerly called Macrones,[1165]) and the Lesser Armenia. The
Appaïtæ also, formerly called Cercitæ, are not far from these places.
Through the country belonging to these people stretches the
Scydises,[1166] a very rugged mountain, contiguous to the Moschic
mountains[1167] above Colchis. The heights of the Scydises are occupied
by the Heptacometæ. [1168] This country is likewise traversed by the
Paryadres,[1169] which extends from the neighbourhood of Sidene and
Themiscyra to the Lesser Armenia, and forms the eastern side of the
Pontus.
All the inhabitants of these mountains are quite savage, but
the Heptacometæ are more so than all the others. Some of them live among
trees, or in small towers, whence the ancients called them
Mosynœci,[1170] because the towers were called mosȳnes. Their food
consists of the flesh of wild animals and the fruits of trees. They
attack travellers, leaping down from the floors of their dwellings among
the trees. The Heptacometæ cut off three of Pompey’s cohorts, as they
were passing through the mountains, by placing on their road vessels
filled with maddening honey, which is procured from the branches of
trees. The men who had tasted the honey and lost their senses were
attacked and easily despatched. Some of these barbarians were called
Byzeres.
19. The present Chaldæi were anciently called Chalybes. It is in their
territory chiefly that Pharnacia is situated. On the sea-coast it has
natural advantages for the capture of the pelamydes. For this fish is
first caught at this place. On the mainland there are at present mines
of iron; formerly there were also mines of silver. The sea-shore along
all these places is very narrow, for directly above it are hills, which
abound with mines and forests; much, however, of the country is not
cultivated. The miners derive their subsistence from the mines, and the
fishermen from the fisheries, especially from the capture of pelamydes
and dolphins. The dolphins pursue shoals of fish, the cordyla, the
tunny, and even the pelamys; they grow fat on them, and as they approach
the land incautiously, are easily taken. They are caught with a bait and
then cut into pieces; large quantities of the fat are used for all
purposes.
20. These I suppose are the people who are called by Homer Halizoni, who
in his Catalogue follow the Paphlagonians.
“But Odius and Epistrophus led the Halizoni
Far from Alybe, where there are silver mines;”[1171]
whether the writing was changed from “far from Chalybe,” or whether the
people were formerly called Alybes instead of Chalybes. We cannot at
present say that it is possible that Chaldæi should be read for
Chalybes, but it cannot be maintained that formerly Chalybes could not
be read for Alybes, especially [CAS. 549] when we know that names are
subject to many changes, more especially among barbarians. For example,
a tribe of Thracians were called Sinties, then Sinti, then Saii, in
whose country Archilochus is said to have thrown away his shield:
“one of the Saii exults in having a shield, which, without
blame, I involuntarily left behind in a thicket. ”
This same people have now the name of Sapæi. For all these people were
settled about Abdera, they also held Lemnos and the islands about
Lemnos. Thus also Brygi, Briges, and Phryges are the same people; and
Mysi, Mæones, and Meones are the same people. But it is unnecessary to
multiply instances of this kind.
The Scepsian (Demetrius) throws some doubt on the alteration of the name
from Alybes to Chalybes, but not understanding what follows, nor what
accords with it, nor, in particular, why the poet calls the Chalybes
Alizoni, he rejects the opinion that there has been an alteration of
name. In comparing his opinion with my own I shall consider also the
hypotheses entertained by others.
21. Some persons alter the word to Alazones, others to Amazons, and
“Alybe” to “Alope,” or “Alobe,” calling the Scythians above the
Borysthenes Alazones and Callipidæ, and by other names, about which
Hellanicus, Herodotus, and Eudoxus have talked very absurdly; some say
that the Amazons were situated between Mysia, Caria, and Lydia near
Cyme, which is the opinion also of Ephorus, who was a native of the
latter place. And this opinion may not be unreasonable, for he may mean
the country which in later times was inhabited by the Æolians and
Ionians, but formerly by Amazons. There are some cities, it is said,
which have their names from the Amazons; as Ephesus, Smyrna, Cyme, and
Myrina. But would any one think of inquiring in these places after
Alybe, or, according to some writers, Alope, or Alobe; what would be the
meaning of “from afar,” or where is the silver mine?
22. These objections he solves by an alteration in the text, for he
writes the verses in this manner,
“But Odius and Epistrophus led the Amazons,
Who came from Alope, whence the tribe of the Amazonides. ”
But by this solution he has invented another fiction. For Alope is
nowhere to be found in that situation, and the alteration in the text,
itself a great change, and contrary to the authority of ancient copies,
looks like an adaptation formed for the occasion.
The Scepsian (Demetrius) does not adopt the opinion of Ephorus, nor does
he agree with those who suppose them to be the Halizoni about Pallene,
whom we mentioned in the description of Macedonia.
He is at a loss also
to understand how any one could suppose that auxiliaries could come to
the Trojans from the Nomades situated above the Borysthenes. He much
approves of the opinion of Hecatæus the Milesian, and of Menecrates of
Elea, disciples of Xenocrates, and that of Palæphatus. The first of
these says in his work entitled “the Circuit of the Earth,” “near the
city Alazia is the river Odrysses, which after flowing through the plain
of Mygdonia from the west, out of the lake Dascylitis, empties itself
into the Rhyndacus. ” He further relates that Alazia is now deserted, but
that many villages of the Alazones through which the Odrysses flows are
inhabited. In these villages Apollo is worshipped with peculiar honours,
and especially on the confines of the Cyziceni.
Menecrates, in his work “the Circuit of the Hellespont,” says that above
the places near Myrleia there is a continuous mountain tract occupied by
the nation of the Halizoni. The name, he says, ought to be written with
two l’s, Hallizoni, but the poet uses one only on account of the metre.
Palæphatus says that Odius and Epistrophus levied their army from among
the Amazons then living in Alope, but at present in Zeleia. [1172]
Do the opinions of these persons deserve approbation? For besides their
alteration of the ancient text, and the position of this people, they
neither point out the silver mines, nor where in Myrleatis Alope is
situated, nor how they, who came thence to Troy, came “from afar,”
although it should be granted that there existed an Alope, or an Alazia.
For these are much nearer Troy than the places about Ephesus. Those,
however, are triflers, in the opinion of Demetrius, who speak of the
existence of Amazons near Pygela, between Ephesus, Magnesia, and Priene,
for the words “from afar” do not agree with the spot; much less will
they agree with a situation about Mysia, and Teuthrania.
23. [CAS. 551] This may be true, says he, but some expressions are to be
understood as loosely applied, such as these,
“Far from Ascania,”[1173]
and
“His name was Arnæus, given to him by his honoured mother,”[1174]
and
“Penelope seized the well-turned key with her firm hand. ”[1175]
But admitting this, the other assertions are not to be allowed to which
Demetrius is disposed to attend; nor has he refuted in a convincing
manner those persons who maintain that we ought to read “far from
Chalybe. ” For having conceded that, although at present there are not
silver mines among the Chalybes, they might formerly have existed, he
does not grant that they were far-famed, and worthy of notice, like the
iron mines. But some one may say, what should prevent them from being as
famous as the iron mines, or does an abundance of iron make a place
celebrated, and not an abundance of silver? Again, if the silver mines
had obtained celebrity in the age of Homer, but not in the heroic times,
can any one blame the poet’s representation? How did their fame reach
him? How did the fame of the copper mines at Temesa in Italy, or of the
wealth of Thebes in Egypt, reach his ears, although Egyptian Thebes was
situated almost at double the distance of the Chaldæi.
But Demetrius does not altogether agree with those whose opinions he
espouses. For when he is describing the neighbourhood of Scepsis his own
birth-place, he mentions Enea, a village, Argyria, and Alazonia, as near
Scepsis, and the Æsepus;[1176] but if these places exist at all, they
must be near the sources of the Æsepus. Hecatæus places them beyond the
mouths of that river. Palæphatus, who says that the Amazons formerly
occupied Alope, and at present Zeleia, does not advance anything in
agreement with these statements. But if Menecrates agrees with
Demetrius, neither does Menecrates say what this Alope, or Alobe, is,
(or, in whatever manner they please to write the name,) nor yet does
Demetrius himself.
24. With regard to Apollodorus, who mentions these places in his
discourse on the array of the Trojan forces, we have said much before
in reply to him, and we must now speak of him again. [1177] He is of
opinion that we ought not to understand the Halizoni without the Halys,
for no auxiliaries came to Troy from the country on the other side of
the Halys. First, then, we will inquire of him who are the Halizoni
within the Halys, and situated
“far from Alybe, where are silver mines? ”
He will not be able to reply. Next we will ask the reason why he does
not admit that some auxiliaries came from the country on the other side
of the Halys. For if it was the case, that all the rest were living on
this side the Halys, except the Thracians, nothing prevented this one
body of allies from coming from afar, from the country beyond the
Leuco-Syrians? Or, was it possible for the persons immediately engaged
in the war to pass over from those places, and from the country beyond
them, as the Amazons, Treres, and Cimmerians, but impossible for allies
to do so?
The Amazons were not allies, because Priam had fought in alliance with
the Phrygians against them:
“at that time, says Priam, I was among their auxiliaries on
that day, when the Amazons came to attack them. ”[1178]
The people also who were living on the borders of the country of the
Amazons were not situated at so great a distance that it was difficult
to send for them from thence, nor did any animosity exist, I suppose, at
that time to prevent them from affording assistance.
25. Nor is there any foundation for the opinion, that all the ancients
agree that no people from the country beyond the Halys took part in the
Trojan war. Testimony may be found to the contrary. Mæandrius at least
says that Heneti came from the country of the Leuco-Syrians to assist
the Trojans in the war; that they set sail thence with the Thracians,
and settled about the recess of the Adriatic; and that the Heneti, who
had no place in the expedition, were Cappadocians. This account seems to
agree with the circumstance, that the people inhabiting the whole of
that part of Cappadocia near the Halys, which extends along Paphlagonia,
speak two dialects, and that their language abounds with Paphlagonian
names, as [CAS. 553] Bagas, Biasas, Æniates, Rhatotes, Zardoces,
Tibius, Gasys, Oligasys, and Manes. For these names are frequently to be
found in the Bamonitis, the Pimolitis, the Gazaluïtis, and Gazacene, and
in most of the other districts. Apollodorus himself quotes the words of
Homer, altered by Zenodotus;
“from Henete, whence comes a race of wild mules,”
and says, that Hecatæus the Milesian understands Henete to mean Amisus.
But we have shown that Amisus belongs to the Leuco-Syrians, and is
situated beyond the Halys.
26. He also somewhere says that the poet obtained his knowledge of the
Paphlagonians, situated in the interior, from persons who had travelled
through the country on foot, but that he was not acquainted with the
sea-coast any more than with the rest of the territory of Pontus; for
otherwise he would have mentioned it by name. We may, on the contrary,
after the description which has just been given of the country, retort
and say that he has traversed the whole of the sea-coast, and has
omitted nothing worthy of record which existed at that time. It is not
surprising that he does not mention Heracleia, Amastris, or Sinope, for
they were not founded; nor is it strange that he should omit to speak of
the interior of the country; nor is it a proof of ignorance not to
specify by name many places which were well known, as we have shown in a
preceding part of this work.
He says that Homer was ignorant of much that was remarkable in Pontus,
as rivers and nations, otherwise he would have mentioned their names.
This may be admitted with respect to some very remarkable nations and
rivers, as the Scythians, the Palus Mæotis, and the Danube. For he would
not have described the Nomades, by characteristic signs, as living on
milk, Abii, a people without certain means of subsistence, “most just”
and “renowned Hippemolgi,” (milkers of mares,) and not distinguished
them as Scythians, or Sauromatæ, or Sarmatæ, if, indeed, they had these
names among the Greeks (at that time). Nor in mentioning the Thracians
and Mysians, who live near the Danube, would he have passed over in
silence the Danube itself, one of the largest rivers, particularly as,
in other instances, he is inclined to mark the boundaries of places by
rivers; nor in speaking of the Cimmerians would he have omitted the
Bosporus, or the Mæotis.
27. With respect then to places not so remarkable, or not famous at that
time, or not illustrating the subject of his poem, who can blame the
poet for omitting them? As, for example, omitting to mention the Don,
famed only as it is for being the boundary of Asia and Europe. The
persons however of that time were not accustomed to use the name either
of Asia or Europe, nor was the habitable earth divided into three
continents; otherwise he would have mentioned them by name on account of
their strong characteristic marks, as he mentioned by name Libya
(Africa), and the Libs (the south-west wind), blowing from the western
parts of Africa. But as the continents were not yet distinguished, it
was not necessary that he should mention the Don. There were many things
worthy of record, which did not occur to him. For both in actions and in
discourse much is done and said without any cause or motive, by merely
spontaneously presenting itself to the mind.
It is evident from all these circumstances that every person who
concludes that because a certain thing is not mentioned by the poet he
was therefore ignorant of it, uses a bad argument; and we must prove by
several examples that it is bad, for many persons employ this kind of
evidence to a great extent. We must refute them therefore by producing
such instances as these which follow, although we shall repeat what has
been already said.
If any one should maintain that the poet was not acquainted with a river
which he has not mentioned, we should say that his argument is absurd,
for he has not mentioned by name even the river Meles, which runs by
Smyrna, his birth-place according to many writers, while he has
mentioned the rivers Hermus and Hyllus by name, but yet not the
Pactolus,[1179] which discharges itself into the same channel as these
rivers, and rises in the mountain Tmolus. [1180] He does not mention
either Smyrna itself, or the other cities of the Ionians, or most of
those of the Æolians, although he specifies Miletus, Samos, Lesbos, and
Tenedos. He does not mention the Lethæus, which flows beside
Magnesia,[1181] nor the Marsyas, which rivers empty themselves into the
Mæander,[1182] which he mentions by name, as well as [CAS. 554]
“the Rhesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, and Rhodius,”[1183]
and others, many of which are not more than small streams. While he
specifies by name many countries and cities, sometimes he makes an
enumeration of rivers and mountains, sometimes he does not do so. He
does not mention the rivers in Ætolia and Attica, nor many others. And
if, in mentioning people that live afar off, he does not mention those
who are very near, it is certainly not through ignorance of them, for
they were well known to other writers. With respect to people who were
all equally near, he does not observe one rule, for some he mentions,
and not others, as for instance he mentions the Lycii, and Solymi, but
not the Milyæ, nor Pamphylians, nor Pisidians; the Paphlagonians,
Phrygians, and Mysians, but not the Mariandyni, nor Thyni, nor
Bithynians, nor Bebryces; the Amazons, but not the Leuco-Syrians, nor
Syrians, nor Cappadocians, nor Lycaonians, while he frequently speaks of
the Phœnicians, Ægyptians, and Æthiopians. He mentions the Aleian plain,
and the Arimi mountains, but not the nation among which these are
situated.
The argument drawn from this is false; the true argument would have been
to show that the poet has asserted what is not true. Apollodorus has not
succeeded in this attempt, and he has more particularly failed when he
ventures to call by the name of fiction “the renowned Hippemolgi and
Galactophagi. ”[1184] So much then in reply to Apollodorus. I now return
to the part of my description which follows next in order.
28. Above the places about Pharnacia and Trapezus are the Tibareni, and
Chaldæi, extending as far as the Lesser Armenia.
The Lesser Armenia is sufficiently fertile. Like Sophene it was always
governed by princes who were sometimes in alliance with the other
Armenians, and sometimes acting independently. They held in subjection
the Chaldæi and Tibareni. Their dominion extended as far as Trapezus and
Pharnacia. When Mithridates Eupator became powerful, he made himself
master of Colchis, and of all those places which were ceded to him by
Antipater the son of Sisis. He bestowed however so much care upon them,
that he built seventy-five strongholds, in which he deposited the
greatest part of his treasure. The most considerable of these were
Hydara, Basgœdariza, and Sinoria, a fortress situated on the borders of
the Greater Armenia, whence Theophanes parodied the name, and called it
Synoria.
All the mountainous range of the Paryadres has many such convenient
situations for fortresses, being well supplied with water and timber, it
is intersected in many places by abrupt ravines and precipices. Here he
built most of the strongholds for keeping his treasure. At last on the
invasion of the country by Pompey he took refuge in these extreme parts
of the kingdom of Pontus, and occupied a mountain near Dasteira in
Acilisene, which was well supplied with water. The Euphrates also was
near, which is the boundary between Acilisene and the Lesser Armenia.
Mithridates remained there till he was besieged and compelled to fly
across the mountains into Colchis, and thence to Bosporus. Pompey built
near this same place in the Lesser Armenia Nicopolis, a city which yet
subsists, and is well inhabited.
29. The Lesser Armenia, which was in the possession of different persons
at different times, according to the pleasure of the Romans, was at last
subject to Archelaus. The Tibareni, however, and Chaldæi, extending as
far as Colchis, Pharnacia, and Trapezus, are under the government of
Pythodoris, a prudent woman, and capable of presiding over the
management of public affairs. She is the daughter of Pythodorus of
Tralles. She was the wife of Polemo, and reigned conjointly with him for
some time. She succeeded, after his death, to the throne. He died in the
country of the Aspurgiani, a tribe of barbarians living about Sindica.
She had two sons by Polemo, and a daughter who was married to Cotys the
Sapæan. He was treacherously murdered, and she became a widow. She had
children by him, the eldest of whom is now king. Of the sons of
Pythodoris, one as a private person, administers, together with his
mother, the affairs of the kingdom, the other has been lately made king
of the Greater Armenia. Pythodoris however married Archelaus, and
remained with him till his death. At present she is a widow, and in
possession of the countries before mentioned, and of others still more
beautiful, of which we shall next speak.
30. Sidene, and Themiscyra are contiguous to Pharnacia. Above these
countries is situated Phanarœa, containing the best portion of the
Pontus, for it produces excellent oil and [CAS. 556] wine, and
possesses every other property of a good soil. On the eastern side it
lies in front of the Paryadres which runs parallel to it; on the western
side it has the Lithrus, and the Ophlimus. It forms a valley of
considerable length and breadth. The Lycus, coming out of Armenia, flows
through this valley, and the Iris, which issues from the passes near
Amaseia. Both these rivers unite about the middle of the valley. A city
stands at their confluence which the first founder called Eupatoria,
after his own name. Pompey found it half-finished, and added to it a
territory, furnished it with inhabitants, and called it Magnopolis. It
lies in the middle of the plain. Close to the foot of the Paryadres is
situated Cabeira, about 150 stadia further to the south than Magnopolis,
about which distance likewise, but towards the west, is Amaseia. At
Cabeira was the palace of Mithridates, the water-mill, the park for
keeping wild animals, the hunting-ground in the neighbourhood, and the
mines.
31. There also is the Cainochorion, (New Castle,) as it is called, a
fortified and precipitous rock, distant from Cabeira less than 200
stadia. On its summit is a spring, which throws up abundance of water,
and at its foot a river, and a deep ravine. The ridge of rocks on which
it stands is of very great height, so that it cannot be taken by siege.
It is enclosed with an excellent wall, except the part where it has been
demolished by the Romans. The whole country around is so covered with
wood, so mountainous, and destitute of water, that an enemy cannot
encamp within the distance of 120 stadia. There Mithridates had
deposited his most valuable effects, which are now in the Capitol, as
offerings dedicated by Pompey.
Pythodoris is in possession of all this country; (for it is contiguous
to that of the barbarians, which she holds as a conquered country;) she
also holds the Zelitis and the Megalopolitis. After Pompey had raised
Cabeira to the rank of a city, and called it Diospolis, Pythodoris
improved it still more, changed its name to Sebaste, (or Augusta,) and
considers it a royal city.
She has also the temple of Mēn surnamed of Pharnaces, at Ameria, a
village city, inhabited by a large body of sacred menials, and having
annexed to it a sacred territory, the produce of which is always enjoyed
by the priest. The kings held this temple in such exceeding veneration,
that this was the Royal oath, “by the fortune of the king, and by Mēn
of Pharnaces. ” This is also the temple of the moon, like that among the
Albani, and those in Phrygia, namely the temple of Mēn in a place of the
same name, the temple of Ascæus at Antioch in Pisidia, and another in
the territory of Antioch.
32. Above Phanarœa is Comana[1185] in Pontus, of the same name as that
in the Greater Cappadocia, and dedicated to the same goddess. The temple
is a copy of that in Cappadocia, and nearly the same course of religious
rites is practised there; the mode of delivering the oracles is the
same; the same respect is paid to the priests, as was more particularly
the case in the time of the first kings, when twice a year, at what is
called the Exodi of the goddess, (when her image is carried in
procession,) the priest wore the diadem of the goddess and received the
chief honours after the king.
33. We have formerly mentioned Dorylaus the Tactician, who was my
mother’s great grandfather; and another Dorylaus, who was the nephew of
the former, and the son of Philetærus; I said that, although he had
obtained from Mithridates the highest dignities and even the priesthood
of Comana, he was detected in the fact of attempting the revolt of the
kingdom to the Romans. Upon his fall the family also was disgraced. At a
later period however Moaphernes, my mother’s uncle, rose to distinction
near upon the dissolution of the kingdom. But a second time he and his
friends shared in the misfortunes of the king, except those persons who
had anticipated the calamity and deserted him early. This was the case
with my maternal grandfather, who, perceiving the unfortunate progress
of the affairs of the king in the war with Lucullus, and at the same
time being alienated from him by resentment for having lately put to
death his nephew Tibius, and his son Theophilus, undertook to avenge
their wrongs and his own. He obtained pledges of security from Lucullus,
and caused fifteen fortresses to revolt; in return he received
magnificent promises. On the arrival of Pompey, who succeeded Lucullus
in the conduct of the war, he regarded as enemies (in consequence of the
enmity which subsisted between himself and that general) all those
persons who had performed any services that were acceptable to Lucullus.
On his return home at the conclusion of the war he prevailed upon the
senate not to confirm those honours which Lucullus had promised to some
persons of [CAS. 558] Pontus, maintaining it to be unjust towards a
general who had brought the war to a successful issue, that the rewards
and distribution of honours should be placed in the hands of another.
34. The affairs of Comana were administered as has been described in the
time of the kings. Pompey, when he had obtained the power, appointed
Archelaus priest, and assigned to him a district of two schœni, or 60
stadia in circuit, in addition to the sacred territory, and gave orders
to the inhabitants to obey Archelaus. He was their governor, and master
of the sacred slaves who inhabited the city, but had not the power of
selling them. The slaves amounted to no less than six thousand.
This Archelaus was the son of that Archelaus who received honours from
Sylla and the senate; he was the friend of Gabinius, a person of
consular rank. When the former was sent into Syria, he came with the
expectation of accompanying him, when he was making preparations for the
Parthian war, but the senate would not permit him to do so, and he
abandoned this, and conceived a greater design.
Ptolemy, the father of Cleopatra, happened at this time to be ejected
from his kingdom by the Ægyptians. His daughter however, the elder
sister of Cleopatra, was in possession of the throne. When inquiries
were making in order to marry her to a husband of royal descent,
Archelaus presented himself to those who were negotiating the affair,
and pretended to be the son of Mithridates Eupator. He was accepted, but
reigned only six months. He was killed by Gabinius in a pitched battle,
in his attempt to restore Ptolemy.
35. His son however succeeded to the priesthood, and Lycomedes succeeded
him, to whom was assigned an additional district of four schœni (or 120
stadia) in extent. When Lycomedes was dispossessed he was succeeded by
Dyteutus, the son of Adiatorix, who still occupies the post, and appears
to have obtained this honour from Cæsar Augustus on account of his good
conduct on the following occasion.
Cæsar, after leading in triumph Adiatorix, with his wife and children,
had resolved to put him to death together with the eldest of his sons.
Dyteutus was the eldest; but when the second of his brothers told the
soldiers who were leading them away to execution that he was the eldest,
there was a contest between the two brothers, which continued for some
time, till the parents prevailed upon Dyteutus to yield to the younger,
assigning as a reason, that the eldest would be a better person to
protect his mother and his remaining brother. The younger was put to
death together with his father; the elder was saved, and obtained this
office. When Cæsar was informed of the execution of these persons, he
regretted it, and, considering the survivors worthy of his favour and
protection, bestowed upon them this honourable appointment.
36. Comana is populous, and is a considerable mart, frequented by
persons coming from Armenia. Men and women assemble there from all
quarters from the cities and the country to celebrate the festival at
the time of the exodi or processions of the goddess. Some persons under
the obligation of a vow are always residing there, and perform
sacrifices in honour of the goddess.
The inhabitants are voluptuous in their mode of life. All their property
is planted with vines, and there is a multitude of women, who make a
gain of their persons, most of whom are dedicated to the goddess. The
city is almost a little Corinth. On account of the multitude of harlots
at Corinth, who are dedicated to Venus, and attracted by the festivities
of the place, strangers resorted thither in great numbers. Merchants and
soldiers were quite ruined, so that hence the proverb originated,
“every man cannot go to Corinth. ”
Such is the character of Comana.
37. All the country around is subject to Pythodoris, and she possesses
also Phanarœa, the Zelitis, and the Megalopolitis.
We have already spoken of Phanarœa.
In the district Zelitis is the city Zela,[1186] built upon the mound of
Semiramis. It contains the temple of Anaïtis, whom the Armenians also
worship. Sacrifices are performed with more pomp than in other places,
and all the people of Pontus take oaths here in affairs of highest
concern. The multitude of the sacred menials, and the honours conferred
upon the priests, were in the time of the kings, upon the plan which I
have before described. At present, however, everything is under the
power of Pythodoris, but many persons had previously reduced the number
of the sacred attendants, injured the property and diminished the
revenue belonging to the [CAS. 560] temple. The adjacent district of
Zelitis, (in which is the city Zela, on the mound of Semiramis,) was
reduced by being divided into several governments. Anciently, the kings
did not govern Zela as a city, but regarded it as a temple of the
Persian gods; the priest was the director of everything relating to its
administration. It was inhabited by a multitude of sacred menials, by
the priest, who possessed great wealth, and by his numerous attendants;
the sacred territory was under the authority of the priest, and it was
his own property. Pompey added many provinces to Zelitis, and gave the
name of city to Zela, as well as to Megalopolis. He formed Zelitis,
Culupene, and Camisene, into one district. The two latter bordered upon
the Lesser Armenia, and upon Laviansene. Fossile salt was found in them,
and there was an ancient fortress called Camisa, at present in ruins.
The Roman governors who next succeeded assigned one portion of these two
governments to the priests of Comana, another to the priest of Zela, and
another to Ateporix, a chief of the family of the tetrarchs of Galatia;
upon his death, this portion, which was not large, became subject to the
Romans under the name of a province. This little state is a political
body of itself, Carana[1187] being united with it as a colony, and hence
the district has the name of Caranitis. The other parts are in the
possession of Pythodoris, and Dyteutus.
38. There remain to be described the parts of Pontus, situated between
this country and the districts of Amisus, and Sinope, extending towards
Cappadocia, the Galatians, and the Paphlagonians.
Next to the territory of the Amiseni is Phazemonitis,[1188] which
extends as far as the Halys, and which Pompey called Neapolitis. He
raised the village Phazemon to the rank of a city, and increasing its
extent gave to it the name of Neapolis. [1189] The northern side of this
tract is bounded by the Gazelonitis, and by the country of the Amiseni;
the western side by the Halys; the eastern by Phanarœa; the remainder by
the territory of Amasis, my native country, which surpasses all the rest
in extent and fertility.
The part of Phazemonitis towards Phanarœa is occupied by a lake,
sea-like in magnitude, called Stiphane,[1190] which abounds with fish,
and has around it a large range of pasture adapted to all kinds of
animals. Close upon it is a strong fortress, Cizari, [Icizari,] at
present deserted, and near it a royal seat in ruins. The rest of the
country in general is bare, but produces corn.
Above the district of Amasis are the hot springs[1191] of the
Phazemonitæ, highly salubrious, and the Sagylium,[1192] a stronghold
situated on a lofty perpendicular hill, stretching upwards and
terminating in a sharp peak. In this fortress is a reservoir well
supplied with water, which is at present neglected, but was useful, on
many occasions, to the kings. Here the sons of Pharnaces the king
captured and put to death Arsaces, who was governing without the
authority of the Roman generals, and endeavouring to produce a
revolution in the state. The fortress was taken by Polemo and Lycomedes,
both of them kings, by famine and not by storm.
proof of their statement, first as regards the Bithynians, that there
still exists in Thrace a people called Bithynians, and then, as regards
the Thyni, that the sea-shore, near Apollonia[1104] and
Salmydessus,[1105] is called Thynias. The Bebryces, who preceded them as
settlers in Mysia, were, as I conjecture, Thracians. We have said[1106]
that the Mysians themselves were a colony of those Thracians who are now
called Mæsi.
Such is the account given of these people.
4. There is not, however, the same agreement among writers with regard
to the Mariandyni, and the Caucones. For they say that Heracleia is
situated among the Mariandyni, and was founded by Milesians. [1107] But
who they are, or whence they came, nothing is said. There is no
difference in language, nor any other apparent national distinction
between them and the Bithynians, whom they resemble in all respects. It
is probable therefore the Mariandyni were a Thracian tribe.
Theopompus says that Mariandynus, who governed a part of Paphlagonia,
which was subject to many masters, invaded and obtained possession of
the country of the Bebryces, and that he gave his own name to the
territory which he had before occupied. It is also said that the
Milesians who first founded Heracleia, compelled the Mariandyni, the
former possessors of the place, to serve as Helots, and even sold them,
but not beyond the boundaries of their country. For they were sold on
the same conditions as the class of persons called Mnoans, who were
slaves to the Cretans, and the Penestæ,[1108] who were slaves of the
Thessalians.
5. The Caucones, who, according to history, inhabited the line of
sea-coast which extends from the Mariandyni as far as the river
Parthenius, and to whom belonged the city Tieium,[1109] [CAS. 542] are
said by some writers to be Scythians, by others a tribe of Macedonians,
and by others a tribe of Pelasgi. We have already spoken of these people
elsewhere. [1110] Callisthenes in his comment upon the enumeration of the
ships inserts after this verse,
“Cromna, Ægialus, and the lofty Erythini,”[1111]
these lines,
“The brave son of Polycles led the Caucones,
Who inhabited the well-known dwellings about the river Parthenius,”
for the territory extends from Heracleia, and the Mariandyni as far as
the Leucosyri, whom we call Cappadocians. But the tribe of the Caucones
about Tieium extends to the Parthenius; that of the Heneti, who occupy
Cytorum,[1112] immediately follows the Parthenius, and even at present
some Caucones are living about the Parthenius.
6. Heracleia is a city with a good harbour, and of importance in other
respects. It has sent out colonies, among which are the
Cherronesus,[1113] and the Callatis. [1114] It was once independent,
afterwards for some time it was under the power of tyrants; it again
recovered its freedom; but at last, when subject to the Romans, it was
governed by kings. It received a colony of Romans, which was settled in
a portion of the city, and of its territory. A little before the battle
of Actium, Adiatorix, the son of Domnecleius the tetrarch of Galatia,
who had received from Antony that portion of the city of which the
Heracleiotæ were in possession, attacked the Romans by night, and put
them to death by the command, as he said, of Antony; but after the
victory at Actium, he was led in triumph, and put to death together with
his son. The city belongs to the province of Pontus, which was annexed
to Bithynia.
7. Between Chalcedon and Heracleia are several rivers, as the
Psillis,[1115] the Calpas, and the Sangarius, of which last the poet
makes mention. [1116] It has its source at the village Sangias, at the
distance of 150 stadia from Pessinus. It flows through the greater part
of Phrygia Epictetus, and a part also of Bithynia, so that it is distant
from Nicomedia a little more than 300 stadia, where the river Gallus
unites with it. The latter river has its source at Modra in Phrygia on
the Hellespont, which is the same country as the Epictetus, and was
formerly occupied by the Bithynians.
The Sangarius thus increased in bulk, and navigable, although not so
formerly, is the boundary of Bithynia at the part of the coast where it
discharges itself. In front of this coast is the island Thynia.
In the territory of Heracleia grows the aconite.
This city is distant from the temple at Chalcedon about 1500, and from
the Sangarius 500, stadia.
8. Tieium is now a small town and has nothing remarkable belonging to
it, except that it was the birth-place of Philetærus, the founder of the
family of the Attalic kings.
Next is the river Parthenius, flowing through a country abounding with
flowers; from these it obtained its name. [1117] Its source is in
Paphlagonia. Then succeeded Paphlagonia, and the Heneti. It is a
question what Heneti the poet means, when he says,
“the brave Pylæmenes led the Paphlagonians out of the country
of the Heneti, where they have a race of wild mules;”[1118]
for at present, they say, no Heneti are to be found in Paphlagonia.
Others say that it is a village on the shore distant ten schœni from
Amastris. But Zenodotus writes the verse in this manner, “From Heneta,”
and says that it means the present Amisus. According to others it was a
tribe bordering upon the Cappadocians, which engaged in an expedition
with the Cimmerians, and were afterwards driven away into Adria. But the
account most generally received is, that the Heneti were the most
considerable tribe of the Paphlagonians; that Pylæmenes was descended
from it; that a large body of this people accompanied him to the Trojan
war; that when they had lost their leader they passed over to Thrace
upon the capture of Troy; and in the course of their wanderings arrived
at the present Henetic territory.
Some writers say that both Antenor and his sons participated in this
expedition, and settled at the inner recess of the [CAS. 544] gulf of
Adria, as we have said in the description of Italy. [1119] It is probable
that this was the cause of the extinction of the Heneti, and that they
were no longer to be found in Paphlagonia.
9. The boundary of the Paphlagonians to the east is the river Halys,
which flows from the south between the Syrians and the Paphlagonians;
and according to Herodotus,[1120] (who means Cappadocians, when he is
speaking of Syrians,) discharges itself into the Euxine Sea. Even at
present they are called Leuco-Syrians, (or White Syrians,) while those
without the Taurus are called Syrians. In comparison with the people
within the Taurus, the latter have a burnt complexion; but the former,
not having it, received the appellation of Leuco-Syrians (or White
Syrians). Pindar says that
“the Amazons commanded a Syrian band, armed with spears with
broad iron heads;”
thus designating the people that lived at Themiscyra. [1121] Themiscyra
belongs to the Amiseni,[1122] and the district of the Amiseni to the
Leuco-Syrians settled beyond the Halys.
The river Halys forms the boundary of the Paphlagonians to the east;
Phrygians and the Galatians settled among that people, on the south; and
on the west Bithynians and Mariandyni (for the race of the Caucones has
everywhere entirely disappeared); on the north the Euxine. This country
is divided into two parts, the inland, and the maritime, extending from
the Halys as far as Bithynia. Mithridates Eupator possessed the maritime
part as far as Heracleia, and of the inland country he had the district
nearest to Heracleia, some parts of which extended even beyond the
Halys. These are also the limits of the Roman province of Pontus. The
remainder was subject to chiefs, even after the overthrow of
Mithridates.
We shall afterwards speak of those Paphlagonians in the inland parts,
who were not subject to Mithridates; we propose at present to describe
the country which he governed, called Pontus.
10. After the river Parthenius is Amastris, bearing the same name as the
princess by whom it was founded. It is situated upon a peninsula, with
harbours on each side of the isthmus. Amastris was the wife of
Dionysius, the tyrant of Heracleia, and daughter of Oxyathres, the
brother of the Darius who fought against Alexander. She formed the
settlement out of four cities, Sesamus, Cytorum, Cromna, (mentioned by
Homer in his recital of the Paphlagonian forces,[1123]) and Tieium,
which city however soon separated from the others, but the rest
continued united. Of these, Sesamus is called the citadel of Amastris.
Cytorum was formerly a mart of the people of Sinope. It had its name
from Cytorus, the son of Phrixus, according to Ephorus. Box-wood of the
best quality grows in great abundance in the territory of Amastris, and
particularly about Cytorum.
Ægialus is a line of sea-coast, in length more than 100 stadia. On it is
a village of the same name,[1124] which the poet mentions in these
lines,
“Cromna, and Ægialus, and the lofty Erythini;”[1125]
but some authors write,
“Cromna and Cobialus. ”
The Erythini are said to be the present Erythrini, and to have their
name from their (red) colour. They are two rocks. [1126]
Next to Ægialus is Carambis, a large promontory stretching towards the
north, and the Scythian Chersonesus. We have frequently mentioned this
promontory, and the Criu-metopon opposite it, which divides the Euxine
into two seas. [1127]
Next to Carambis is Cinolis,[1128] and Anti-Cinolis, and
Aboniteichos,[1129] a small city, and Armene,[1130] which gave rise to
the common proverb;
“He who had nothing to do built a wall about Armene. ”
It is a village of the Sinopenses, with a harbour.
11. Next is Sinope itself, distant from Armene 50 stadia, the most
considerable of all the cities in that quarter. It was founded by
Milesians, and when the inhabitants had established a naval force they
commanded the sea within the Cyanean [CAS. 545] rocks, and were allies
of the Greeks in many naval battles beyond these limits. Although this
city was independent for a long period, it did not preserve its liberty
to the last, but was taken by siege, and became subject first to
Pharnaces, then to his successors, to the time when the Romans put an
end to the power of Mithridates Eupator. This prince was born and
brought up in this city, on which he conferred distinguished honour, and
made it a capital of the kingdom. It has received advantages from nature
which have been improved by art. It is built upon the neck of a
peninsula; on each side of the isthmus are harbours, stations for
vessels, and fisheries worthy of admiration for the capture of the
pelamydes. Of these fisheries we have said[1131] that the people of
Sinope have the second, and the Byzantines the third, in point of
excellence.
The peninsula projects in a circular form; the shores are surrounded by
a chain of rocks, and in some parts there are cavities, like rocky pits,
which are called Chœnicides. These are filled when the sea is high. For
the above reason, the place is not easily approached; besides which,
along the whole surface of rock the road is covered with sharp-pointed
stones, and persons cannot walk upon it with naked feet. The lands in
the higher parts and above the city have a good soil, and are adorned
with fields dressed as gardens, and this is the case in a still greater
degree in the suburbs. The city itself is well secured with walls, and
magnificently ornamented with a gymnasium, forum, and porticos.
Notwithstanding these advantages for defence, it was twice taken; first
by Pharnaces, who attacked it unexpectedly; afterwards by Lucullus, who
besieged it while it was harassed by an insidious tyrant within the
walls. For Bacchides,[1132] who was appointed by the king commander of
the garrison, being always suspicious of treachery on the part of those
within the city, had disgraced and put many to death. He thus prevented
the citizens both from defending themselves with bravery, although
capable of making a gallant defence, and from offering terms for a
capitulation. The city was therefore captured. Lucullus took away the
Sphere of Billarus,[1133] and the Autolycus,[1134] the workmanship of
Sthenis, whom the citizens regarded as a founder, and honoured as a god;
he left the other ornaments of the city untouched. There was there an
oracle of Sthenis. He seems to have been one of the companions of Jason
in his voyage, and to have got possession of this place. In after times
the Milesians, observing the natural advantages of the city, and the
weakness of the inhabitants, appropriated it as their own, and sent out
colonists. It has at present a Roman colony, and a part of the city and
of the territory belongs to the Romans. It is distant from Hieron[1135]
3500, from Heracleia 2000, and from Carambis 700, stadia. It has
produced men distinguished among philosophers, Diogenes the Cynic, and
Timotheus surnamed Patrion; among poets, Diphilus, the writer of comedy;
among historians, Baton,[1136] who wrote the history of Persia.
12. Proceeding thence, next in order is the mouth of the river Halys. It
has its name from the _hales_, or salt mines,[1137] near which it flows.
It has its source in the Greater Cappadocia, near the territory of
Pontus, in Camisene. It flows in a large stream towards the west, then
turning to the north through the country of the Galatians and
Paphlagonians, forms the boundary of their territory, and of that of the
Leuco-Syrians. The tract of land belonging to Sinope and all the
mountainous country as far as Bithynia, situated above the sea-coast,
which has been described, furnishes timber of excellent quality for
ship-building, and is easily conveyed away. The territory of [CAS. 546]
Sinope produces the maple, and the mountain nut tree, from which wood
for tables is cut. The whole country is planted with the olive, and
cultivation begins a little above the sea-coast.
13. Next to the mouth of the Halys is Gadilonítis, extending as far as
the Saramene; it is a fertile country, wholly consisting of plains, and
produces every kind of fruit. It affords also pasture for flocks of
sheep which are covered[1138] with skins, and produce a soft wool; very
little of this wool is to be found throughout Cappadocia and Pontus.
There are also deer,[1139] which are rare in other parts.
The Amiseni possess one part of this country. Pompey gave another to
Deïotarus, as well as the tract about Pharnacia and Trapezus as far as
Colchis and the Lesser Armenia. Pompey appointed him king of these
people and countries: he had already inherited the tetrarchy of the
Galatians, called the Tolistobogii. Upon his death various persons
succeeded to the different parts of his kingdom.
14. Next to Gadilon[1140] are the Saramene,[1141] and Amisus, a
considerable city distant from Sinope about 900 stadia. Theopompus says
that the Milesians were the first founders, * * * * * * *[1142] [then by]
a chief of the Cappadocians; in the third place it received a colony of
Athenians under the conduct of Athenocles, and its name was changed to
Piræeus.
This city also was in the possession of the kings. Mithridates Eupator
embellished it with temples, and added a part to it. Lucullus, and
afterwards Pharnaces, who came from across the Bosporus, besieged it.
Antony surrendered it to the kings of Pontus, after it had been declared
free by Divus Cæsar. Then the Tyrant Strato oppressed the inhabitants,
who again recovered their liberty under Cæsar Augustus after the battle
of Actium. They are now in a prosperous condition. Among other fertile
spots is Themiscyra,[1143] the abode of the Amazons, and Sidene. [1144]
15. Themiscyra is a plain, partly washed by the sea, and distant about
60 stadia from the city (Amisus); and partly situated at the foot of a
mountainous country, which is well wooded, and intersected with rivers,
which have their source among the mountains. A river, named Thermodon,
which receives the water of all these rivers, traverses the plain.
Another river very similar to this, of the name of Iris,[1145] flowing
from a place called Phanarœa,[1146] traverses the same plain. It has its
sources in Pontus. Flowing westward through the city of Pontic
Comana,[1147] and through Dazimonitis,[1148] a fertile plain, it then
turns to the north beside Gaziura,[1149] an ancient seat of the kings,
but now deserted; it then again returns to the east, where, uniting with
the Scylax[1150] and other rivers, and taking its course beside the
walls of my native place, Amaseia,[1151] a very strongly fortified city,
proceeds to Phanarœa. There when joined by the Lycus,[1152] which rises
in Armenia, it becomes the Iris. It then enters Themiscyra, and
discharges itself into the Euxine. This plain, therefore, is well
watered with dews, is constantly covered with herbage, and is capable of
affording food to herds of cattle as well as to horses. The largest
crops there consist of panic and millet, or rather they never fail, for
the supply of water more than counteracts the effect of all drought;
these people, therefore, never on any occasion experience a famine. The
country at the foot of the mountains produces so large an autumnal crop
of spontaneous-grown wild fruits, of the vine, the pear, the apple, and
hazel, that, in all seasons of the year, persons who go into the woods
to cut timber gather them in large quantities; the fruit is found either
yet hanging upon the trees or lying beneath a deep covering of fallen
leaves thickly strewed upon the ground. Wild animals of all kinds, which
resort here on account of the abundance of food, are frequently hunted.
16. Next to Themiscyra is Sidene, a fertile plain, but not watered in
the same manner by rivers as Themiscyra. It has strongholds on the
sea-coast, as Side,[1153] from which Sidene has [CAS. 548] its name,
Chabaca and Phabda (Phauda). [1154] Amisene extends as far as this place.
Among the natives of Amisus[1155] distinguished for their learning were
the mathematicians Demetrius, the son of Rathenus, and Dionysodorus, of
the same name as the Ionian (Milesian? ) geometrician, and Tyrannion the
grammarian, whose lessons I attended.
17. Next to Sidene is Pharnacia[1156] a small fortified city, and then
follows Trapezus,[1157] a Greek city, to which from Amisus is a voyage
of about 2200 stadia; thence to the Phasis about 1400 stadia, so that
the sum total of stadia from the Hieron[1158] to the Phasis is about
8000 stadia, either more or less.
In sailing along this coast from Amisus we first come to the Heracleian
promontory;[1159] then succeeds another promontory, Jasonium,[1160] and
the Genetes;[1161] then Cytorus (Cotyorus) a small city,[1162] from
which Pharnacia received a colony; then Ischopolis, which is in ruins.
Next is a bay on which are situated Cerasus, and Hermonassa,[1163] small
settlements. Near Hermonassa is Trapezus, then Colchis. Somewhere about
this place is a settlement called Zygopolis.
I have already spoken of Colchis, and of the sea-coast beyond. [1164]
18. Above Trapezus and Pharnacia are situated Tibareni, Chaldæi, Sanni,
(who were formerly called Macrones,[1165]) and the Lesser Armenia. The
Appaïtæ also, formerly called Cercitæ, are not far from these places.
Through the country belonging to these people stretches the
Scydises,[1166] a very rugged mountain, contiguous to the Moschic
mountains[1167] above Colchis. The heights of the Scydises are occupied
by the Heptacometæ. [1168] This country is likewise traversed by the
Paryadres,[1169] which extends from the neighbourhood of Sidene and
Themiscyra to the Lesser Armenia, and forms the eastern side of the
Pontus.
All the inhabitants of these mountains are quite savage, but
the Heptacometæ are more so than all the others. Some of them live among
trees, or in small towers, whence the ancients called them
Mosynœci,[1170] because the towers were called mosȳnes. Their food
consists of the flesh of wild animals and the fruits of trees. They
attack travellers, leaping down from the floors of their dwellings among
the trees. The Heptacometæ cut off three of Pompey’s cohorts, as they
were passing through the mountains, by placing on their road vessels
filled with maddening honey, which is procured from the branches of
trees. The men who had tasted the honey and lost their senses were
attacked and easily despatched. Some of these barbarians were called
Byzeres.
19. The present Chaldæi were anciently called Chalybes. It is in their
territory chiefly that Pharnacia is situated. On the sea-coast it has
natural advantages for the capture of the pelamydes. For this fish is
first caught at this place. On the mainland there are at present mines
of iron; formerly there were also mines of silver. The sea-shore along
all these places is very narrow, for directly above it are hills, which
abound with mines and forests; much, however, of the country is not
cultivated. The miners derive their subsistence from the mines, and the
fishermen from the fisheries, especially from the capture of pelamydes
and dolphins. The dolphins pursue shoals of fish, the cordyla, the
tunny, and even the pelamys; they grow fat on them, and as they approach
the land incautiously, are easily taken. They are caught with a bait and
then cut into pieces; large quantities of the fat are used for all
purposes.
20. These I suppose are the people who are called by Homer Halizoni, who
in his Catalogue follow the Paphlagonians.
“But Odius and Epistrophus led the Halizoni
Far from Alybe, where there are silver mines;”[1171]
whether the writing was changed from “far from Chalybe,” or whether the
people were formerly called Alybes instead of Chalybes. We cannot at
present say that it is possible that Chaldæi should be read for
Chalybes, but it cannot be maintained that formerly Chalybes could not
be read for Alybes, especially [CAS. 549] when we know that names are
subject to many changes, more especially among barbarians. For example,
a tribe of Thracians were called Sinties, then Sinti, then Saii, in
whose country Archilochus is said to have thrown away his shield:
“one of the Saii exults in having a shield, which, without
blame, I involuntarily left behind in a thicket. ”
This same people have now the name of Sapæi. For all these people were
settled about Abdera, they also held Lemnos and the islands about
Lemnos. Thus also Brygi, Briges, and Phryges are the same people; and
Mysi, Mæones, and Meones are the same people. But it is unnecessary to
multiply instances of this kind.
The Scepsian (Demetrius) throws some doubt on the alteration of the name
from Alybes to Chalybes, but not understanding what follows, nor what
accords with it, nor, in particular, why the poet calls the Chalybes
Alizoni, he rejects the opinion that there has been an alteration of
name. In comparing his opinion with my own I shall consider also the
hypotheses entertained by others.
21. Some persons alter the word to Alazones, others to Amazons, and
“Alybe” to “Alope,” or “Alobe,” calling the Scythians above the
Borysthenes Alazones and Callipidæ, and by other names, about which
Hellanicus, Herodotus, and Eudoxus have talked very absurdly; some say
that the Amazons were situated between Mysia, Caria, and Lydia near
Cyme, which is the opinion also of Ephorus, who was a native of the
latter place. And this opinion may not be unreasonable, for he may mean
the country which in later times was inhabited by the Æolians and
Ionians, but formerly by Amazons. There are some cities, it is said,
which have their names from the Amazons; as Ephesus, Smyrna, Cyme, and
Myrina. But would any one think of inquiring in these places after
Alybe, or, according to some writers, Alope, or Alobe; what would be the
meaning of “from afar,” or where is the silver mine?
22. These objections he solves by an alteration in the text, for he
writes the verses in this manner,
“But Odius and Epistrophus led the Amazons,
Who came from Alope, whence the tribe of the Amazonides. ”
But by this solution he has invented another fiction. For Alope is
nowhere to be found in that situation, and the alteration in the text,
itself a great change, and contrary to the authority of ancient copies,
looks like an adaptation formed for the occasion.
The Scepsian (Demetrius) does not adopt the opinion of Ephorus, nor does
he agree with those who suppose them to be the Halizoni about Pallene,
whom we mentioned in the description of Macedonia.
He is at a loss also
to understand how any one could suppose that auxiliaries could come to
the Trojans from the Nomades situated above the Borysthenes. He much
approves of the opinion of Hecatæus the Milesian, and of Menecrates of
Elea, disciples of Xenocrates, and that of Palæphatus. The first of
these says in his work entitled “the Circuit of the Earth,” “near the
city Alazia is the river Odrysses, which after flowing through the plain
of Mygdonia from the west, out of the lake Dascylitis, empties itself
into the Rhyndacus. ” He further relates that Alazia is now deserted, but
that many villages of the Alazones through which the Odrysses flows are
inhabited. In these villages Apollo is worshipped with peculiar honours,
and especially on the confines of the Cyziceni.
Menecrates, in his work “the Circuit of the Hellespont,” says that above
the places near Myrleia there is a continuous mountain tract occupied by
the nation of the Halizoni. The name, he says, ought to be written with
two l’s, Hallizoni, but the poet uses one only on account of the metre.
Palæphatus says that Odius and Epistrophus levied their army from among
the Amazons then living in Alope, but at present in Zeleia. [1172]
Do the opinions of these persons deserve approbation? For besides their
alteration of the ancient text, and the position of this people, they
neither point out the silver mines, nor where in Myrleatis Alope is
situated, nor how they, who came thence to Troy, came “from afar,”
although it should be granted that there existed an Alope, or an Alazia.
For these are much nearer Troy than the places about Ephesus. Those,
however, are triflers, in the opinion of Demetrius, who speak of the
existence of Amazons near Pygela, between Ephesus, Magnesia, and Priene,
for the words “from afar” do not agree with the spot; much less will
they agree with a situation about Mysia, and Teuthrania.
23. [CAS. 551] This may be true, says he, but some expressions are to be
understood as loosely applied, such as these,
“Far from Ascania,”[1173]
and
“His name was Arnæus, given to him by his honoured mother,”[1174]
and
“Penelope seized the well-turned key with her firm hand. ”[1175]
But admitting this, the other assertions are not to be allowed to which
Demetrius is disposed to attend; nor has he refuted in a convincing
manner those persons who maintain that we ought to read “far from
Chalybe. ” For having conceded that, although at present there are not
silver mines among the Chalybes, they might formerly have existed, he
does not grant that they were far-famed, and worthy of notice, like the
iron mines. But some one may say, what should prevent them from being as
famous as the iron mines, or does an abundance of iron make a place
celebrated, and not an abundance of silver? Again, if the silver mines
had obtained celebrity in the age of Homer, but not in the heroic times,
can any one blame the poet’s representation? How did their fame reach
him? How did the fame of the copper mines at Temesa in Italy, or of the
wealth of Thebes in Egypt, reach his ears, although Egyptian Thebes was
situated almost at double the distance of the Chaldæi.
But Demetrius does not altogether agree with those whose opinions he
espouses. For when he is describing the neighbourhood of Scepsis his own
birth-place, he mentions Enea, a village, Argyria, and Alazonia, as near
Scepsis, and the Æsepus;[1176] but if these places exist at all, they
must be near the sources of the Æsepus. Hecatæus places them beyond the
mouths of that river. Palæphatus, who says that the Amazons formerly
occupied Alope, and at present Zeleia, does not advance anything in
agreement with these statements. But if Menecrates agrees with
Demetrius, neither does Menecrates say what this Alope, or Alobe, is,
(or, in whatever manner they please to write the name,) nor yet does
Demetrius himself.
24. With regard to Apollodorus, who mentions these places in his
discourse on the array of the Trojan forces, we have said much before
in reply to him, and we must now speak of him again. [1177] He is of
opinion that we ought not to understand the Halizoni without the Halys,
for no auxiliaries came to Troy from the country on the other side of
the Halys. First, then, we will inquire of him who are the Halizoni
within the Halys, and situated
“far from Alybe, where are silver mines? ”
He will not be able to reply. Next we will ask the reason why he does
not admit that some auxiliaries came from the country on the other side
of the Halys. For if it was the case, that all the rest were living on
this side the Halys, except the Thracians, nothing prevented this one
body of allies from coming from afar, from the country beyond the
Leuco-Syrians? Or, was it possible for the persons immediately engaged
in the war to pass over from those places, and from the country beyond
them, as the Amazons, Treres, and Cimmerians, but impossible for allies
to do so?
The Amazons were not allies, because Priam had fought in alliance with
the Phrygians against them:
“at that time, says Priam, I was among their auxiliaries on
that day, when the Amazons came to attack them. ”[1178]
The people also who were living on the borders of the country of the
Amazons were not situated at so great a distance that it was difficult
to send for them from thence, nor did any animosity exist, I suppose, at
that time to prevent them from affording assistance.
25. Nor is there any foundation for the opinion, that all the ancients
agree that no people from the country beyond the Halys took part in the
Trojan war. Testimony may be found to the contrary. Mæandrius at least
says that Heneti came from the country of the Leuco-Syrians to assist
the Trojans in the war; that they set sail thence with the Thracians,
and settled about the recess of the Adriatic; and that the Heneti, who
had no place in the expedition, were Cappadocians. This account seems to
agree with the circumstance, that the people inhabiting the whole of
that part of Cappadocia near the Halys, which extends along Paphlagonia,
speak two dialects, and that their language abounds with Paphlagonian
names, as [CAS. 553] Bagas, Biasas, Æniates, Rhatotes, Zardoces,
Tibius, Gasys, Oligasys, and Manes. For these names are frequently to be
found in the Bamonitis, the Pimolitis, the Gazaluïtis, and Gazacene, and
in most of the other districts. Apollodorus himself quotes the words of
Homer, altered by Zenodotus;
“from Henete, whence comes a race of wild mules,”
and says, that Hecatæus the Milesian understands Henete to mean Amisus.
But we have shown that Amisus belongs to the Leuco-Syrians, and is
situated beyond the Halys.
26. He also somewhere says that the poet obtained his knowledge of the
Paphlagonians, situated in the interior, from persons who had travelled
through the country on foot, but that he was not acquainted with the
sea-coast any more than with the rest of the territory of Pontus; for
otherwise he would have mentioned it by name. We may, on the contrary,
after the description which has just been given of the country, retort
and say that he has traversed the whole of the sea-coast, and has
omitted nothing worthy of record which existed at that time. It is not
surprising that he does not mention Heracleia, Amastris, or Sinope, for
they were not founded; nor is it strange that he should omit to speak of
the interior of the country; nor is it a proof of ignorance not to
specify by name many places which were well known, as we have shown in a
preceding part of this work.
He says that Homer was ignorant of much that was remarkable in Pontus,
as rivers and nations, otherwise he would have mentioned their names.
This may be admitted with respect to some very remarkable nations and
rivers, as the Scythians, the Palus Mæotis, and the Danube. For he would
not have described the Nomades, by characteristic signs, as living on
milk, Abii, a people without certain means of subsistence, “most just”
and “renowned Hippemolgi,” (milkers of mares,) and not distinguished
them as Scythians, or Sauromatæ, or Sarmatæ, if, indeed, they had these
names among the Greeks (at that time). Nor in mentioning the Thracians
and Mysians, who live near the Danube, would he have passed over in
silence the Danube itself, one of the largest rivers, particularly as,
in other instances, he is inclined to mark the boundaries of places by
rivers; nor in speaking of the Cimmerians would he have omitted the
Bosporus, or the Mæotis.
27. With respect then to places not so remarkable, or not famous at that
time, or not illustrating the subject of his poem, who can blame the
poet for omitting them? As, for example, omitting to mention the Don,
famed only as it is for being the boundary of Asia and Europe. The
persons however of that time were not accustomed to use the name either
of Asia or Europe, nor was the habitable earth divided into three
continents; otherwise he would have mentioned them by name on account of
their strong characteristic marks, as he mentioned by name Libya
(Africa), and the Libs (the south-west wind), blowing from the western
parts of Africa. But as the continents were not yet distinguished, it
was not necessary that he should mention the Don. There were many things
worthy of record, which did not occur to him. For both in actions and in
discourse much is done and said without any cause or motive, by merely
spontaneously presenting itself to the mind.
It is evident from all these circumstances that every person who
concludes that because a certain thing is not mentioned by the poet he
was therefore ignorant of it, uses a bad argument; and we must prove by
several examples that it is bad, for many persons employ this kind of
evidence to a great extent. We must refute them therefore by producing
such instances as these which follow, although we shall repeat what has
been already said.
If any one should maintain that the poet was not acquainted with a river
which he has not mentioned, we should say that his argument is absurd,
for he has not mentioned by name even the river Meles, which runs by
Smyrna, his birth-place according to many writers, while he has
mentioned the rivers Hermus and Hyllus by name, but yet not the
Pactolus,[1179] which discharges itself into the same channel as these
rivers, and rises in the mountain Tmolus. [1180] He does not mention
either Smyrna itself, or the other cities of the Ionians, or most of
those of the Æolians, although he specifies Miletus, Samos, Lesbos, and
Tenedos. He does not mention the Lethæus, which flows beside
Magnesia,[1181] nor the Marsyas, which rivers empty themselves into the
Mæander,[1182] which he mentions by name, as well as [CAS. 554]
“the Rhesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, and Rhodius,”[1183]
and others, many of which are not more than small streams. While he
specifies by name many countries and cities, sometimes he makes an
enumeration of rivers and mountains, sometimes he does not do so. He
does not mention the rivers in Ætolia and Attica, nor many others. And
if, in mentioning people that live afar off, he does not mention those
who are very near, it is certainly not through ignorance of them, for
they were well known to other writers. With respect to people who were
all equally near, he does not observe one rule, for some he mentions,
and not others, as for instance he mentions the Lycii, and Solymi, but
not the Milyæ, nor Pamphylians, nor Pisidians; the Paphlagonians,
Phrygians, and Mysians, but not the Mariandyni, nor Thyni, nor
Bithynians, nor Bebryces; the Amazons, but not the Leuco-Syrians, nor
Syrians, nor Cappadocians, nor Lycaonians, while he frequently speaks of
the Phœnicians, Ægyptians, and Æthiopians. He mentions the Aleian plain,
and the Arimi mountains, but not the nation among which these are
situated.
The argument drawn from this is false; the true argument would have been
to show that the poet has asserted what is not true. Apollodorus has not
succeeded in this attempt, and he has more particularly failed when he
ventures to call by the name of fiction “the renowned Hippemolgi and
Galactophagi. ”[1184] So much then in reply to Apollodorus. I now return
to the part of my description which follows next in order.
28. Above the places about Pharnacia and Trapezus are the Tibareni, and
Chaldæi, extending as far as the Lesser Armenia.
The Lesser Armenia is sufficiently fertile. Like Sophene it was always
governed by princes who were sometimes in alliance with the other
Armenians, and sometimes acting independently. They held in subjection
the Chaldæi and Tibareni. Their dominion extended as far as Trapezus and
Pharnacia. When Mithridates Eupator became powerful, he made himself
master of Colchis, and of all those places which were ceded to him by
Antipater the son of Sisis. He bestowed however so much care upon them,
that he built seventy-five strongholds, in which he deposited the
greatest part of his treasure. The most considerable of these were
Hydara, Basgœdariza, and Sinoria, a fortress situated on the borders of
the Greater Armenia, whence Theophanes parodied the name, and called it
Synoria.
All the mountainous range of the Paryadres has many such convenient
situations for fortresses, being well supplied with water and timber, it
is intersected in many places by abrupt ravines and precipices. Here he
built most of the strongholds for keeping his treasure. At last on the
invasion of the country by Pompey he took refuge in these extreme parts
of the kingdom of Pontus, and occupied a mountain near Dasteira in
Acilisene, which was well supplied with water. The Euphrates also was
near, which is the boundary between Acilisene and the Lesser Armenia.
Mithridates remained there till he was besieged and compelled to fly
across the mountains into Colchis, and thence to Bosporus. Pompey built
near this same place in the Lesser Armenia Nicopolis, a city which yet
subsists, and is well inhabited.
29. The Lesser Armenia, which was in the possession of different persons
at different times, according to the pleasure of the Romans, was at last
subject to Archelaus. The Tibareni, however, and Chaldæi, extending as
far as Colchis, Pharnacia, and Trapezus, are under the government of
Pythodoris, a prudent woman, and capable of presiding over the
management of public affairs. She is the daughter of Pythodorus of
Tralles. She was the wife of Polemo, and reigned conjointly with him for
some time. She succeeded, after his death, to the throne. He died in the
country of the Aspurgiani, a tribe of barbarians living about Sindica.
She had two sons by Polemo, and a daughter who was married to Cotys the
Sapæan. He was treacherously murdered, and she became a widow. She had
children by him, the eldest of whom is now king. Of the sons of
Pythodoris, one as a private person, administers, together with his
mother, the affairs of the kingdom, the other has been lately made king
of the Greater Armenia. Pythodoris however married Archelaus, and
remained with him till his death. At present she is a widow, and in
possession of the countries before mentioned, and of others still more
beautiful, of which we shall next speak.
30. Sidene, and Themiscyra are contiguous to Pharnacia. Above these
countries is situated Phanarœa, containing the best portion of the
Pontus, for it produces excellent oil and [CAS. 556] wine, and
possesses every other property of a good soil. On the eastern side it
lies in front of the Paryadres which runs parallel to it; on the western
side it has the Lithrus, and the Ophlimus. It forms a valley of
considerable length and breadth. The Lycus, coming out of Armenia, flows
through this valley, and the Iris, which issues from the passes near
Amaseia. Both these rivers unite about the middle of the valley. A city
stands at their confluence which the first founder called Eupatoria,
after his own name. Pompey found it half-finished, and added to it a
territory, furnished it with inhabitants, and called it Magnopolis. It
lies in the middle of the plain. Close to the foot of the Paryadres is
situated Cabeira, about 150 stadia further to the south than Magnopolis,
about which distance likewise, but towards the west, is Amaseia. At
Cabeira was the palace of Mithridates, the water-mill, the park for
keeping wild animals, the hunting-ground in the neighbourhood, and the
mines.
31. There also is the Cainochorion, (New Castle,) as it is called, a
fortified and precipitous rock, distant from Cabeira less than 200
stadia. On its summit is a spring, which throws up abundance of water,
and at its foot a river, and a deep ravine. The ridge of rocks on which
it stands is of very great height, so that it cannot be taken by siege.
It is enclosed with an excellent wall, except the part where it has been
demolished by the Romans. The whole country around is so covered with
wood, so mountainous, and destitute of water, that an enemy cannot
encamp within the distance of 120 stadia. There Mithridates had
deposited his most valuable effects, which are now in the Capitol, as
offerings dedicated by Pompey.
Pythodoris is in possession of all this country; (for it is contiguous
to that of the barbarians, which she holds as a conquered country;) she
also holds the Zelitis and the Megalopolitis. After Pompey had raised
Cabeira to the rank of a city, and called it Diospolis, Pythodoris
improved it still more, changed its name to Sebaste, (or Augusta,) and
considers it a royal city.
She has also the temple of Mēn surnamed of Pharnaces, at Ameria, a
village city, inhabited by a large body of sacred menials, and having
annexed to it a sacred territory, the produce of which is always enjoyed
by the priest. The kings held this temple in such exceeding veneration,
that this was the Royal oath, “by the fortune of the king, and by Mēn
of Pharnaces. ” This is also the temple of the moon, like that among the
Albani, and those in Phrygia, namely the temple of Mēn in a place of the
same name, the temple of Ascæus at Antioch in Pisidia, and another in
the territory of Antioch.
32. Above Phanarœa is Comana[1185] in Pontus, of the same name as that
in the Greater Cappadocia, and dedicated to the same goddess. The temple
is a copy of that in Cappadocia, and nearly the same course of religious
rites is practised there; the mode of delivering the oracles is the
same; the same respect is paid to the priests, as was more particularly
the case in the time of the first kings, when twice a year, at what is
called the Exodi of the goddess, (when her image is carried in
procession,) the priest wore the diadem of the goddess and received the
chief honours after the king.
33. We have formerly mentioned Dorylaus the Tactician, who was my
mother’s great grandfather; and another Dorylaus, who was the nephew of
the former, and the son of Philetærus; I said that, although he had
obtained from Mithridates the highest dignities and even the priesthood
of Comana, he was detected in the fact of attempting the revolt of the
kingdom to the Romans. Upon his fall the family also was disgraced. At a
later period however Moaphernes, my mother’s uncle, rose to distinction
near upon the dissolution of the kingdom. But a second time he and his
friends shared in the misfortunes of the king, except those persons who
had anticipated the calamity and deserted him early. This was the case
with my maternal grandfather, who, perceiving the unfortunate progress
of the affairs of the king in the war with Lucullus, and at the same
time being alienated from him by resentment for having lately put to
death his nephew Tibius, and his son Theophilus, undertook to avenge
their wrongs and his own. He obtained pledges of security from Lucullus,
and caused fifteen fortresses to revolt; in return he received
magnificent promises. On the arrival of Pompey, who succeeded Lucullus
in the conduct of the war, he regarded as enemies (in consequence of the
enmity which subsisted between himself and that general) all those
persons who had performed any services that were acceptable to Lucullus.
On his return home at the conclusion of the war he prevailed upon the
senate not to confirm those honours which Lucullus had promised to some
persons of [CAS. 558] Pontus, maintaining it to be unjust towards a
general who had brought the war to a successful issue, that the rewards
and distribution of honours should be placed in the hands of another.
34. The affairs of Comana were administered as has been described in the
time of the kings. Pompey, when he had obtained the power, appointed
Archelaus priest, and assigned to him a district of two schœni, or 60
stadia in circuit, in addition to the sacred territory, and gave orders
to the inhabitants to obey Archelaus. He was their governor, and master
of the sacred slaves who inhabited the city, but had not the power of
selling them. The slaves amounted to no less than six thousand.
This Archelaus was the son of that Archelaus who received honours from
Sylla and the senate; he was the friend of Gabinius, a person of
consular rank. When the former was sent into Syria, he came with the
expectation of accompanying him, when he was making preparations for the
Parthian war, but the senate would not permit him to do so, and he
abandoned this, and conceived a greater design.
Ptolemy, the father of Cleopatra, happened at this time to be ejected
from his kingdom by the Ægyptians. His daughter however, the elder
sister of Cleopatra, was in possession of the throne. When inquiries
were making in order to marry her to a husband of royal descent,
Archelaus presented himself to those who were negotiating the affair,
and pretended to be the son of Mithridates Eupator. He was accepted, but
reigned only six months. He was killed by Gabinius in a pitched battle,
in his attempt to restore Ptolemy.
35. His son however succeeded to the priesthood, and Lycomedes succeeded
him, to whom was assigned an additional district of four schœni (or 120
stadia) in extent. When Lycomedes was dispossessed he was succeeded by
Dyteutus, the son of Adiatorix, who still occupies the post, and appears
to have obtained this honour from Cæsar Augustus on account of his good
conduct on the following occasion.
Cæsar, after leading in triumph Adiatorix, with his wife and children,
had resolved to put him to death together with the eldest of his sons.
Dyteutus was the eldest; but when the second of his brothers told the
soldiers who were leading them away to execution that he was the eldest,
there was a contest between the two brothers, which continued for some
time, till the parents prevailed upon Dyteutus to yield to the younger,
assigning as a reason, that the eldest would be a better person to
protect his mother and his remaining brother. The younger was put to
death together with his father; the elder was saved, and obtained this
office. When Cæsar was informed of the execution of these persons, he
regretted it, and, considering the survivors worthy of his favour and
protection, bestowed upon them this honourable appointment.
36. Comana is populous, and is a considerable mart, frequented by
persons coming from Armenia. Men and women assemble there from all
quarters from the cities and the country to celebrate the festival at
the time of the exodi or processions of the goddess. Some persons under
the obligation of a vow are always residing there, and perform
sacrifices in honour of the goddess.
The inhabitants are voluptuous in their mode of life. All their property
is planted with vines, and there is a multitude of women, who make a
gain of their persons, most of whom are dedicated to the goddess. The
city is almost a little Corinth. On account of the multitude of harlots
at Corinth, who are dedicated to Venus, and attracted by the festivities
of the place, strangers resorted thither in great numbers. Merchants and
soldiers were quite ruined, so that hence the proverb originated,
“every man cannot go to Corinth. ”
Such is the character of Comana.
37. All the country around is subject to Pythodoris, and she possesses
also Phanarœa, the Zelitis, and the Megalopolitis.
We have already spoken of Phanarœa.
In the district Zelitis is the city Zela,[1186] built upon the mound of
Semiramis. It contains the temple of Anaïtis, whom the Armenians also
worship. Sacrifices are performed with more pomp than in other places,
and all the people of Pontus take oaths here in affairs of highest
concern. The multitude of the sacred menials, and the honours conferred
upon the priests, were in the time of the kings, upon the plan which I
have before described. At present, however, everything is under the
power of Pythodoris, but many persons had previously reduced the number
of the sacred attendants, injured the property and diminished the
revenue belonging to the [CAS. 560] temple. The adjacent district of
Zelitis, (in which is the city Zela, on the mound of Semiramis,) was
reduced by being divided into several governments. Anciently, the kings
did not govern Zela as a city, but regarded it as a temple of the
Persian gods; the priest was the director of everything relating to its
administration. It was inhabited by a multitude of sacred menials, by
the priest, who possessed great wealth, and by his numerous attendants;
the sacred territory was under the authority of the priest, and it was
his own property. Pompey added many provinces to Zelitis, and gave the
name of city to Zela, as well as to Megalopolis. He formed Zelitis,
Culupene, and Camisene, into one district. The two latter bordered upon
the Lesser Armenia, and upon Laviansene. Fossile salt was found in them,
and there was an ancient fortress called Camisa, at present in ruins.
The Roman governors who next succeeded assigned one portion of these two
governments to the priests of Comana, another to the priest of Zela, and
another to Ateporix, a chief of the family of the tetrarchs of Galatia;
upon his death, this portion, which was not large, became subject to the
Romans under the name of a province. This little state is a political
body of itself, Carana[1187] being united with it as a colony, and hence
the district has the name of Caranitis. The other parts are in the
possession of Pythodoris, and Dyteutus.
38. There remain to be described the parts of Pontus, situated between
this country and the districts of Amisus, and Sinope, extending towards
Cappadocia, the Galatians, and the Paphlagonians.
Next to the territory of the Amiseni is Phazemonitis,[1188] which
extends as far as the Halys, and which Pompey called Neapolitis. He
raised the village Phazemon to the rank of a city, and increasing its
extent gave to it the name of Neapolis. [1189] The northern side of this
tract is bounded by the Gazelonitis, and by the country of the Amiseni;
the western side by the Halys; the eastern by Phanarœa; the remainder by
the territory of Amasis, my native country, which surpasses all the rest
in extent and fertility.
The part of Phazemonitis towards Phanarœa is occupied by a lake,
sea-like in magnitude, called Stiphane,[1190] which abounds with fish,
and has around it a large range of pasture adapted to all kinds of
animals. Close upon it is a strong fortress, Cizari, [Icizari,] at
present deserted, and near it a royal seat in ruins. The rest of the
country in general is bare, but produces corn.
Above the district of Amasis are the hot springs[1191] of the
Phazemonitæ, highly salubrious, and the Sagylium,[1192] a stronghold
situated on a lofty perpendicular hill, stretching upwards and
terminating in a sharp peak. In this fortress is a reservoir well
supplied with water, which is at present neglected, but was useful, on
many occasions, to the kings. Here the sons of Pharnaces the king
captured and put to death Arsaces, who was governing without the
authority of the Roman generals, and endeavouring to produce a
revolution in the state. The fortress was taken by Polemo and Lycomedes,
both of them kings, by famine and not by storm.
