The
conquest
of E.
Cambridge History of India - v1
It is impossible at present to determine with much precision
the localities in which these coins were issued ; but similarity of type
suggests that one variety may belong to the same region as the coins of
the Arjunāyanas and the kings of Mathurā (Pl. V, 13).
The mountainous fringe of country of the north of the Punjab
and the United Provinces was also accupied at this period by independent
native Indian states ; and the names of some of them have similarly been
preserved by the coins, which were no doubt the result of commerce
between these peoples of the hills and the low-landers. In the Gurdāspur
District of the Punjab there lived the Udumbaras, who claimed to
be descended from Viçvāmitra, the rishi of the third book of the Rigveda.
His figure appears on the coins of their king, Dharāghosha, whose
reign must probably be assigned to the latter half of the first century
B. C. , since his coinage is evidently imitated from that of the Çaka
king Azilises (Pl. V, 14, Dharāghosha ; 15, Azilises). Of a somewhat
later date, perhaps of the first or second century A. D. , are the coins of the
Kulūtas, the eastern neighbours of the Udum baras, in the Kulū valley of
the Kangra District; and to the same period as the coins of the Udumbaras
belong the earlier issues of the Kuņindas who inhabited the country of the
Sutlej in the Simla Hill States (Pl. V, 16, Amoghabhūti). These
three peoples, the Udumbaras, the Kulūtas, and the Kuņindas, lived on the
border between the regions in which the two ancient alphabets. Brāhmi and
Kharoshthi, prevailed : they accordingly used both of them in their
coin-legends. To a branch of the Kunindas (or Kulindas, as they are called
1 Rapson, Indian Coins, pp. 11-13, and PII, III, 20 and IV, 1.
2 Cf. Pargiter , Márk Pur. p. 355. For the connexion between Viçvamitra
and the country of the Beas, See l'edic Index, II, p. 310.
>
## p. 477 (#515) ############################################
XXI)
RISE OF THE ANDHRAS
477
in the Purāņas), whose territories 'extended further east along the southern
slopes of the Himalayas as far as Nepal' (Pargiter, Mārk. Pur. p. 316), are
probably also to be attributed the coins of two kings which have been found
in the Almora District (Pl. V, 17, Çivadatta)'.
The 'unsubdued' peoples on the southern borders of the Maurya do-
minions were, during the Çunga period, united under the suzerainty of the
most powerful among them, the Andhras, whose home was in the coastal
region of the Madras Presidency between the rivers Godāvari and Kistna.
The dynasty, which is known by its tribal name in the Purāņas and by its
family name or title, Çātavāhana, in inscriptions, is traced back to
king Simuka, who was succeeded by his younger brother, Kțishņa.
At some date at the reign of Simuka or Krishņa the Andhra conquests had
extended up the valley of the river Godāvari for its whole length, a distance
of some nine hunderd miles, to the table-land of the Nasik District. This
is proved by the inscriptions ( no. 1144 ) in one of the Nasik caves
which was excavated when Kșishṇa was king. Already the Çātavāhanas had
justified their claim to the title, 'Lords of the Deccan (Dakshināpatha),'
which they bear in their later inscriptions. The third of the line and
the best known of the earlier kings was called Çatakarņi, a name which, to
the perplexity of modern students of Indian history, was borne by several
of his successors on the throne.
The exact date of the establishment of the Andhra suzerainty cannot
be determined from the discrepant accounts given by different Purāņas of
the kings and the duration of their reigns ; but it is clear that the most
complete of the extant lists can only be interpreted as indicating that he
founder, Simuka, began to reign before 200 B. 0. 3 To this extant the
evidence of Purāņas confirms the opinon of Bühler, who from empigra-
phical considerations assigned the Nāsik inscription of the second king,
Kirshņa, to 'the times of the last Mauryas or the earliest Çungas, in
the beginning of the second century B. C. '' It is therefore possible
that Kțishņa's immediate successor, the third Andhra king, Çātakarni, may
have been contemporary with the first Çunga king, Pushyamitra (c. 184-148
B. c. ). As we shall see (p. 482) this name Çātakarņi was probably also con-
temporary with Khāravela. king of Kalinga.
1 For the coins of Kulūta, see Bergny, J. R. A. S. , 1900, p. 415 ; for other coins
mentioned in this paragraph see the references in Rapson, Indian Coins, pp. 101-2.
2 See Chapter XXIV, pp. 542-43. The inscriptions from Bhattiprolu near
month of the Kistna in the Guntur District (c. 200 B. C. ) menti in a king Khubiraka or
Kubiraka (Kuvera) who is otherwise unknown ; see Bühler, Ep. Ind. II, pp. 323 ff.
3 The accession of the twenty-third king, Gautamīputra, çītakarni, must be dated
106 A. D. or a few years later ; see Rapson, B. M. Cat. , Coins of the Andhra Dynasty
& c. p, XXX. If a calculation be made from this fixed point, the maximum readings
of the Purāṇas would indicate c. 244 B. C. and the minimum readings c. 202 B. C. , as the
date of Simuka's accession ; cf. Kali Age, pp. 38-42, 71 with B. M. Cat. , pp. lxvi, lxvii.
4 Årch. Sur. West. Ind. IV, p. 98.
the
## p. 478 (#516) ############################################
478
[Ch.
INDIAN NATIVE STATES
For the history of this period the cave-inscriptions of Nānaghāt
(nos. 1112-20) are of the highest importance. They proove by their
situation that the Andhras now held the Nāna pass, which leads from
Junar in the Deccan to the Konkan, the coastal region of Western India.
Most of them prescribed statues of members of the royal family-Simuka,
the founder of the line, Çātakarni himself and his queen Nāganikā, a
Mahārathi, and three princes. But most valuable of all is the inscription,
unfortunately fragmentary, of the queen (no. 1112). She was the daughter
of a Mahārathi, i. e. a king of the Rashtrikas; and we must conclude there-
fore that the inscription of the Marāthā country in the Andhra
empire had been ratified by a matrimonial alliance between the two
royal houses. The inscription records the performance of certain great
sacrifices and the fees paid to the officiating priests - fees which testify elo.
quently to the wealth of the realm and to the power of the Brāhman
hierarchy at this date-tens of thousands of cows, thousands of horses, num-
bers of elephants, whole villages, and huge sums of money (tens of thous.
ands of kārshāpaņas). Twice, it appears, had Çātakarni proclaimed his
suzerainty by the preformance of the horse-sacrifice; and, on one of these
occasions at least, the victory thus celebrated must have been at the ex-
pense of the Çungas, if we are right in supposing that the appearance of the
Andhras of Southern India in the dynastic lists of the Parāṇas indicates
that, at some period, they held the position of suzerains in Northern India
(p. 283). That the Andhras did actually come into conflict with the Cungas
during the reign of Pushyamitra appears probable from the Malavikāgni.
mitra (p. 467). On this occasion the Çungas were victorious ; but this was
no doubt merely an episode in the struggle in which the Andhras were
finally triumphant. The progress of this intruding power from its western
stronghold, Pratishthāna, first to Ujjayini and subsequently to Vidiçā seems
to be indicated by the evidence of coins and inscriptions.
Pratishthāna, the modern Paithan on the north bank of the Godāvari
in the Aurangābād District of Hyderabad, is famous in literature as
the capital of king Çātakarni (Çātavahana or Sālivahāna) and his son
Çākti-kumāra ; and there can be little doubt that these are to be identi-
fied with the king Çātakarni and the prince Çākti-çri of the Nānāgbāt ins-
criptions. The Andhras in this region were separated by the rivers Tāpti
and Narbadā from the kingdoms of Ujjayini and Vidiçā, which lay along
the central route from the coast to Pātaliputra; and the lines of communi-
cation between Pratishthana and these kingdoms passed through the city of
Māhishmati (Mandhāta on the Narbadā in the Nimār District of the
Central Provinces). Numismatic testimony, if it has been rightly interpreted
shows that at this period the Andhras had traversed the intervening terri-
## p. 479 (#517) ############################################
XXI]
ANDHRA CONQUEST OF UJJAIN
479
tories and conquered the kingdom of Ujjayini. Their earliest known coins
bear the name of a king Sāta, who is probably to be identified with
Çatakarņi ; and they are of what numismatists call the ‘Mālwā fabric' and
of that particular variety which is characteristic of the coins of W. Mālwā
(Avanti), the capital of which was Ujjayini'. If we may suppose, then that
Çātakarņi was the actual conqueror, his performance of the horse sacrifice
is evidently explained ; for Ujjayini was one of the most famous of all the
cities of India, and its conquest may well have entitled the Andhra kings to
a place in the imperial records preserved by the Purāņas. It was, and still
is, one of the seven holy places of Hinduismº. Such fragments of
its ancient history as may be recovered from the past are given elsewhere? ;
and the indigenous coins which can be attributed to this period add little to
our knowledge. The only inscribed specimen yet discovered bears the name
of the city in its Prākrit form, Ujeni (Pl. V, 18). Other coins have
a type which has been supposed to represent the god Çiva (Pl. V. 19),
whose temple stood in the Mahākāla forest to the north of the city. It was
destroyed by the Muhammadans in the thirteenth century A. D. , and the
present temple was built on its site.
It appears most likely, then, that Ujjayini was wrested from the
first Çunga king, Pushyamitra, by Çātakarņi. Of its history for many years
to come we have no information. We can only infer from the conditions of
the time that its politics cannot have been dissevered from those of
the neighbouring kingdom of Vidiçã; and early in the first century,
c. 90 B. C , we find evidence of the existence of diplomatic relations between
Vidicā, which was still under the rule of the Çungas, and the Yavana house
of Eucratides at Takshaçilā in the north-west of the Punjab (p. 470). There
were therefore at this period three powers which were politically important
from the point of view of Ujjayini— the Yavanas in the north, the Çungas
on the east, and the Andhras of Pratisthāna in the north ; and it
is probable, in the absence of any evidence to the contrary, that Ujjayini re-
mained in the possession of the last of these. But a few years later,
c. 75 B. C. , there arose another formidable power on the west. The Scythians
(Çakas) of Seistān had occupied the delta of the Indus, which was
known thereafter to Indian writers as Çakadvipa, 'the doāb of the Çakas,'
and to the Greek geographers as Indo-Scythia. The memory of an episode
in the history of Ujjayini as it was affected by this new element in
Indian politics may possibly be preserved in the Jain story of Kālaka, which
is told in Chapter vi. pp. 167-8. The story can neither be proved nor dis-
1 Rapson, B. M. Cat. , Coins of the Andhra Dynasty & c. , p. xcii.
2 The seven are recorded in the couplet :
Ayodhyā, Mathurā, Māyā, Kāci, Kāņci, Avantikā,
puri Dväravati caiva, saptaitā mokşadāyikāh.
3 Chapters VII, pp. 165. 66 ; XIII, pp. 276-77.
## p. 480 (#518) ############################################
480
[CH.
INDIAN NATIVE STATES
a
proved ; but it may be said in its favour that its historical setting is not in-
consistent with what we know of the political circumstances of Ujjayini at
this period. A persecuted party in the state may well have invoked the aid
of the warlike Çakas of Çakadvipa in order to crush a cruel despot; and as
history has so often shown, such allies are not unlikely to have seized the
kingdom for themselves. Both the tyrant Gardabhilla, whose misdeeds
were responsible for the introduction of these avengers, and his son
Vikramāditya, who afterwards drove the Çakas out of the realm, according
to the story, may perhaps be historical characters ; and, from the account
which represents Vikramāditya as having come to Ujjayini from Pratish-
thana, we may infer that they were connected with the Andhras? . It is
possible that we may recognise in this story the beginnings of that long
stuggle between the Andhras and the Çakas for the possession of Ujjayini,
the varying fortunes of which may be clearly traced when the evidence of
inscriptions becomes available in the second century A. D. ? With the im-
perfect documents at our disposal, we can do little more than suggest
such possibilities. It is hopeless to attempt to discriminate between the
elements which may be historical and others which are undoubtedly pure
romance in the great cycle of legend which has gathered around the name,
or rather the title, Vikramāditya, the Sun of Might. ' Many kings at
different periods and in different countries of India have been so styled ;
and it seems that the exploits of more than one of them have been confused
even in those legends which may be regarded as having some historical
basis. While it is possible, nay even probable, that there may have been
a Vikramāditya who expelled the Çakas from Ujjayini in the first century
B. C. , it is certain that the monarch who finally crushed the Çaka power in
this region was the Gupta emperor, Chandragupta II Vikramāditya (380-
(414 A. D. ). Indian tradition does not distinguish between these two.
regards the supposed founder of the era, which began in 58 B. C. (p. 515),
and the royal patron of Kālidāsa, who lived more than four hundred
years later, as one and the same person.
During the first quarter of the first country B. C. , such dominion
as the Andhras may have exercised over the region now known as Mālwā
must have been restricted to its western portion, Avanti, of which
Ujjayini was the capital ; for the Çunga kings were still in possession of
Akara or E. Mālwā (capital Vidicā). But there is evidence that, presum-
ably at some date after c. 72 B. C. when the Çungas came to an end, E.
Mālwā also was annexed by the Andhras. An inscription (no 346) on one
of the Bhilsa Topes (Sānchi, no. 1) records a donation made in the reign of
1 These kings belonged probably to the family of Gardabhilas, viho appear in the
Purāņas among the successors of the Andhra ; see Kali Age, pp. 44-6, 72.
? B. M. Cat. , Andhras &c. , pp. xxxv, xxxvi.
## p. 481 (#519) ############################################
XXI]
ANDHRA CONQUEST OF VIDIÇĀ
481
a king Çātakarņi, who cannot be identified more precisely, but who
must certainly have been an Andhra. The inscription is not dated ; but
there is now a general consensus among archaeologists that it probably
belongs to about the middle of the first century B. c. Andhra coins of a
certain type have also been attributed to E. Mālwā ; but their date is
uncertain, and they may belong to a later period”.
The conquest of E.
Mālwā marks the north-eastern limit to which the progress of the Andhra
power can be traced from the evidence of inscriptions and coins.
The other great nation, which arose on the ruins of the Maurya em-
pire to take its part in the struggle for supremacy, had also its home in
the lowlands of the eastern coast. The Kalingas? , who occupied the country
of the Mahānadi, were no doubt connected ethnographically with the
Angas and the other peoples of the plains of Bengal with whom they are
associated in the Purāņas (p. 283). They had been conquered by Açoka
c. 262 B. c. 4 ; but at some time after his death they had regained their
independence ; and the next glimpses of their history are afforded by ins-
;
criptions in the caves of the Udayagiri Hill near Cuttack in Orissa”. The
immediate object of these inscriptions (nos. 1345-50) was to preserve the
memory of pious benefactors -- two kings, a queen, a prince, and other per-
sons-who had provided caves for the use of the Jain ascetics of Udayagiri;
and one of the inscriptions (no. 1345) in the Hathigumphā, or ‘Elephant
Cave,' contained a record of events in the first thirteen (or possibly four-
teen) years of the reign of one of the kings, Khāravela, a member of the
Cheta dynasty. This is one of the most celebrated, and also one of the most
perplexing, of all the historical monuments of India. Unfortunately it has
been badly preserved. Of its seventeen lines only the first four remain in
their entirety. These describe the fifteen years of the king's boyhood, the
nine years of his rule as prince (yuvarāja), his coronation as king when his
twentyfourth year was completed, and events in the first two years of his
reign. All the other lines are more or less fragmentary. Many passages are
irretrievably lost, while others are partially obliterated and can only be
restored conjecturally. Time has thus either destroyed or obscured much
of the historical value of this record.
Even the fundamental question whether the inscription is dated or not
is still in dispute. Some scholars contend that a passage in the sixteenth line
can only be interpreted to mean that the inscription was engraved in
the 165th year of the Maurya kings, or of the Maurya king while
1 B. M. Cat. , Andhras &c. , pp. xxiii, xxiv ; Marshali, Guide to Sānchi. p. 13 ;
Jouveau-Dubr uil, Anc. Hist. of the Deccan, p. 15.
2 B. M. Cat. , Andhras &c. , pp. xcv, xcvi.
3 Chapter XXIV, pp. 544-5.
4 Chapter XX, pp. 446, 453.
5 Chapter XXVI, pp. 578 ff.
9
## p. 482 (#520) ############################################
482
(ch.
INDIAN NATIVE STATES
others deny the existence of any such date'. The discussion of problems of
this kind does not fall within the scope of the present work ; but it may be
pointed out here that the acceptance of the supposed date would seem to
involve no chronological impossibilities, and that, in any case, the inscrip-
tion probably belongs to about the middle of the second century b. c. We
know from analogous instances that the origin of imperial eras is usually
to be traced to the regnal years of the founder of the empire. A Maurya
era, therefore, would naturally date from the accession of Chandragupta
c. 321 1. c. ; and, if such an era is actually used in the present instance,
the inscription must be dated c. 156 B. C. , and the beginning of Khāravela's
reign c. 169 B. C. With this hypothetical chronology other indications
of date seem to agree.
Epigraphical considerations show that the Hāthigumphā inscription
of Khāra vela and the Nānāghāt inscription of Nāganikā, the queen of
Cātakarņi, belong to the same period as the Nāsik inscription of Kțishņa? .
Even, therefore, if it must be admitted that the Hāthigumphā inscription
is undated, there is still reason to believe that Khāravela may have been
contemporary with Çātakarņi in the first half of the second century
B. C. ; Moreover,a Çatakatņi is actually mentioned in the Hāthigumphả
inscription as Khāravela's rival ; and it appears most probable that he is
to be identified with the Çātakarņi of the Nānāghāt inscription. Like this
Çātakarņi, Khāravela was also the third of his line, if we may accept
the usual interpretation of a passage in the Hāthigumphā inscription"; and,
as the rise of both the Andbra and Kalinga dynasties must no doubt
date from the same period when the Maurya power began to decline, the
probability that these two kings were contemporary is thus increased.
On two occasions, according to the inscriptional record, did Khāravela
invade the Andhra dominions in the Deccan. In his second year he sent a
large army of horse, elephants, foot-soldiers, and chariots to the West in
defiance of Çātakarņi ; and in his fourth year he humbled the Rāshtrikas
of the Marāthā Country and the Bhojakas of Berār, both feudatories
of the Andhra kings of Pratishthāna (pp. 447-48). Such expeditions were un-
doubtedly in the nature of a challenge to the predominant power of the
Deccan ; but they appear not to have been pursued beyond the limit
of safety. We may suppose that the armies of Khāravela passed up
the valley of the Mahānadĩ and over the water-shed into the valleys of the
Godāvari and its great tributaries the Waingangā and the Wardhā. They
1 For the literature which bears on the interpretation of the Hāthigumpha
inscription, see the Bibliography.
2 Bühler, Arch. Sur. West. Ind. v, p. 71 ; Indische Palaeographie, p. 39.
3 The different translation given by Mr. Jayaswal seems not to be necessitated
by the new reading to which he calls attention in Jour. Bihar and Orissa Research Soc. ,
1918, p. 454.
## p. 483 (#521) ############################################
xxi]
KALINGA AND OTHER COUNTRIES
483
;
would thus invade territory which the Andhra monarch regarded as lying
within his realm. But it is not stated, and there are no grounds for surmis.
ing, that the forces of the Kalingas and the Andhras came into actual con.
flict on either of these occasions or that any important political
results followed. Such military expeditions, as is abundantly proved by in-
scriptions, formed part of the ordinary routine in a state of society,
in which war had become a profession and the soldier was an here-
ditary member of a professional caste. They supplied to some extent the
place which is occupied by manoeuvres in the training of modern armies ;
and they also afforded the king such opportunities as there might bo for the
fulfilment of that desire to extend his rule which, according to the
law-books, is one of the chief qualifications for kingship (Manu ix, 251 ; x,
119 etc. ). Our knowledge of this feature in the life of ancient and medieval
India is derived from the eulogies of kings which fill so large a proportion
of the inscriptions which have come down to our time. These compositions
are the work of grateful beneficiaries or court-poets, whose object was
rather to glorify their royal patron than to hand down to posterity an accu-
rate account of the events of his reign. It is evident that in them successes
are often grossly exaggerated, while reverses are passed over in com-
plete silence. The statements of the inscriptions are, therefore, very
frequently those of prejudiced witnesses ; and they must be weighed as such
if we are to estimate rightly the value of these few scattered fragments of
historical evidence which time has preserved. The achievements of Khāravela
loom large in the Hāthigumphā inscription ; and there is no reason to doubt
:
that, as a military leader, he played an important part in the affairs of the
tiune. But if, as the expeditions of his second and fourth years seem to in.
dicate, his ambition led him to entertain the project of wresting the
suzerainty from th: Andhra king of Pratishthāna, the attempt must be held
to have failed. His family has found no place in the dynastic lists of
suzerains which were handed down to posterity by the Purāņas.
From the West, Khāravela turned his attention to the North. In his
eighth year he harassed the king of Rājagļiha, who fled at his approach ;
in his tenth year he sent an expedition to Bhāratavarsha ; and in his
twelfth year he produced consternation among the kings of Uttarāpatha,
humbled the king of Magadha, and, according to Mr Jayaswal's translation
which is not undisputed, brought back trophies which had been carried away
by king Nanda.
For the present we must be content with this brief summary of the
relations of Kalinga with other countries after the fourth year of
Khāravela's reign : and even those few statements raise problems for which
no satisfactory solution can yet be proposed. The identification of the kings
of Rājagņiha and Magadha is still uncertain. The former bears no personal
3
## p. 484 (#522) ############################################
484
[Ch.
INDIAN NATIVE STATES
name in the inscription, and the question whether the latter is ramed or
not still undecided'. Both Bhāratavarsha and Uttarāpatha are often
general designations of Northern India ; and it is useless to speculate as to
what particular regions they may possibly denote in this instance. All
that appears to be certain is that Khāravela repeatedly invaded Northern
India, and that on one occasion he won a decisive victory over the king
then reigning at Pāțaliputra. Who that king was we do dot know. It seems
natural to assume that the Çungas were still the lords of the Magadha ; but
there is no undoubted evidence that this was the fact. The Yavana inva-
sion of the capital (p. 491) may have taken place before the twelfth year
of Khāravela's reign, and decisive events may have happened of which
no record has yet been discovered.
The mention of a king, Nanda, or of Nanda kings, in two passages
of the Hāthigumphā inscription seems to supply a link of connexion bet-
ween the histories of Kalinga and Magadha before the Maurya period.
But even this is doubtful ; and the doubt cannot be dispelled so long as
uncertainty remains in regard to the interpretation of the date, which is
apparently indicated in one of these passages. ? If ti-vasa-sata in line 6 of the
inscription can mean “three centuries before (the fifth year of Khāravela's
reign), we must suppose that, in the middle of the fifth century B. C. ,
Kalinga was under the rule of a Nanda king, and it is natural to associate
him with the well-known predecessors of the Mauryas. If, on the other
hand, the expression means 'one hundred and three years before the fifth
year of Khāravela's reign),' or 'in the one hundred and third year (of the
Maurya era)',' the reference must be, in the former case, to a king called
Nanda who was reigning over Kalinga before its annexation by Açoka,
and, in the latter case, to a predecessor of Khāravela in the Cheta dynasty
after the kingdom had regained its independence.
As is so often inevitable in our attempts to reconstruct the mosaic of
ancient Indian history from the few pieces which have as yet been found, we
can do little more than define the limits of possible hypothesis in this in-
stance. For greater certainty we must be content to wait until the progress of
archaeological research has furnished us with more adequate materials.
1 Mr. Jayaswal holds that the king of Rājagriha was also the king of Magadha,
whose name he reads in the inscription as Bahasatimitra, and whom he identifies with
Pushyamitra. Apart from the proposed reading of the name, which cannot be verified
from the reproduction of the inscription in Plate I of the Jour. Bihar and Orissa
Research Soc. 1918, the identification of the Bahasatimitra of the Pabhosă inscription
and the coins with Pushyamitra appears not to be possible, if Mr. Jayaswal is correct
in assigning the Pabhosā inscription (no. 904) to the tenth year of Odraka (p. 469).
According to the Purāņā there was an interval of twenty-five years between the reigns
of Pushyamitra and Odraka (p. 518) ; and Āshādhasena, the donor of the Pabhosa
cave, was the maternal uncle of king Bahasatimitra.
2 Chapter XIII, pp. 280. 81.
3 K. G. Sankara Aiyar, Ind. Ant. , 1920, pp. 43 ff.
## p. 485 (#523) ############################################
XX]
KEY TO PLATES V
485
KEY TO PLATE V
:
9
.
1. Æ. Eran : Dharmapāla. Obv. Rano Dhamapālasa in ancient Brāhmil characters
written from right to left.
2: Æ. Kauçãmbi : Babasatimitra. Obv. Humped bull to r. facing chaitya ; above,
symbol. Rev. Bahasatimitrasa. Tree within railing; on either side, symbols.
3. Æ. Panchāla : Agnimitra. Obv. Agni, with head of flames, standing between posts
on railing. Rev. in incuse, Agimitasa; above, three symbols.
4. Æ. id. : Indramitra. Obv. Indra seated on railing. Rev. in se, Idamitasa ; above,
three symbols.
5. Æ. Mathurā : Gomitra. Rev. Gomitasa. Standing figures; on either side, symbols.
6. Æ. id. : Brahmamitra. Rev. Brahmamitasa, Standing figure, with r. arm raised; on
either side, symbols.
7. Æ. id. : Hagāmasha. Obv. Horse to 1. Rev. Khatapasa Hagāmashasa Standing figure,
with r. , arm raised; on either side, symbols.
8. Æ. id. : Hagāna and Hagāmasha. Obv. Horse to l. Rev. Khatapāna Hcgānasa
Hagāmashasa; to r, thunderbolt.
the localities in which these coins were issued ; but similarity of type
suggests that one variety may belong to the same region as the coins of
the Arjunāyanas and the kings of Mathurā (Pl. V, 13).
The mountainous fringe of country of the north of the Punjab
and the United Provinces was also accupied at this period by independent
native Indian states ; and the names of some of them have similarly been
preserved by the coins, which were no doubt the result of commerce
between these peoples of the hills and the low-landers. In the Gurdāspur
District of the Punjab there lived the Udumbaras, who claimed to
be descended from Viçvāmitra, the rishi of the third book of the Rigveda.
His figure appears on the coins of their king, Dharāghosha, whose
reign must probably be assigned to the latter half of the first century
B. C. , since his coinage is evidently imitated from that of the Çaka
king Azilises (Pl. V, 14, Dharāghosha ; 15, Azilises). Of a somewhat
later date, perhaps of the first or second century A. D. , are the coins of the
Kulūtas, the eastern neighbours of the Udum baras, in the Kulū valley of
the Kangra District; and to the same period as the coins of the Udumbaras
belong the earlier issues of the Kuņindas who inhabited the country of the
Sutlej in the Simla Hill States (Pl. V, 16, Amoghabhūti). These
three peoples, the Udumbaras, the Kulūtas, and the Kuņindas, lived on the
border between the regions in which the two ancient alphabets. Brāhmi and
Kharoshthi, prevailed : they accordingly used both of them in their
coin-legends. To a branch of the Kunindas (or Kulindas, as they are called
1 Rapson, Indian Coins, pp. 11-13, and PII, III, 20 and IV, 1.
2 Cf. Pargiter , Márk Pur. p. 355. For the connexion between Viçvamitra
and the country of the Beas, See l'edic Index, II, p. 310.
>
## p. 477 (#515) ############################################
XXI)
RISE OF THE ANDHRAS
477
in the Purāņas), whose territories 'extended further east along the southern
slopes of the Himalayas as far as Nepal' (Pargiter, Mārk. Pur. p. 316), are
probably also to be attributed the coins of two kings which have been found
in the Almora District (Pl. V, 17, Çivadatta)'.
The 'unsubdued' peoples on the southern borders of the Maurya do-
minions were, during the Çunga period, united under the suzerainty of the
most powerful among them, the Andhras, whose home was in the coastal
region of the Madras Presidency between the rivers Godāvari and Kistna.
The dynasty, which is known by its tribal name in the Purāņas and by its
family name or title, Çātavāhana, in inscriptions, is traced back to
king Simuka, who was succeeded by his younger brother, Kțishņa.
At some date at the reign of Simuka or Krishņa the Andhra conquests had
extended up the valley of the river Godāvari for its whole length, a distance
of some nine hunderd miles, to the table-land of the Nasik District. This
is proved by the inscriptions ( no. 1144 ) in one of the Nasik caves
which was excavated when Kșishṇa was king. Already the Çātavāhanas had
justified their claim to the title, 'Lords of the Deccan (Dakshināpatha),'
which they bear in their later inscriptions. The third of the line and
the best known of the earlier kings was called Çatakarņi, a name which, to
the perplexity of modern students of Indian history, was borne by several
of his successors on the throne.
The exact date of the establishment of the Andhra suzerainty cannot
be determined from the discrepant accounts given by different Purāņas of
the kings and the duration of their reigns ; but it is clear that the most
complete of the extant lists can only be interpreted as indicating that he
founder, Simuka, began to reign before 200 B. 0. 3 To this extant the
evidence of Purāņas confirms the opinon of Bühler, who from empigra-
phical considerations assigned the Nāsik inscription of the second king,
Kirshņa, to 'the times of the last Mauryas or the earliest Çungas, in
the beginning of the second century B. C. '' It is therefore possible
that Kțishņa's immediate successor, the third Andhra king, Çātakarni, may
have been contemporary with the first Çunga king, Pushyamitra (c. 184-148
B. c. ). As we shall see (p. 482) this name Çātakarņi was probably also con-
temporary with Khāravela. king of Kalinga.
1 For the coins of Kulūta, see Bergny, J. R. A. S. , 1900, p. 415 ; for other coins
mentioned in this paragraph see the references in Rapson, Indian Coins, pp. 101-2.
2 See Chapter XXIV, pp. 542-43. The inscriptions from Bhattiprolu near
month of the Kistna in the Guntur District (c. 200 B. C. ) menti in a king Khubiraka or
Kubiraka (Kuvera) who is otherwise unknown ; see Bühler, Ep. Ind. II, pp. 323 ff.
3 The accession of the twenty-third king, Gautamīputra, çītakarni, must be dated
106 A. D. or a few years later ; see Rapson, B. M. Cat. , Coins of the Andhra Dynasty
& c. p, XXX. If a calculation be made from this fixed point, the maximum readings
of the Purāṇas would indicate c. 244 B. C. and the minimum readings c. 202 B. C. , as the
date of Simuka's accession ; cf. Kali Age, pp. 38-42, 71 with B. M. Cat. , pp. lxvi, lxvii.
4 Årch. Sur. West. Ind. IV, p. 98.
the
## p. 478 (#516) ############################################
478
[Ch.
INDIAN NATIVE STATES
For the history of this period the cave-inscriptions of Nānaghāt
(nos. 1112-20) are of the highest importance. They proove by their
situation that the Andhras now held the Nāna pass, which leads from
Junar in the Deccan to the Konkan, the coastal region of Western India.
Most of them prescribed statues of members of the royal family-Simuka,
the founder of the line, Çātakarni himself and his queen Nāganikā, a
Mahārathi, and three princes. But most valuable of all is the inscription,
unfortunately fragmentary, of the queen (no. 1112). She was the daughter
of a Mahārathi, i. e. a king of the Rashtrikas; and we must conclude there-
fore that the inscription of the Marāthā country in the Andhra
empire had been ratified by a matrimonial alliance between the two
royal houses. The inscription records the performance of certain great
sacrifices and the fees paid to the officiating priests - fees which testify elo.
quently to the wealth of the realm and to the power of the Brāhman
hierarchy at this date-tens of thousands of cows, thousands of horses, num-
bers of elephants, whole villages, and huge sums of money (tens of thous.
ands of kārshāpaņas). Twice, it appears, had Çātakarni proclaimed his
suzerainty by the preformance of the horse-sacrifice; and, on one of these
occasions at least, the victory thus celebrated must have been at the ex-
pense of the Çungas, if we are right in supposing that the appearance of the
Andhras of Southern India in the dynastic lists of the Parāṇas indicates
that, at some period, they held the position of suzerains in Northern India
(p. 283). That the Andhras did actually come into conflict with the Cungas
during the reign of Pushyamitra appears probable from the Malavikāgni.
mitra (p. 467). On this occasion the Çungas were victorious ; but this was
no doubt merely an episode in the struggle in which the Andhras were
finally triumphant. The progress of this intruding power from its western
stronghold, Pratishthāna, first to Ujjayini and subsequently to Vidiçā seems
to be indicated by the evidence of coins and inscriptions.
Pratishthāna, the modern Paithan on the north bank of the Godāvari
in the Aurangābād District of Hyderabad, is famous in literature as
the capital of king Çātakarni (Çātavahana or Sālivahāna) and his son
Çākti-kumāra ; and there can be little doubt that these are to be identi-
fied with the king Çātakarni and the prince Çākti-çri of the Nānāgbāt ins-
criptions. The Andhras in this region were separated by the rivers Tāpti
and Narbadā from the kingdoms of Ujjayini and Vidiçā, which lay along
the central route from the coast to Pātaliputra; and the lines of communi-
cation between Pratishthana and these kingdoms passed through the city of
Māhishmati (Mandhāta on the Narbadā in the Nimār District of the
Central Provinces). Numismatic testimony, if it has been rightly interpreted
shows that at this period the Andhras had traversed the intervening terri-
## p. 479 (#517) ############################################
XXI]
ANDHRA CONQUEST OF UJJAIN
479
tories and conquered the kingdom of Ujjayini. Their earliest known coins
bear the name of a king Sāta, who is probably to be identified with
Çatakarņi ; and they are of what numismatists call the ‘Mālwā fabric' and
of that particular variety which is characteristic of the coins of W. Mālwā
(Avanti), the capital of which was Ujjayini'. If we may suppose, then that
Çātakarņi was the actual conqueror, his performance of the horse sacrifice
is evidently explained ; for Ujjayini was one of the most famous of all the
cities of India, and its conquest may well have entitled the Andhra kings to
a place in the imperial records preserved by the Purāņas. It was, and still
is, one of the seven holy places of Hinduismº. Such fragments of
its ancient history as may be recovered from the past are given elsewhere? ;
and the indigenous coins which can be attributed to this period add little to
our knowledge. The only inscribed specimen yet discovered bears the name
of the city in its Prākrit form, Ujeni (Pl. V, 18). Other coins have
a type which has been supposed to represent the god Çiva (Pl. V. 19),
whose temple stood in the Mahākāla forest to the north of the city. It was
destroyed by the Muhammadans in the thirteenth century A. D. , and the
present temple was built on its site.
It appears most likely, then, that Ujjayini was wrested from the
first Çunga king, Pushyamitra, by Çātakarņi. Of its history for many years
to come we have no information. We can only infer from the conditions of
the time that its politics cannot have been dissevered from those of
the neighbouring kingdom of Vidiçã; and early in the first century,
c. 90 B. C , we find evidence of the existence of diplomatic relations between
Vidicā, which was still under the rule of the Çungas, and the Yavana house
of Eucratides at Takshaçilā in the north-west of the Punjab (p. 470). There
were therefore at this period three powers which were politically important
from the point of view of Ujjayini— the Yavanas in the north, the Çungas
on the east, and the Andhras of Pratisthāna in the north ; and it
is probable, in the absence of any evidence to the contrary, that Ujjayini re-
mained in the possession of the last of these. But a few years later,
c. 75 B. C. , there arose another formidable power on the west. The Scythians
(Çakas) of Seistān had occupied the delta of the Indus, which was
known thereafter to Indian writers as Çakadvipa, 'the doāb of the Çakas,'
and to the Greek geographers as Indo-Scythia. The memory of an episode
in the history of Ujjayini as it was affected by this new element in
Indian politics may possibly be preserved in the Jain story of Kālaka, which
is told in Chapter vi. pp. 167-8. The story can neither be proved nor dis-
1 Rapson, B. M. Cat. , Coins of the Andhra Dynasty & c. , p. xcii.
2 The seven are recorded in the couplet :
Ayodhyā, Mathurā, Māyā, Kāci, Kāņci, Avantikā,
puri Dväravati caiva, saptaitā mokşadāyikāh.
3 Chapters VII, pp. 165. 66 ; XIII, pp. 276-77.
## p. 480 (#518) ############################################
480
[CH.
INDIAN NATIVE STATES
a
proved ; but it may be said in its favour that its historical setting is not in-
consistent with what we know of the political circumstances of Ujjayini at
this period. A persecuted party in the state may well have invoked the aid
of the warlike Çakas of Çakadvipa in order to crush a cruel despot; and as
history has so often shown, such allies are not unlikely to have seized the
kingdom for themselves. Both the tyrant Gardabhilla, whose misdeeds
were responsible for the introduction of these avengers, and his son
Vikramāditya, who afterwards drove the Çakas out of the realm, according
to the story, may perhaps be historical characters ; and, from the account
which represents Vikramāditya as having come to Ujjayini from Pratish-
thana, we may infer that they were connected with the Andhras? . It is
possible that we may recognise in this story the beginnings of that long
stuggle between the Andhras and the Çakas for the possession of Ujjayini,
the varying fortunes of which may be clearly traced when the evidence of
inscriptions becomes available in the second century A. D. ? With the im-
perfect documents at our disposal, we can do little more than suggest
such possibilities. It is hopeless to attempt to discriminate between the
elements which may be historical and others which are undoubtedly pure
romance in the great cycle of legend which has gathered around the name,
or rather the title, Vikramāditya, the Sun of Might. ' Many kings at
different periods and in different countries of India have been so styled ;
and it seems that the exploits of more than one of them have been confused
even in those legends which may be regarded as having some historical
basis. While it is possible, nay even probable, that there may have been
a Vikramāditya who expelled the Çakas from Ujjayini in the first century
B. C. , it is certain that the monarch who finally crushed the Çaka power in
this region was the Gupta emperor, Chandragupta II Vikramāditya (380-
(414 A. D. ). Indian tradition does not distinguish between these two.
regards the supposed founder of the era, which began in 58 B. C. (p. 515),
and the royal patron of Kālidāsa, who lived more than four hundred
years later, as one and the same person.
During the first quarter of the first country B. C. , such dominion
as the Andhras may have exercised over the region now known as Mālwā
must have been restricted to its western portion, Avanti, of which
Ujjayini was the capital ; for the Çunga kings were still in possession of
Akara or E. Mālwā (capital Vidicā). But there is evidence that, presum-
ably at some date after c. 72 B. C. when the Çungas came to an end, E.
Mālwā also was annexed by the Andhras. An inscription (no 346) on one
of the Bhilsa Topes (Sānchi, no. 1) records a donation made in the reign of
1 These kings belonged probably to the family of Gardabhilas, viho appear in the
Purāņas among the successors of the Andhra ; see Kali Age, pp. 44-6, 72.
? B. M. Cat. , Andhras &c. , pp. xxxv, xxxvi.
## p. 481 (#519) ############################################
XXI]
ANDHRA CONQUEST OF VIDIÇĀ
481
a king Çātakarņi, who cannot be identified more precisely, but who
must certainly have been an Andhra. The inscription is not dated ; but
there is now a general consensus among archaeologists that it probably
belongs to about the middle of the first century B. c. Andhra coins of a
certain type have also been attributed to E. Mālwā ; but their date is
uncertain, and they may belong to a later period”.
The conquest of E.
Mālwā marks the north-eastern limit to which the progress of the Andhra
power can be traced from the evidence of inscriptions and coins.
The other great nation, which arose on the ruins of the Maurya em-
pire to take its part in the struggle for supremacy, had also its home in
the lowlands of the eastern coast. The Kalingas? , who occupied the country
of the Mahānadi, were no doubt connected ethnographically with the
Angas and the other peoples of the plains of Bengal with whom they are
associated in the Purāņas (p. 283). They had been conquered by Açoka
c. 262 B. c. 4 ; but at some time after his death they had regained their
independence ; and the next glimpses of their history are afforded by ins-
;
criptions in the caves of the Udayagiri Hill near Cuttack in Orissa”. The
immediate object of these inscriptions (nos. 1345-50) was to preserve the
memory of pious benefactors -- two kings, a queen, a prince, and other per-
sons-who had provided caves for the use of the Jain ascetics of Udayagiri;
and one of the inscriptions (no. 1345) in the Hathigumphā, or ‘Elephant
Cave,' contained a record of events in the first thirteen (or possibly four-
teen) years of the reign of one of the kings, Khāravela, a member of the
Cheta dynasty. This is one of the most celebrated, and also one of the most
perplexing, of all the historical monuments of India. Unfortunately it has
been badly preserved. Of its seventeen lines only the first four remain in
their entirety. These describe the fifteen years of the king's boyhood, the
nine years of his rule as prince (yuvarāja), his coronation as king when his
twentyfourth year was completed, and events in the first two years of his
reign. All the other lines are more or less fragmentary. Many passages are
irretrievably lost, while others are partially obliterated and can only be
restored conjecturally. Time has thus either destroyed or obscured much
of the historical value of this record.
Even the fundamental question whether the inscription is dated or not
is still in dispute. Some scholars contend that a passage in the sixteenth line
can only be interpreted to mean that the inscription was engraved in
the 165th year of the Maurya kings, or of the Maurya king while
1 B. M. Cat. , Andhras &c. , pp. xxiii, xxiv ; Marshali, Guide to Sānchi. p. 13 ;
Jouveau-Dubr uil, Anc. Hist. of the Deccan, p. 15.
2 B. M. Cat. , Andhras &c. , pp. xcv, xcvi.
3 Chapter XXIV, pp. 544-5.
4 Chapter XX, pp. 446, 453.
5 Chapter XXVI, pp. 578 ff.
9
## p. 482 (#520) ############################################
482
(ch.
INDIAN NATIVE STATES
others deny the existence of any such date'. The discussion of problems of
this kind does not fall within the scope of the present work ; but it may be
pointed out here that the acceptance of the supposed date would seem to
involve no chronological impossibilities, and that, in any case, the inscrip-
tion probably belongs to about the middle of the second century b. c. We
know from analogous instances that the origin of imperial eras is usually
to be traced to the regnal years of the founder of the empire. A Maurya
era, therefore, would naturally date from the accession of Chandragupta
c. 321 1. c. ; and, if such an era is actually used in the present instance,
the inscription must be dated c. 156 B. C. , and the beginning of Khāravela's
reign c. 169 B. C. With this hypothetical chronology other indications
of date seem to agree.
Epigraphical considerations show that the Hāthigumphā inscription
of Khāra vela and the Nānāghāt inscription of Nāganikā, the queen of
Cātakarņi, belong to the same period as the Nāsik inscription of Kțishņa? .
Even, therefore, if it must be admitted that the Hāthigumphā inscription
is undated, there is still reason to believe that Khāravela may have been
contemporary with Çātakarņi in the first half of the second century
B. C. ; Moreover,a Çatakatņi is actually mentioned in the Hāthigumphả
inscription as Khāravela's rival ; and it appears most probable that he is
to be identified with the Çātakarņi of the Nānāghāt inscription. Like this
Çātakarņi, Khāravela was also the third of his line, if we may accept
the usual interpretation of a passage in the Hāthigumphā inscription"; and,
as the rise of both the Andbra and Kalinga dynasties must no doubt
date from the same period when the Maurya power began to decline, the
probability that these two kings were contemporary is thus increased.
On two occasions, according to the inscriptional record, did Khāravela
invade the Andhra dominions in the Deccan. In his second year he sent a
large army of horse, elephants, foot-soldiers, and chariots to the West in
defiance of Çātakarņi ; and in his fourth year he humbled the Rāshtrikas
of the Marāthā Country and the Bhojakas of Berār, both feudatories
of the Andhra kings of Pratishthāna (pp. 447-48). Such expeditions were un-
doubtedly in the nature of a challenge to the predominant power of the
Deccan ; but they appear not to have been pursued beyond the limit
of safety. We may suppose that the armies of Khāravela passed up
the valley of the Mahānadĩ and over the water-shed into the valleys of the
Godāvari and its great tributaries the Waingangā and the Wardhā. They
1 For the literature which bears on the interpretation of the Hāthigumpha
inscription, see the Bibliography.
2 Bühler, Arch. Sur. West. Ind. v, p. 71 ; Indische Palaeographie, p. 39.
3 The different translation given by Mr. Jayaswal seems not to be necessitated
by the new reading to which he calls attention in Jour. Bihar and Orissa Research Soc. ,
1918, p. 454.
## p. 483 (#521) ############################################
xxi]
KALINGA AND OTHER COUNTRIES
483
;
would thus invade territory which the Andhra monarch regarded as lying
within his realm. But it is not stated, and there are no grounds for surmis.
ing, that the forces of the Kalingas and the Andhras came into actual con.
flict on either of these occasions or that any important political
results followed. Such military expeditions, as is abundantly proved by in-
scriptions, formed part of the ordinary routine in a state of society,
in which war had become a profession and the soldier was an here-
ditary member of a professional caste. They supplied to some extent the
place which is occupied by manoeuvres in the training of modern armies ;
and they also afforded the king such opportunities as there might bo for the
fulfilment of that desire to extend his rule which, according to the
law-books, is one of the chief qualifications for kingship (Manu ix, 251 ; x,
119 etc. ). Our knowledge of this feature in the life of ancient and medieval
India is derived from the eulogies of kings which fill so large a proportion
of the inscriptions which have come down to our time. These compositions
are the work of grateful beneficiaries or court-poets, whose object was
rather to glorify their royal patron than to hand down to posterity an accu-
rate account of the events of his reign. It is evident that in them successes
are often grossly exaggerated, while reverses are passed over in com-
plete silence. The statements of the inscriptions are, therefore, very
frequently those of prejudiced witnesses ; and they must be weighed as such
if we are to estimate rightly the value of these few scattered fragments of
historical evidence which time has preserved. The achievements of Khāravela
loom large in the Hāthigumphā inscription ; and there is no reason to doubt
:
that, as a military leader, he played an important part in the affairs of the
tiune. But if, as the expeditions of his second and fourth years seem to in.
dicate, his ambition led him to entertain the project of wresting the
suzerainty from th: Andhra king of Pratishthāna, the attempt must be held
to have failed. His family has found no place in the dynastic lists of
suzerains which were handed down to posterity by the Purāņas.
From the West, Khāravela turned his attention to the North. In his
eighth year he harassed the king of Rājagļiha, who fled at his approach ;
in his tenth year he sent an expedition to Bhāratavarsha ; and in his
twelfth year he produced consternation among the kings of Uttarāpatha,
humbled the king of Magadha, and, according to Mr Jayaswal's translation
which is not undisputed, brought back trophies which had been carried away
by king Nanda.
For the present we must be content with this brief summary of the
relations of Kalinga with other countries after the fourth year of
Khāravela's reign : and even those few statements raise problems for which
no satisfactory solution can yet be proposed. The identification of the kings
of Rājagņiha and Magadha is still uncertain. The former bears no personal
3
## p. 484 (#522) ############################################
484
[Ch.
INDIAN NATIVE STATES
name in the inscription, and the question whether the latter is ramed or
not still undecided'. Both Bhāratavarsha and Uttarāpatha are often
general designations of Northern India ; and it is useless to speculate as to
what particular regions they may possibly denote in this instance. All
that appears to be certain is that Khāravela repeatedly invaded Northern
India, and that on one occasion he won a decisive victory over the king
then reigning at Pāțaliputra. Who that king was we do dot know. It seems
natural to assume that the Çungas were still the lords of the Magadha ; but
there is no undoubted evidence that this was the fact. The Yavana inva-
sion of the capital (p. 491) may have taken place before the twelfth year
of Khāravela's reign, and decisive events may have happened of which
no record has yet been discovered.
The mention of a king, Nanda, or of Nanda kings, in two passages
of the Hāthigumphā inscription seems to supply a link of connexion bet-
ween the histories of Kalinga and Magadha before the Maurya period.
But even this is doubtful ; and the doubt cannot be dispelled so long as
uncertainty remains in regard to the interpretation of the date, which is
apparently indicated in one of these passages. ? If ti-vasa-sata in line 6 of the
inscription can mean “three centuries before (the fifth year of Khāravela's
reign), we must suppose that, in the middle of the fifth century B. C. ,
Kalinga was under the rule of a Nanda king, and it is natural to associate
him with the well-known predecessors of the Mauryas. If, on the other
hand, the expression means 'one hundred and three years before the fifth
year of Khāravela's reign),' or 'in the one hundred and third year (of the
Maurya era)',' the reference must be, in the former case, to a king called
Nanda who was reigning over Kalinga before its annexation by Açoka,
and, in the latter case, to a predecessor of Khāravela in the Cheta dynasty
after the kingdom had regained its independence.
As is so often inevitable in our attempts to reconstruct the mosaic of
ancient Indian history from the few pieces which have as yet been found, we
can do little more than define the limits of possible hypothesis in this in-
stance. For greater certainty we must be content to wait until the progress of
archaeological research has furnished us with more adequate materials.
1 Mr. Jayaswal holds that the king of Rājagriha was also the king of Magadha,
whose name he reads in the inscription as Bahasatimitra, and whom he identifies with
Pushyamitra. Apart from the proposed reading of the name, which cannot be verified
from the reproduction of the inscription in Plate I of the Jour. Bihar and Orissa
Research Soc. 1918, the identification of the Bahasatimitra of the Pabhosă inscription
and the coins with Pushyamitra appears not to be possible, if Mr. Jayaswal is correct
in assigning the Pabhosā inscription (no. 904) to the tenth year of Odraka (p. 469).
According to the Purāņā there was an interval of twenty-five years between the reigns
of Pushyamitra and Odraka (p. 518) ; and Āshādhasena, the donor of the Pabhosa
cave, was the maternal uncle of king Bahasatimitra.
2 Chapter XIII, pp. 280. 81.
3 K. G. Sankara Aiyar, Ind. Ant. , 1920, pp. 43 ff.
## p. 485 (#523) ############################################
XX]
KEY TO PLATES V
485
KEY TO PLATE V
:
9
.
1. Æ. Eran : Dharmapāla. Obv. Rano Dhamapālasa in ancient Brāhmil characters
written from right to left.
2: Æ. Kauçãmbi : Babasatimitra. Obv. Humped bull to r. facing chaitya ; above,
symbol. Rev. Bahasatimitrasa. Tree within railing; on either side, symbols.
3. Æ. Panchāla : Agnimitra. Obv. Agni, with head of flames, standing between posts
on railing. Rev. in incuse, Agimitasa; above, three symbols.
4. Æ. id. : Indramitra. Obv. Indra seated on railing. Rev. in se, Idamitasa ; above,
three symbols.
5. Æ. Mathurā : Gomitra. Rev. Gomitasa. Standing figures; on either side, symbols.
6. Æ. id. : Brahmamitra. Rev. Brahmamitasa, Standing figure, with r. arm raised; on
either side, symbols.
7. Æ. id. : Hagāmasha. Obv. Horse to 1. Rev. Khatapasa Hagāmashasa Standing figure,
with r. , arm raised; on either side, symbols.
8. Æ. id. : Hagāna and Hagāmasha. Obv. Horse to l. Rev. Khatapāna Hcgānasa
Hagāmashasa; to r, thunderbolt.
