You reject abstract
theories, and have little consideration for cheapness and plenty.
theories, and have little consideration for cheapness and plenty.
Warner - World's Best Literature - v03 - Bag to Ber
He had driven her from him for ever, and his
sense of loss was so acute that his soul cried out for the cure
rather than for the name of the malady.
In time he would have realized what had happened, but time
was denied him, for just as he was starting for the mudhouse
Babbie saved his dignity by returning to him.
. She
looked up surprised, or seemingly surprised, to find him still
there.
“I thought you had gone away long ago," she said stiffly.
"Otherwise,” asked Gavin the dejected, you would not have
came back to the well ? »
"Certainly not.
“I am very sorry.
Had you waited another moment I should
have been gone. "
This was said in apology, but the willful Egyptian chose to
change its meaning.
“You have no right to blame me for disturbing you,” she
declared with warmth.
«I did not.
I only ”
« You could have been a mile away by this time. Nanny
wanted more water. ”
Babbie scrutinized the minister sharply as she made this state-
ment. Surely her conscience troubled her, for on his not answer-
ing immediately she said, “Do you presume to disbelieve me?
What could have made me return except to fill the pans again ? ”
“Nothing,” Gavin admitted eagerly, “and I assure you -”
Babbie should have been grateful to his denseness, but it
merely set her mind at rest.
“Say anything against me you choose,” she told him.
it as brutally as you like, for I won't listen. ”
She stopped to hear his response to that, and she looked so
cold that it almost froze on Gavin's lips.
“I had no right,” he said dolefully, "to speak to you as I did. ”
"You had not,” answered the proud Egyptian. She was look-
ing away from him to show that his repentance was not even
interesting to her. However, she had forgotten already not to
listen.
She was very near him, and the tears had not yet dried
on her eyes. They were laughing eyes, eyes in distress, implor-
ing eyes.
Her pale face, smiling, sad, dimpled yet entreating
“Say
III-IOI
## p. 1602 (#400) ###########################################
1602
JAMES MATTHEW BARRIE
>>>
forgiveness, was the one prominent thing in the world to him
just then. He wanted to kiss her. He would do it as soon as
her eyes rested on his, but she continued without regarding him.
“How mean that sounds! Oh, if I were a man I would wish
to be everything that I am not, and nothing that I am. I would
scorn to be a liar, I would choose to be open in all things, I
would try to fight the world honestly. But I am only a woman,
and so well, that is the kind of man I would like to marry. ”
“A minister may be all these things,” said Gavin breathlessly.
« The man I could love, Babbie went on, not heeding him,
almost forgetting that he was there, “must not spend his days in
idleness as the men I know do. ”
«I do not. "
«He must be brave, no mere worker among others, but a
leader of men. ”
“All ministers are. ”
“Who makes his influence felt. ”
«Assuredly. ”
«And takes the side of the weak against the strong, even
though the strong be in the right. ”
"Always my tendency. ”
“A man who has a mind of his own, and having once made
it up stands to it in defiance even of- »
“Of his session. ”
“Of the world. He must understand me. ”
“I do. ”
«And be my master. ”
“It is his lawful position in the house. ”
«He must not yield to my coaxing or tempers.
“It would be weakness. ”
“But compel me to do his bidding; yes, even thrash me
»
if — »
"If you won't listen to reason. Babbie,” cried Gavin, “I am
that man! ”
Here the inventory abruptly ended, and these two people
found themselves staring at each other, as if of a sudden they
had heard something dreadful. I do not know how long they
stood thus motionless and horrified. I cannot tell even which
stirred first. All I know is that almost simultaneously they
turned from each other and hurried out of the wood in opposite
directions.
## p. 1603 (#401) ###########################################
JAMES MATTHEW BARRIE
1603
LOST ILLUSIONS
From (Sentimental Tommy)
T°
on
a
O-MORROW came, and with it two eager little figures rose and
gulped their porridge, and set off to see Thrums. They
were dressed in the black clothes Aaron Latta had bought
for them in London, and they had agreed just to walk, but when
they reached the door and saw the tree-tops of the Den they —
they ran. Would you not like to hold them back? It is a child's
tragedy.
They went first into the Den, and the rocks were dripping
wet, all the trees save the firs were bare, and the mud round a
tiny spring pulled off one of Elspeth's boots.
« Tommy,” she cried, quaking, “that narsty puddle can't not
be the Cuttle Well, can it ? ”
“No, it ain't,” said Tommy, quickly, but he feared it was.
«It's c-c-colder here than London,” Elspeth said, shivering,
and Tommy was shivering too, but he answered, “I'm — I'm
I'm warm. ”
The Den
was strangely small, and soon they were
shabby brae, where women in short gowns came to their doors
and men in night-caps sat down on the shafts of their barrows to
look at Jean Myles's bairns.
« What does yer think ? ” Elspeth whispered, very doubtfully.
« They're beauties,” Tommy answered, determinedly.
Presently Elspeth cried, “Oh, Tommy, what a ugly stair!
Where is the beauty stairs as it wore outside for show ? ”
This was one of them, and Tommy knew it.
«Wait till you
see the west town end,” he said, bravely: "it's grand. ” But
when they were in the west town end, and he had to admit it,
« Wait till you see the square,” he said, and when they were in
the square, “Wait,” he said, huskily, “till you see the town-
house. "
Alas, this was the town-house facing them, and when
they knew it, he said, hurriedly, “Wait till you see the Auld
Licht kirk. ”
They stood long in front of the Auld Licht kirk, which he
had sworn was bigger and lovelier than St. Paul's, but — well, it
is a different style of architecture, and had Elspeth not been
there with tears in waiting, Tommy would have blubbered. It's
- it's littler than I thought,” he said, desperately, but — the
minister, oh, what a wonderful big man he is! ”
## p. 1604 (#402) ###########################################
1604
JAMES MATTHEW BARRIE
“Are you sure? ” Elspeth squeaked.
“I swear he is. ”
The church door opened and a gentleman came out, a little
man, boyish in the back, with the eager face of those who live
too quickly. But it was not at him that Tommy pointed reas-
suringly; it was at the monster church key, half of which pro-
truded from his tail pocket and waggled as he moved, like the
hilt of a sword.
Speaking like an old residenter, Tommy explained that he had
brought his sister to see the church. “She's ta'en aback," he
said, picking out Scotch words carefully, because it's littler than
the London kirks, but I telled her — I telled her that the preach-
ing is better. ”
This seemed to please the stranger, for he patted Tommy on
the head while inquiring, "How do you know that the preaching
is better ? ”
« Tell him, Elspeth,” replied Tommy, modestly.
« There ain't nuthin' as Tommy don't know,” Elspeth ex-
plained. “He knows what the minister is like, too. ”
“He's a noble sight,” said Tommy.
“He can get anything from God he likes," said Elspeth.
“He's a terrible big man,” said Tommy.
This seemed to please the little gentleman less. “Big! he
exclaimed, irritably; "why should he be big ? »
"He is big,” Elspeth almost screamed, for the minister was
her last hope.
«Nonsense! ” said the little gentleman. “He is — well, I am
the minister. »
« You! ” roared Tommy, wrathfully.
“Oh, oh, oh! ” sobbed Elspeth.
For a moment the Rev. Mr. Dishart looked as if he would
like to knock two little heads together, but he walked away
without doing it.
«Never mind,” whispered Tommy hoarsely to Elspeth.
“Never mind, Elspeth, you have me yet. ”
This consolation seldom failed to gladden her, but her disap-
pointment was so sharp to-day that she would not even look up.
“Come away to the cemetery, it's grand,” he said; but still
she would not be comforted.
“And I'll let you hold my hand as soon as we're past the
houses,” he added.
## p. 1605 (#403) ###########################################
JAMES MATTHEW BARRIE
1605
(
“I'll let you hold it now," he said, eventually; but even then
Elspeth cried dismally, and her sobs were hurting him more than
her.
He knew all the ways of getting round Elspeth, and when
next he spoke it was with a sorrowful dignity. "I didna think,
he said, “as yer wanted me never to be able to speak again; no,
I didna think it, Elspeth. ”
She took her hands from her face and looked at him inquir-
ingly.
«One of the stories mamma telled me and Reddy,” he said,
were a man what saw such a beauty thing that he was struck
dumb with admiration. Struck dumb is never to be able to
speak again, and I wish I had been struck dumb when you
wanted it. ”
“But I didn't want it ! » Elspeth cried.
"If Thrums had been one little bit beautier than it is,” he
went on, solemnly, “it would have struck me dumb. It would
have hurt me sore, but what about that, if it pleased you! »
Then did Elspeth see what a wicked girl she had been, and
when next the two were seen by the curious (it was
on the
cemetery road), they were once more looking cheerful. At the
smallest provocation they exchanged notes of admiration, such
as, “O Tommy, what a bonny barrel! ” or “O Elspeth, I tell
yer that's a dike, and there's just walls in London;” but some-
times Elspeth would stoop hastily, pretending that she wanted
to tie her boot-lace, but really to brush away a tear, and there
were moments when Tommy hung very limp. Each was trying
to deceive the other for the other's sake, and one of them was
never good at deception. They saw through each other, yet kept
up the chilly game, because they could think of nothing better;
and perhaps the game was worth playing, for love invented it.
Scribner's Magazine. Copyrighted by Charles Scribner's Sons, New York.
## p. 1606 (#404) ###########################################
1606
JAMES MATTHEW BARRIE
SINS OF CIRCUMSTANCE
From (Sentimental Tommy'
W
"
« Gie me my
ITH the darkness, too, crept into the Muckley certain devils
in the color of the night who spoke thickly and rolled
braw lads in the mire, and egged on friends to fight, and
cast lewd thoughts into the minds of the women. At first the
men had been bashful swains. To the women's
faring, Jock,” they had replied, “Wait, Jean, till I'm fee'd,” but
by night most had got their arles, with a dram above it, and he
who could only guffaw at Jean a few hours ago had her round
the waist now, and still an arm free for rough play with other
kimmers. The Jeans were as boisterous as the Jocks, giving
them leer for leer, running from them with a giggle, waiting to
be caught and rudely kissed. Grand, patient, long-suffering fel-
lows these men were, up at five, summer and winter, foddering
their horses, maybe, hours before there would be food for them-
selves, miserably paid, housed like cattle, and when the rheuma-
tism seized them, liable to be fung aside like a broken graip.
As hard was the life of the women: coarse food, chaff beds,
damp clothes their portion; their sweethearts in the service of
masters who were loth to fee a married man. Is it to be won-
dered that these lads who could be faithful unto death drank
soddenly on their one free day; that these girls, starved of oppor-
tunities for womanliness, of which they could make as much as
the finest lady, sometimes woke after a Muckley to wish that they
might wake no more ?
Scribner's Magazine. Copyrighted by Charles Scribner's Sons, New York.
## p. 1607 (#405) ###########################################
1607
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
(1801-1850)
a
OLITICAL Economy has been called the dismal science”; and
probably the majority think of it as either merely a mat-
ter of words and phrases, or as something too abstruse for
the common mind to comprehend. It was the distinction of Bastiat
that he was able to write economic tracts in such a language that he
that ran might read, and to clothe the apparently dry bones with
such integuments as manifested vitality. Under his pen, questions of
finance, of tax, of exchange, became questions which concern the
lives of individual men and women, with
sentiments, hopes, and aspirations.
He was born at Bayonne in France,
June 19th, 1801. At nine years of age he
was left an orphan, but he was cared for
by his grandfather and aunt. He received
his schooling at the college of St. Sever
and at Sorèze, where he was noted as
diligent student. When about twenty years
of age he was taken into the commercial
house of his uncle at Bayonne. His leis-
ure was employed in cultivating art and
literature, and he became accomplished in
languages and in instrumental and vocal FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
music. He was early interested in politi-
cal and social economy through the writings of Adam Smith, J. B.
Say, Comte, and others; and having inherited considerable landed
property at Mugron on the death of his grandfather in 1827, he under-
took the personal charge of it, at the same time continuing his
economic studies. His experiment in farming did not prove success-
ful; but he rapidly developed clear ideas upon economical problems,
being much assisted in their consideration by frequent conferences
with his neighbor, M. Felix Coudroy. These two worked much
together, and cherished a close sympathy in thought and heart.
The bourgeois revolution of 1830 was welcomed enthusiastically
by Bastiat. It was a revolution of prosperous and well-instructed
men, willing to make sacrifices to attain an orderly and systematic
method of government. To him the form of the administration did
not greatly matter: the right to vote taxes was the right which
## p. 1608 (#406) ###########################################
1608
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
governed the governors. “There is always a tendency on the part
of governments to extend their powers,” he said; "the administration
therefore must be under constant surveillance. ” His motto was "Foi
systematique à la libre activité de l'individu; defiance systematique
vis-à-vis de l'État conçu abstraitement, — c'est-à-dire, defiance par-
faitement pure de toute hostilité de parti. ” (Systematic faith in the
free activity of the individual; systematic distrust of the State con-
ceived abstractly, — that is, a distrust entirely free from prejudice. ]
His work with his pen seems to have been begun about 1830, and
from the first was concerned with matters of economy and govern-
ment. A year later he was chosen to local office, and every oppor-
tunity which offered was seized upon to bring before the common
people the true milk of the economic word, as he conceived it. The
germ of his theory of values appeared in a pamphlet of 1834, and
the line of his development was a steady one; his leading princi-
ples being the importance of restricting the functions of government
to the maintenance of order, and of removing all shackles from the
freedom of production and exchange. Through subscription to an
English periodical he became familiar with Cobden and the Anti-
Corn-Law League, and his subsequent intimacy with Cobden contrib-
uted much to broaden his horizon. In 1844-5 appeared his brilliant
(Sophismes économiques,' which in their kind have never been
equaled; and his reputation rapidly expanded. He enthusiastically
espoused the cause of Free Trade, and issued a work entitled 'Cob-
den et la Ligue, ou l’Agitation anglaise pour la liberté des échanges)
(Cobden and the League, or the English Agitation for Liberty of
Exchange), which attracted great attention, and won for its author
the title of corresponding member of the Institute. A movement for
organization in favor of tariff reform was begun, of which he natur-
ally became a leader; and feeling that Paris was the centre from
which influence should flow, to Paris he removed. M. de Molinari
gives an account of his debut:-“We still seem to see him making
his first round among the journals which had shown themselves
favorable to cause of the freedom of commerce. He had not yet
had time to call upon a Parisian tailor or hatter, and in truth it
had not occurred to him to do so. With his long hair and his small
hat, his large surtout and his family umbrella, he would naturally
be taken for a reputable countryman looking at the sights of the
metropolis. But his countryman's-face was at the same time roguish
and spirituelle, his large black eyes were bright and luminous, and
his forehead, of medium breadth but squarely formed, bore the
imprint of thought. At a glance one could see that he was a peas-
ant of the country of Montaigne, and in listening to him one realized
that here was a disciple of Franklin. ”
## p. 1609 (#407) ###########################################
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
1609
He plunged at once into work, and his activity was prodigious.
He contributed to numerous journals, maintained an active corre-
spondence with Cobden, kept up communications with organizations
throughout the country, and was always ready to meet his oppo-
nents in debate.
The Republic of 1848 was accepted in good faith; but he was
strongly impressed by the extravagant schemes which accompanied
the Republican movement, as well as by the thirst for peace which
animated multitudes. The Provisional government had made solemn
promises: it must pile on taxes to enable it to keep its promises.
“Poor people! How they have deceived themselves! It would have
been so easy and so just to have eased matters by reducing the
taxes; instead, this is to be done by profusion of expenditure, and
people do not see that all this machinery amounts to taking away
ten in order to return eight, without counting the fact that liberty will
succumb under the operation. ” He tried to stem the tide of extrava-
gance; he published a journal, the République Française, for the ex-
press purpose of promulgating his views; he entered the Constituent
and then the Legislative Assembly, as a member for the department
of Landes, and spoke eloquently from the tribune. He was a con-
stitutional « Mugwump»: he cared for neither parties nor men, but
for ideas. He was equally opposed to the domination of arbitrary
power and to the tyranny of Socialism. He voted with the right
against the left on extravagant Utopian schemes, and with the left
against the right when he felt that the legitimate complaints of the
poor and suffering were unheeded.
In the midst of his activity he was overcome by a trouble in the
throat, which induced his physicians to send him to Italy. The
effort for relief was a vain one, however, and he died in Rome
December 24th. 1850. His complete works, mostly composed of
occasional essays, were printed in 1855. Besides those mentioned, the
most important are Propriété et Loi? (Property and Law), Justice
et Fraternité, Protectionisme et Communisme,' and Harmonies
économiques. ' The Harmonies économiques) and (Sophismes écono-
miques) have been translated and published in English.
## p. 1610 (#408) ###########################################
1610
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
PETITION
OF THE MANUFACTURERS OF CANDLES, Wax-LIGHTS, LAMPS, CANDLE-
STICKS, STREET LAMPS, SNUFFERS, EXTINGUISHERS, AND OF THE
PRODUCERS OF OIL, TALLOW, Rosin, ALCOHOL, AND GENERALLY
OF EVERYTHING CONNECTED WITH LIGHTING.
reserve
To Messicurs the Members of the Chamber of Deputies :
Gentlemen :-- You are on the right road.
You reject abstract
theories, and have little consideration for cheapness and plenty.
Your chief care is the interest of the producer. You desire to
emancipate him from external competition, and
the
national market for national industry.
We are about to offer you an admirable opportunity of apply.
ing your — what shall we call it? your theory? no: nothing is
more deceptive than theory. Your doctrine ? your system ? your
principle ? but you dislike doctrines, you abhor systems, and as for
principles, you deny that there are any in social economy. We
shall say, then, your practice, your practice without theory and
without principle.
We are suffering from the intolerable competition of a foreign
rival, placed, it would seem, in a condition so far superior to
ours for the production of light, that he absolutely inundates our
national market with it at a price fabulously reduced. The
moment he shows himself, our trade leaves us — all consumers
apply to him; and a branch of native industry, having countless
ramifications, is all at once rendered completely stagnant. This
rival, who is no other than the Sun, wages war to the knife
against us, and we suspect that he has been raised up by perfid-
ious Albion (good policy as times go); inasmuch as he displays
towards that haughty island a circumspection with which he dis-
penses in our case.
What we pray for is, that it may please you to pass a law
ordering the shutting up of all windows, skylights, dormer win-
dows, outside and inside shutters, curtains, blinds, bull's-eyes; in
a word, of all openings, holes, chinks, clefts, and fissures, by or
through which the light of the sun has been in use to enter
houses, to the prejudice of the meritorious manufactures with
which we flatter ourselves we have accommodated our country,
a country which, in gratitude, ought not to abandon us now to a
strife so unequal.
## p. 1611 (#409) ###########################################
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
1611
We trust, gentlemen, that you will not regard this our re-
quest as a satire, or refuse it without at least previously hearing
the reasons which we have to urge in its support.
And first, if you shut up as much as possible all access to
natural light, and create a demand for artificial light, which of
our French manufactures will not be encouraged by it ?
If more tallow is consumed, then there must be more oxen
and sheep; and consequently, we shall behold the multiplication
of artificial meadows, meat, wool, hides, and above all manure,
which is the basis and foundation of all agricultural wealth.
If more oil is consumed, then we shall have an extended
cultivation of the poppy, of the olive, and of rape. These rich
and exhausting plants will come at the right time to enable us
to avail ourselves of the increased fertility which the rearing of
additional cattle will impart to our lands.
Our heaths will be covered with resinous trees. Numerous
swarms of bees will, on the mountains, gather perfumed treas-
ures, now wasting their fragrance on the desert air, like the
flowers from which they emanate. No branch of agriculture but
will then exhibit a cheering development.
The same remark applies to navigation. Thousands of vessels
will proceed to the whale fishery; and in a short time we shall
possess a navy capable of maintaining the honor of France, and
gratifying the patriotic aspirations of your petitioners, the under-
signed candle-makers and others.
But what shall we say of the manufacture of articles de
Paris ? Henceforth you will behold gildings, bronzes, crystals,
in candlesticks, in lamps, in lustres, in candelabra, shining forth
in spacious warerooms, compared with which those of the pres-
ent day can be regarded but as mere shops.
No poor résinier from his heights on the sea-coast, no coal-
miner from the depth of his sable gallery, but will rejoice in
higher wages and increased prosperity.
Only have the goodness to reflect, gentlemen, and you will
be convinced that there is perhaps no Frenchman, from the
wealthy coal-master to the humblest vender of lucifer matches,
whose lot will not be ameliorated by the success of this our
petition.
We foresee your objections, gentlemen, but we know that you
can oppose to us none but such as you have picked up from the
effete works of the partisans of Free Trade. We defy you to
## p. 1612 (#410) ###########################################
1612
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
.
utter a single word against us which will not instantly rebound
against yourselves and your entire policy.
You will tell us that if we gain by the protection which we
seek, the country will lose by it, because the consumer must
bear the loss.
We answer:
You have ceased to have any right to invoke the interest of
the consumer; for whenever his interest is found opposed to that
of the producer, you sacrifice the former. You have done so for
the purpose of encouraging labor and increasing employment. For
the same reason you should do so again.
You have yourself refuted this objection. When you are told
that the consumer is interested in the free importation of iron,
coal, corn, textile fabrics — yes, you reply, but the producer is
interested in their exclusion. Well, be it so; — if consumers are
interested in the free admission of natural light, the producers
of artificial light are equally interested in its prohibition.
But again, you may say that the producer and consumer are
identical. If the manufacturer gain by protection, he will make
the agriculturist also a gainer; and if agriculture prosper, it will
open a vent to manufactures. Very well: if you confer upon us
the monopoly of furnishing light during the day,— first of all,
we shall purchase quantities of tallow, coals, oils, resinous sub-
stances, wax, alcohol — besides silver, iron, bronze, crystal — to
carry on our manufactures; and then we, and those who furnish
us with such commodities, having become rich, will consume a
great deal, and impart prosperity to all the other branches of
our national industry.
If you urge that the light of the sun is a gratuitous gift of
nature, and that to reject such gifts is to reject wealth itself
under pretense of encouraging the means of acquiring it, we
would caution you against giving a death-blow to your own
policy. Remember that hitherto you have always repelled for-
eign products, because they approximate more nearly than home
products to the character of gratuitous gifts. To comply with the
exactions of other monopolists, you have only half a motive; and
to repulse us simply because we stand on a stronger vantage-
ground than others would be to adopt the equation, +x+=-; in
other words, it would be to heap absurdity upon absurdity.
Nature and human labor co-operate in various proportions
(depending on countries and climates) in the production of com-
## p. 1613 (#411) ###########################################
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
1613
modities. The part which nature executes is always gratuitous;
it is the part executed by human labor which constitutes value,
and is paid for.
If a Lisbon orange sells for half the price of a Paris orange,
it is because natural and consequently gratuitous heat does for
the one what artificial and therefore expensive heat must do for
the other.
When an orange comes to us from Portugal, we may conclude
that it is furnished in part gratuitously, in part for an onerous
consideration; in other words, it comes to us at half-price as
compared with those of Paris.
Now, it is precisely the gratuitous half (pardon the word)
which we contend should be excluded. You say, How can nat-
ural labor sustain competition with foreign labor, when the
former has all the work to do, and the latter only does one-half,
the sun supplying the remainder ? But if this half, being gratu-
itous, determines you to exclude competition, how should the
whole, being gratuitous, induce you to admit competition ? If
you were consistent, you would, while excluding as hurtful to
native industry what is half gratuitous, exclude a fortiori and
with double zeal that which is altogether gratuitous.
Once more, when products such as coal, iron, corn, or textile
fabrics are sent us from abroad, and we can acquire them with
less labor than if we made them ourselves, the difference is a
free gift conferred upon us. The gift is more or less considera-
ble in proportion as the difference is more or less great. It
amounts to a quarter, a half, or three-quarters of the value of
the product, when the foreigner only asks us for three-fourths,
a half, or a quarter of the price we should otherwise pay. It is
as perfect and complete as it can be, when the donor (like the
sun in furnishing us with light) asks us for nothing. The ques-
tion, and we ask it formally, is this, Do you desire for our
country the benefit of gratuitous consumption, or the pretended
advantages of onerous production ? Make your choice, but be
logical; for as long as you exclude, as you do, coal, iron, corn,
foreign fabrics, in proportion as their price approximates to cero,
what inconsistency would it be to admit the light of the sun, the
price of which is already at sero during the entire day!
## p. 1614 (#412) ###########################################
1614
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
STULTA AND PUERA
T"
HERE were, no matter where, two towns called Fooltown and
Babytown. They completed at great cost a highway from
the one town to the other. When this was done, Fooltown said to
herself, “See how Babytown inundates us with her products; we
must see to it. ” In consequence, they created and paid a body
of obstructives, so called because their business was to place
obstacles in the way of traffic coming from Babytown. Soon
afterwards Babytown did the same.
At the end of some centuries, knowledge having in the
interim made great progress, the common sense of Babytown
enabled her to see that such reciprocal obstacles could only be
reciprocally hurtful. She therefore sent a diplomatist to Fool-
town, who, laying aside official phraseology, spoke to this effect:
“We have made a highway, and now we throw obstacles in
the way of using it. This is absurd. It would have been better
to have left things as they were.
We should not, in that case,
have had to pay for making the road in the first place, nor
afterwards have incurred the expense of maintaining obstructives.
In the name of Babytown, I come to propose to you, not to give
up opposing each other all at once, — that would be to act upon
a principle, and we despise principles as much as you do, — but
to lessen somewhat the present obstacles, taking care to estimate
equitably the respective sacrifices we make for this purpose. ”
So spoke the diplomatist. Fooltown asked for time to con-
sider the proposal, and proceeded to consult in succession her
manufacturers and agriculturists. At length, after the lapse of
some years, she declared that the negotiations were broken off.
On receiving this intimation, the inhabitants of Babytown
held a meeting. An old gentleman (they always suspected he
had been secretly bought by Fooltown) rose and said: “The
obstacles created by Fooltown injure our sales, which is a mis-
fortune Those which we have ourselves created injure our pur-
chases, which is another misfortune. With reference to the first,
we are powerless; but the second rests with ourselves.
at least get quit of one, since we cannot rid ourselves of both
evils. Let us suppress our obstructives without requiring Fool-
town to do the same. Some day, no doubt, she will come to
know her own interests better. ”
Let us
## p. 1615 (#413) ###########################################
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
1615
A second counselor, a practical, matter-of-fact man, guiltless
of any acquaintance with principles, and brought up in the ways
of his forefathers, replied
"Don't listen to that Utopian dreamer, that theorist, that
innovator, that economist; that Stultomaniac. We shall all be
undone if the stoppages of the road are not equalized, weighed,
and balanced between Fooltown and Babytown. There would be
greater difficulty in going than in coming, in exporting than in
importing We should find ourselves in the same condition of
inferiority relatively to Fooltown, as Havre, Nantes, Bordeaux,
Lisbon, London, Hamburg, and New Orleans, are with relation
to the towns situated at the sources of the Seine, the Loire, the
Garonne, the Tagus, the Thames, the Elbe, and the Mississippi;
for it is more difficult for a ship to ascend than to descend a
river.
[A Voice — « Towns at the embouchures of rivers prosper
more than towns at their source. ”] This is impossible. [Same
Voice — “But it is so. "] Well, if it be so, they have prospered
contrary to rules. ”
Reasoning so conclusive convinced the assembly, and the ora-
tor followed up his victory by talking largely of national independ-
ence, national honor, national dignity, national labor, inundation
of products, tributes, murderous competition. In short, he carried
the vote in favor of the maintenance of obstacles; and if you are
at all curious on the subject, I can point out to you countries,
where you will see with your own eyes Roadmakers and Obstruct-
ives working together on the most friendly terms possible, under
the orders of the same legislative assembly, and at the expense
of the same taxpayers, the one set endeavoring to clear the road,
and the other set doing their utmost to render it impassable.
## p. 1616 (#414) ###########################################
1616
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
INAPPLICABLE
TERMS
From "Economic Sophisms)
La
the puerility of applying to industrial
competition phrases applicable to war,- a way of speaking
which is only specious when applied to competition between
two rival trades. The moment we come to take into account
the effect produced on the general prosperity, the analogy dis-
appears.
In a battle, every one who is killed diminishes by so much
the strength of the army. In industry, a workshop is shut up
only when what it produced is obtained by the public from
another source and in greater abundance. Figure a state of
things where for one man killed on the spot two should rise
up full of life and vigor. Were such a state of things possible,
war would no longer merit its name.
This, however, is the distinctive character of what is so
absurdly called industrial war.
Let the Belgians and the English lower the price of their
iron ever so much; let them, if they will, send it to us for
nothing: this might extinguish some of our blast-furnaces; but
immediately, and as a necessary consequence of this very cheap-
ness, there would rise up a thousand other branches of industry
more profitable than the one which had been superseded.
We arrive, then, at the conclusion that domination by labor
is impossible, and a contradiction in terms, seeing that all supe-
riority which manifests itself among a people means cheapness,
and tends only to impart force to all other nations.
banish, then, from political economy all terms borrowed from
the military vocabulary: to fight with equal weapons, to conquer,
to crush, to stifle, to be beaten, invasion, tribute, etc. What do
such phrases mean? Squeeze them, and you obtain nothing.
Yes, you do obtain something; for from such words
proceed absurd errors, and fatal and pestilent prejudices. Such
phrases tend to arrest the fusion of nations, are inimical to their
peaceful, universal, and indissoluble alliance, and retard the pro-
gress of the human race.
Let us
## p. 1617 (#415) ###########################################
1617
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
(1821–1867)
BY GRACE KING
HARLES BAUDELAIRE was born in Paris in 1821; he died there
in 1867. Between these dates lies the evolution of one of
the most striking personalities in French literature, and
the development of an influence which affected not only the litera-
ture of the poet's own country, but that of all Europe and America.
The genuineness of both personality and influence was one of the
first critical issues raised after Baudelaire's advent into literature;
it is still one of the main issues in all critical consideration of
him. A question which involves by impli-
cation the whole relation of poetry, and of
art as such, to life, is obviously one that
furnishes more than literary ssues, and
engages other than literary interests. And
thus, by easy and natural corollaries, Bau-
delaire has been made a subject of appeal
not only to judgment, but even to con-
science. At first sight, therefore, he ap-
pears surrounded either by an intricate
moral maze, or by a no less troublesome
confusion of contradictory theories from
opposing camps rather than schools of criti-
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
cism. But no author — no dead author – is
more accessible, or more communicable in his way; his poems, his
theories, and a goodly portion of his life, lie at the disposition of any
reader who cares to know him.
The Baudelaire legend, as it is called by French critics, is one of
the blooms of that romantic period of French literature which is
presided over by the genius of Théophile Gautier. Indeed, it is
against the golden background of Gautier's imagination that the pict. .
ure of the youthful poet is best preserved for us, appearing in all
the delicate and illusive radiance of the youth and beauty of legend-
ary saints on the gilded canvases of mediæval art. The radiant
youth and beauty may be no more truthful to nature than the gilded
background, but the fact of the impression sought to be conveyed is
not on that account to be disbelieved.
Baudelaire, Gautier writes, was born in the Rue Hautefeuille, in
one of those old houses with a pepper-pot turret at the corner which
111-102
## p. 1618 (#416) ###########################################
1618
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
i
have disappeared from the city under the advancing improvement of
straight lines and clear openings. His father, a gentleman of learn-
ing, retained all the eighteenth-century courtesy and distinction of
manner, which, like the pepper-pot turret, has also disappeared under
the advance of Republican enlightenment. An absent-minded, re-
served child, Baudelaire attracted no especial attention during his
school days. When they were over, his predilection for a literary
vocation became known. From this his parents sought to divert hiin
by sending him to travel. He voyaged through the Indian Ocean,
visiting the great islands: Madagascar, Ceylon, Mauritius, Bourbon.
Had there been a chance for irresolution in the mind of the youth,
this voyage destroyed it forever. His imagination, essentially exotic,
succumbed to the passionate charm of a new, strange, and splendidly
glowing form of nature; the stars, the skies, the gigantic vegetation,
the color, the perfumes, the dark-skinned figures in white draperies,
formed for him at that time a heaven, for which his senses unceas-
ingly yearned afterwards amid the charms and enchantments of civ-
ilization, in the world's capital of pleasure and luxury. Returning to
Paris, of age and master of his fortune, he established himself in his
independence, openly adopting his chosen career.
He and Théophile Gautier met for the first time in 1849, in the
Hotel Pimodau, where were held the meetings of the Hashish Club.
Here in the great Louis XIV. saloon, with its wood-work relieved
with dull gold; its corbeled ceiling, painted after the manner of
Lesueur and Poussin, with satyrs pursuing nymphs through reeds and
foliage; its great red and white spotted marble mantel, with gilded
elephant harnessed like the elephant of Porus in Lebrun's picture,
bearing an enameled clock with blue ciphers; its antique chairs and
sofas, covered with faded tapestry representing hunting scenes, hold-
ing the reclining figures of the members of the club; women cele-
brated in the world of beauty, men in the world of letters, meeting
not only for the enjoyment of the artificial ecstasies of the drug, but
to talk of art, literature, and love, as in the days of the Decameron
here Baudelaire made what might be called his historic impression
upon literature.
He was at that time twenty-eight years of age; and
even in that assemblage, in those surroundings, his personality was
striking. His black hair, worn close to the head, grew in regular
scallops over a forehead of dazzling whiteness; his eyes, the color of
Spanish tobacco, were spiritual, deep, penetrating, perhaps too insist-
ently so, in expression; the mobile sinuous mouth had the ironical
voluptuous lips that Leonardo da Vinci loved to paint; the nose was
delicate and sensitive, with quivering nostrils; a deep dimple accent-
uated the chin; the bluish-black tint of the shaven skin, softened
with rice-powder, contrasted with the clear rose and white of the
## p. 1619 (#417) ###########################################
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
1619
upper part of his cheeks. Always dressed with meticulous neatness
and simplicity, following English rather than French taste; in man-
ner punctiliously observant of the strictest conventionality, scrupu-
lously, even excessively polite; in talk measuring his phrases, using
only the most select terms, and pronouncing certain words as if the
sound itself possessed a certain subtle, mystical value, — throwing
his voice into capitals and italics; - in contrast with the dress and
manners about him, he, according to Gautier, looked like a dandy
who had strayed into Bohemia.
The contrast was no less violent between Baudelaire's form and
the substance of his conversation. With a simple, natural, and per-
fectly impartial manner, as if he were conveying commonplace
information about every-day life, he would advance some axiom
monstrously Satanic, or sustain, with the utmost grace and coolness,
some mathematical extravagance in the way of a theory.
And no
one could so inflexibly push a paradox to the uttermost limits,
regardless of consequences to received notions of morality or reli-
gion; always employing the most rigorous methods of logic and
reason. His wit was found to lie neither in words nor thoughts, but
in the peculiar standpoint from which he regarded things, a stand-
point which altered their outlines, — like those of objects looked down
upon from a bird's flight, or looked up to on a ceiling. In this way,
to continue the exposition of Gautier, Baudelaire saw relations inap-
preciable to others, whose logical bizarrerie was startling.
His first productions were critical articles for the Parisian journals;
articles that at the time passed unperceived, but which to-day
furnish perhaps the best evidences of that keen artistic insight and
foresight of the poet, which was at once his greatest good and evil
genius. In 1856 appeared his translation of the works of Edgar Allan
Poe; a translation which may be said to have naturalized Poe in
French literature, where he has played a rôle curiously like that of
Baudelaire in Poe's native literature. The natural predisposition of
Baudelaire, which fitted him to be the French interpreter of Poe,
rendered him also peculiarly sensitive to Poe's mysteriously subtle
yet rankly vigorous charms; and he showed himself as sensitively
responsive to these as he had been to the exotic charms of the East.
The influence upon his intellectual development was decisive and
final. His indebtedness to Poe, or it might better be said, his iden-
tification with Poe, is visible not only in his paradoxical manias, but
in his poetry, and in his theories of art and poetry set forth in his
various essays and fugitive prose expressions, and notably in his
introduction to his translations of the American author's works,
In 1857 appeared the (Fleurs du Mal’ (Flowers of Evil), the vol-
ume of poems upon which Baudelaire's fame as
a poet is founded.
## p. 1620 (#418) ###########################################
1620
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
It was the result of his thirty years' devotion to the study of his art
and meditation upon it. Six of the poems were suppressed by the
censor of the Second Empire. This action called out, in form of
protest, that fine appreciation and defense of Baudelaire's genius and
best defense of his methods, by four of the foremost critics and
keenest artists in poetry of Paris, which form, with the letters from
Sainte-Beuve, de Custine, and Deschamps, a precious appendix to the
third edition of the poems.
The name Flowers of Evil” is a sufficient indication of the inten-
tions and aim of the author. Their companions in the volume are:
(Spleen and Ideal, Parisian Pictures, Wine,' Revolt,' Death. '
The simplest description of them is that they are indescribable.
They must not only be read, they must be studied repeatedly to be
understood as they deserve. The paradox of their most exquisite art,
and their at times most revolting revelations of the degradations and
perversities of humanity, can be accepted with full appreciation of
the author's meaning only by granting the same paradox to his
genuine nature; by crediting him with being not only an ardent
idealist of art for art's sake, but an idealist of humanity for human-
ity's sake; one to whom humanity, even in its lowest degradations
and vilest perversions, is sublimely sacred; - one to whom life offered
but one tragedy, that of human souls flying like Cain from a guilt-
stricken paradise, but pursued by the remorse of innocence, and
scourged by the consciousness of their own infinitude.
But the poet's own words are the best explanation of his aim and
intention :
«Poetry, though one delve ever so little into his own self, interrogate his
own soul, recall his memories of enthusiasms, has no other end than itself; it
cannot have any other aim, and no poem will be so great, so noble, so truly
worthy of the name of poem, as that which shall have been written solely for
the pleasure of writing a poem. I do not wish to say that poetry should not
ennoble manners – – that its final result should not be to raise man above vul-
gar interests.
That would be an evident absurdity. I say that if the poet
has pursued a moral end, he has diminished his poetic force, and it would
not be imprudent to wager that his work would be bad. Poetry cannot,
under penalty of death or forfeiture, assimilate itself to science or morality.
It has not Truth for object, it has only itself. Truth's modes of demonstra-
tion are different and elsewhere. Truth has nothing to do with ballads; all
that constitutes the charm, the irresistible grace of a ballad, would strip
Truth of its authority and power. Cold, calm, impassive, the demonstrative
temperament rejects the diamonds and flowers of the muse; it is, therefore, the
absolute inverse of the poetic temperament. Pure Intellect aims at Truth,
Taste shows us Beauty, and the Moral Sense teaches us Duty. It is true
that the middle term has intimate connection with the two extremes, and
only separates itself from Moral Sense by a difference so slight that Aristotle
## p. 1621 (#419) ###########################################
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
1621
did not hesitate to class some of its delicate operations amongst the virtues.
And accordingly what, above all, exasperates the man of taste is the spectacle
of vice, is its deformity, its disproportions. Vice threatens the just and true,
and revolts intellect and conscience; but as an outrage upon harmony, as dis-
sonance, it would particularly wound certain poetic minds, and I do not think
it would be scandal to consider all infractions of moral beauty as a species of
sin against rhythm and universal prosody.
«It is this admirable, this immortal instinct of the Beautiful which makes
us consider the earth and its spectacle as a sketch, as a correspondent of
Heaven. The insatiable thirst for all that is beyond that which life veils is
the most living proof of our immortality. It is at once by poetry and across
it, across and through music, that the soul gets a glimpse of the splendors
that lie beyond the tomb. And when an exquisite poem causes tears to rise
in the eye, these tears are not the proof of excessive enjoyment, but rather
the testimony of a moved melancholy, of a postulation of the nerves, of a
nature exiled in the imperfect, which wishes to take immediate possession,
even on earth, of a revealed paradise.
« Thus the principle of poetry is strictly and simply human aspiration
toward superior beauty; and the manifestation of this principle is enthusi-
asm and uplifting of the soul, - enthusiasm entirely independent of passion,-
which is the intoxication of heart, and of truth which is the food of reason.
For passion is a natural thing, even too natural not to introduce a wounding,
discordant tone into the domain of pure beauty; too familiar, too violent, not
to shock the pure Desires, the gracious Melancholies, and the noble Despairs
which inhabit the supernatural regions of poetry. ”
Baudelaire saw himself as the poet of a decadent epoch, an epoch
in which art had arrived at the over-ripened maturity of an aging
civilization; a glowing, savorous, fragrant over-ripeness, that is
already softening into decomposition. And to be the fitting poet of
such an epoch, he modeled his style on that of the poets of the
Latin decadence; for, as he expressed it for himself and for the
modern school of «decadents” in French poetry founded upon his
name: -
“Does it not seem to the reader, as to me, that the language of the last
Latin decadence — that supreme sigh of a robust person already transformed
and prepared for spiritual life — is singularly fitted to express passion as it is
understood and felt by the modern world ? Mysticism is the other end of the
magnet of which Catullus and his band, brutal and purely epidermic poets,
knew only the sensual pole. In this wonderful language, solecisms and bar-
barisms seem to express the forced carelessness of a passion which forgets
itself, and mocks at rules. The words, used in a novel sense, reveal the
charming awkwardness of a barbarian from the North, kneeling before Roman
Beauty. ”
Nature, the nature of Wordsworth and Tennyson, did not exist for
Baudelaire; inspiration he denied; simplicity he scouted as an an-
achronism in a decadent period of perfected art, whose last word in
## p. 1622 (#420) ###########################################
1622
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
poetry should be the apotheosis of the Artificial. “A little charlatan-
ism is permitted even to genius,” he wrote: “it is like fard on the
cheeks of a naturally beautiful woman; an appetizer for the mind. ”
Again he expresses himself:-
It seems to me, two women are presented to me, one a rustic matron,
repulsive in health and virtue, without manners, without expression; in short,
owing nothing except to simple nature ; – the other, one of those beauties that
dominate and oppress memory, uniting to her original and unfathomable
charms all the eloquence of dress; who is mistress of her part, conscious of
and queen of herself, speaking like an instrument well tuned; with looks
freighted with thought, yet letting flow only what she would. My choice
would not be doubtful; and yet there are pedagogic sphinxes who would
reproach me as recreant to classical honor. )
In music it was the same choice. He saw the consummate art
and artificiality of Wagner, and preferred it to all other music, at a
time when the German master was ignored and despised by a classic-
ized musical world. In perfumes it was not the simple fragrance of
the rose or violet that he loved, but musk and amber; and he said,
“my soul hovers over perfumes as the souls of other men hover
over music. »
Besides his essays and sketches, Baudelaire published in prose a
novelette; Fanfarlo,' Artificial Paradises,' opium and hashish, imi-
tations of De Quincey's 'Confessions of an Opium Eater); and Little
Prose Poems, also inspired by a book, the (Gaspard de la Nuit) of
Aloysius Bertrand, and which Baudelaire thus describes: -
« The idea came to me to attempt something analogous, and to apply to
the description of modern life, or rather a modern and more abstract life, the
methods he had applied to the painting of ancient life, so strangely pictur-
esque. Which one of us in his ambitious days has not dreamed of a miracle
of poetic prose, musical, without rhythm and without rhyme, supple enough
and rugged enough to adapt itself to the lyrical movements of the soul, to
the undulations of reverie, and to the assaults of conscience ? »
Failing health induced Baudelaire to quit Paris and establish
himself in Brussels; but he received no benefit from the change of
climate, and the first symptoms of his terrible malady manifested
themselves a slowness of speech, and hesitation over words. As a
slow and sententious enunciation was characteristic of him, the
symptoms attracted no attention, until he fell under a sudden and
violent attack. He was brought back to Paris and conveyed to a
«maison de santé,” where he died, after lingering several months in
a paralyzed condition, motionless, speechless; nothing alive in him
but thought, seeking to express itself through his eyes.
The nature of Baudelaire's malady and death was, by the public
at large, accepted as confirmation of the suspicion that he was in the
1
## p. 1623 (#421) ###########################################
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
1623
are.
habit of seeking his inspiration in the excitation of hashish and
opium. His friends, however, recall the fact of his incessant work,
and intense striving after his ideal in art; his fatigue of body and
mind, and his increasing weariness of spirit under the accumulating
worries and griefs of a life for which his very genius unfitted him.
He was also known to be sober in his tastes, as all great workers
That he had lent himself more than once to the physiological
and psychological experiment of hashish was admitted; but he was a
rare visitor at the séances in the saloon of the Hotel Pimodau, and
came as a simple observer of others.
sense of loss was so acute that his soul cried out for the cure
rather than for the name of the malady.
In time he would have realized what had happened, but time
was denied him, for just as he was starting for the mudhouse
Babbie saved his dignity by returning to him.
. She
looked up surprised, or seemingly surprised, to find him still
there.
“I thought you had gone away long ago," she said stiffly.
"Otherwise,” asked Gavin the dejected, you would not have
came back to the well ? »
"Certainly not.
“I am very sorry.
Had you waited another moment I should
have been gone. "
This was said in apology, but the willful Egyptian chose to
change its meaning.
“You have no right to blame me for disturbing you,” she
declared with warmth.
«I did not.
I only ”
« You could have been a mile away by this time. Nanny
wanted more water. ”
Babbie scrutinized the minister sharply as she made this state-
ment. Surely her conscience troubled her, for on his not answer-
ing immediately she said, “Do you presume to disbelieve me?
What could have made me return except to fill the pans again ? ”
“Nothing,” Gavin admitted eagerly, “and I assure you -”
Babbie should have been grateful to his denseness, but it
merely set her mind at rest.
“Say anything against me you choose,” she told him.
it as brutally as you like, for I won't listen. ”
She stopped to hear his response to that, and she looked so
cold that it almost froze on Gavin's lips.
“I had no right,” he said dolefully, "to speak to you as I did. ”
"You had not,” answered the proud Egyptian. She was look-
ing away from him to show that his repentance was not even
interesting to her. However, she had forgotten already not to
listen.
She was very near him, and the tears had not yet dried
on her eyes. They were laughing eyes, eyes in distress, implor-
ing eyes.
Her pale face, smiling, sad, dimpled yet entreating
“Say
III-IOI
## p. 1602 (#400) ###########################################
1602
JAMES MATTHEW BARRIE
>>>
forgiveness, was the one prominent thing in the world to him
just then. He wanted to kiss her. He would do it as soon as
her eyes rested on his, but she continued without regarding him.
“How mean that sounds! Oh, if I were a man I would wish
to be everything that I am not, and nothing that I am. I would
scorn to be a liar, I would choose to be open in all things, I
would try to fight the world honestly. But I am only a woman,
and so well, that is the kind of man I would like to marry. ”
“A minister may be all these things,” said Gavin breathlessly.
« The man I could love, Babbie went on, not heeding him,
almost forgetting that he was there, “must not spend his days in
idleness as the men I know do. ”
«I do not. "
«He must be brave, no mere worker among others, but a
leader of men. ”
“All ministers are. ”
“Who makes his influence felt. ”
«Assuredly. ”
«And takes the side of the weak against the strong, even
though the strong be in the right. ”
"Always my tendency. ”
“A man who has a mind of his own, and having once made
it up stands to it in defiance even of- »
“Of his session. ”
“Of the world. He must understand me. ”
“I do. ”
«And be my master. ”
“It is his lawful position in the house. ”
«He must not yield to my coaxing or tempers.
“It would be weakness. ”
“But compel me to do his bidding; yes, even thrash me
»
if — »
"If you won't listen to reason. Babbie,” cried Gavin, “I am
that man! ”
Here the inventory abruptly ended, and these two people
found themselves staring at each other, as if of a sudden they
had heard something dreadful. I do not know how long they
stood thus motionless and horrified. I cannot tell even which
stirred first. All I know is that almost simultaneously they
turned from each other and hurried out of the wood in opposite
directions.
## p. 1603 (#401) ###########################################
JAMES MATTHEW BARRIE
1603
LOST ILLUSIONS
From (Sentimental Tommy)
T°
on
a
O-MORROW came, and with it two eager little figures rose and
gulped their porridge, and set off to see Thrums. They
were dressed in the black clothes Aaron Latta had bought
for them in London, and they had agreed just to walk, but when
they reached the door and saw the tree-tops of the Den they —
they ran. Would you not like to hold them back? It is a child's
tragedy.
They went first into the Den, and the rocks were dripping
wet, all the trees save the firs were bare, and the mud round a
tiny spring pulled off one of Elspeth's boots.
« Tommy,” she cried, quaking, “that narsty puddle can't not
be the Cuttle Well, can it ? ”
“No, it ain't,” said Tommy, quickly, but he feared it was.
«It's c-c-colder here than London,” Elspeth said, shivering,
and Tommy was shivering too, but he answered, “I'm — I'm
I'm warm. ”
The Den
was strangely small, and soon they were
shabby brae, where women in short gowns came to their doors
and men in night-caps sat down on the shafts of their barrows to
look at Jean Myles's bairns.
« What does yer think ? ” Elspeth whispered, very doubtfully.
« They're beauties,” Tommy answered, determinedly.
Presently Elspeth cried, “Oh, Tommy, what a ugly stair!
Where is the beauty stairs as it wore outside for show ? ”
This was one of them, and Tommy knew it.
«Wait till you
see the west town end,” he said, bravely: "it's grand. ” But
when they were in the west town end, and he had to admit it,
« Wait till you see the square,” he said, and when they were in
the square, “Wait,” he said, huskily, “till you see the town-
house. "
Alas, this was the town-house facing them, and when
they knew it, he said, hurriedly, “Wait till you see the Auld
Licht kirk. ”
They stood long in front of the Auld Licht kirk, which he
had sworn was bigger and lovelier than St. Paul's, but — well, it
is a different style of architecture, and had Elspeth not been
there with tears in waiting, Tommy would have blubbered. It's
- it's littler than I thought,” he said, desperately, but — the
minister, oh, what a wonderful big man he is! ”
## p. 1604 (#402) ###########################################
1604
JAMES MATTHEW BARRIE
“Are you sure? ” Elspeth squeaked.
“I swear he is. ”
The church door opened and a gentleman came out, a little
man, boyish in the back, with the eager face of those who live
too quickly. But it was not at him that Tommy pointed reas-
suringly; it was at the monster church key, half of which pro-
truded from his tail pocket and waggled as he moved, like the
hilt of a sword.
Speaking like an old residenter, Tommy explained that he had
brought his sister to see the church. “She's ta'en aback," he
said, picking out Scotch words carefully, because it's littler than
the London kirks, but I telled her — I telled her that the preach-
ing is better. ”
This seemed to please the stranger, for he patted Tommy on
the head while inquiring, "How do you know that the preaching
is better ? ”
« Tell him, Elspeth,” replied Tommy, modestly.
« There ain't nuthin' as Tommy don't know,” Elspeth ex-
plained. “He knows what the minister is like, too. ”
“He's a noble sight,” said Tommy.
“He can get anything from God he likes," said Elspeth.
“He's a terrible big man,” said Tommy.
This seemed to please the little gentleman less. “Big! he
exclaimed, irritably; "why should he be big ? »
"He is big,” Elspeth almost screamed, for the minister was
her last hope.
«Nonsense! ” said the little gentleman. “He is — well, I am
the minister. »
« You! ” roared Tommy, wrathfully.
“Oh, oh, oh! ” sobbed Elspeth.
For a moment the Rev. Mr. Dishart looked as if he would
like to knock two little heads together, but he walked away
without doing it.
«Never mind,” whispered Tommy hoarsely to Elspeth.
“Never mind, Elspeth, you have me yet. ”
This consolation seldom failed to gladden her, but her disap-
pointment was so sharp to-day that she would not even look up.
“Come away to the cemetery, it's grand,” he said; but still
she would not be comforted.
“And I'll let you hold my hand as soon as we're past the
houses,” he added.
## p. 1605 (#403) ###########################################
JAMES MATTHEW BARRIE
1605
(
“I'll let you hold it now," he said, eventually; but even then
Elspeth cried dismally, and her sobs were hurting him more than
her.
He knew all the ways of getting round Elspeth, and when
next he spoke it was with a sorrowful dignity. "I didna think,
he said, “as yer wanted me never to be able to speak again; no,
I didna think it, Elspeth. ”
She took her hands from her face and looked at him inquir-
ingly.
«One of the stories mamma telled me and Reddy,” he said,
were a man what saw such a beauty thing that he was struck
dumb with admiration. Struck dumb is never to be able to
speak again, and I wish I had been struck dumb when you
wanted it. ”
“But I didn't want it ! » Elspeth cried.
"If Thrums had been one little bit beautier than it is,” he
went on, solemnly, “it would have struck me dumb. It would
have hurt me sore, but what about that, if it pleased you! »
Then did Elspeth see what a wicked girl she had been, and
when next the two were seen by the curious (it was
on the
cemetery road), they were once more looking cheerful. At the
smallest provocation they exchanged notes of admiration, such
as, “O Tommy, what a bonny barrel! ” or “O Elspeth, I tell
yer that's a dike, and there's just walls in London;” but some-
times Elspeth would stoop hastily, pretending that she wanted
to tie her boot-lace, but really to brush away a tear, and there
were moments when Tommy hung very limp. Each was trying
to deceive the other for the other's sake, and one of them was
never good at deception. They saw through each other, yet kept
up the chilly game, because they could think of nothing better;
and perhaps the game was worth playing, for love invented it.
Scribner's Magazine. Copyrighted by Charles Scribner's Sons, New York.
## p. 1606 (#404) ###########################################
1606
JAMES MATTHEW BARRIE
SINS OF CIRCUMSTANCE
From (Sentimental Tommy'
W
"
« Gie me my
ITH the darkness, too, crept into the Muckley certain devils
in the color of the night who spoke thickly and rolled
braw lads in the mire, and egged on friends to fight, and
cast lewd thoughts into the minds of the women. At first the
men had been bashful swains. To the women's
faring, Jock,” they had replied, “Wait, Jean, till I'm fee'd,” but
by night most had got their arles, with a dram above it, and he
who could only guffaw at Jean a few hours ago had her round
the waist now, and still an arm free for rough play with other
kimmers. The Jeans were as boisterous as the Jocks, giving
them leer for leer, running from them with a giggle, waiting to
be caught and rudely kissed. Grand, patient, long-suffering fel-
lows these men were, up at five, summer and winter, foddering
their horses, maybe, hours before there would be food for them-
selves, miserably paid, housed like cattle, and when the rheuma-
tism seized them, liable to be fung aside like a broken graip.
As hard was the life of the women: coarse food, chaff beds,
damp clothes their portion; their sweethearts in the service of
masters who were loth to fee a married man. Is it to be won-
dered that these lads who could be faithful unto death drank
soddenly on their one free day; that these girls, starved of oppor-
tunities for womanliness, of which they could make as much as
the finest lady, sometimes woke after a Muckley to wish that they
might wake no more ?
Scribner's Magazine. Copyrighted by Charles Scribner's Sons, New York.
## p. 1607 (#405) ###########################################
1607
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
(1801-1850)
a
OLITICAL Economy has been called the dismal science”; and
probably the majority think of it as either merely a mat-
ter of words and phrases, or as something too abstruse for
the common mind to comprehend. It was the distinction of Bastiat
that he was able to write economic tracts in such a language that he
that ran might read, and to clothe the apparently dry bones with
such integuments as manifested vitality. Under his pen, questions of
finance, of tax, of exchange, became questions which concern the
lives of individual men and women, with
sentiments, hopes, and aspirations.
He was born at Bayonne in France,
June 19th, 1801. At nine years of age he
was left an orphan, but he was cared for
by his grandfather and aunt. He received
his schooling at the college of St. Sever
and at Sorèze, where he was noted as
diligent student. When about twenty years
of age he was taken into the commercial
house of his uncle at Bayonne. His leis-
ure was employed in cultivating art and
literature, and he became accomplished in
languages and in instrumental and vocal FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
music. He was early interested in politi-
cal and social economy through the writings of Adam Smith, J. B.
Say, Comte, and others; and having inherited considerable landed
property at Mugron on the death of his grandfather in 1827, he under-
took the personal charge of it, at the same time continuing his
economic studies. His experiment in farming did not prove success-
ful; but he rapidly developed clear ideas upon economical problems,
being much assisted in their consideration by frequent conferences
with his neighbor, M. Felix Coudroy. These two worked much
together, and cherished a close sympathy in thought and heart.
The bourgeois revolution of 1830 was welcomed enthusiastically
by Bastiat. It was a revolution of prosperous and well-instructed
men, willing to make sacrifices to attain an orderly and systematic
method of government. To him the form of the administration did
not greatly matter: the right to vote taxes was the right which
## p. 1608 (#406) ###########################################
1608
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
governed the governors. “There is always a tendency on the part
of governments to extend their powers,” he said; "the administration
therefore must be under constant surveillance. ” His motto was "Foi
systematique à la libre activité de l'individu; defiance systematique
vis-à-vis de l'État conçu abstraitement, — c'est-à-dire, defiance par-
faitement pure de toute hostilité de parti. ” (Systematic faith in the
free activity of the individual; systematic distrust of the State con-
ceived abstractly, — that is, a distrust entirely free from prejudice. ]
His work with his pen seems to have been begun about 1830, and
from the first was concerned with matters of economy and govern-
ment. A year later he was chosen to local office, and every oppor-
tunity which offered was seized upon to bring before the common
people the true milk of the economic word, as he conceived it. The
germ of his theory of values appeared in a pamphlet of 1834, and
the line of his development was a steady one; his leading princi-
ples being the importance of restricting the functions of government
to the maintenance of order, and of removing all shackles from the
freedom of production and exchange. Through subscription to an
English periodical he became familiar with Cobden and the Anti-
Corn-Law League, and his subsequent intimacy with Cobden contrib-
uted much to broaden his horizon. In 1844-5 appeared his brilliant
(Sophismes économiques,' which in their kind have never been
equaled; and his reputation rapidly expanded. He enthusiastically
espoused the cause of Free Trade, and issued a work entitled 'Cob-
den et la Ligue, ou l’Agitation anglaise pour la liberté des échanges)
(Cobden and the League, or the English Agitation for Liberty of
Exchange), which attracted great attention, and won for its author
the title of corresponding member of the Institute. A movement for
organization in favor of tariff reform was begun, of which he natur-
ally became a leader; and feeling that Paris was the centre from
which influence should flow, to Paris he removed. M. de Molinari
gives an account of his debut:-“We still seem to see him making
his first round among the journals which had shown themselves
favorable to cause of the freedom of commerce. He had not yet
had time to call upon a Parisian tailor or hatter, and in truth it
had not occurred to him to do so. With his long hair and his small
hat, his large surtout and his family umbrella, he would naturally
be taken for a reputable countryman looking at the sights of the
metropolis. But his countryman's-face was at the same time roguish
and spirituelle, his large black eyes were bright and luminous, and
his forehead, of medium breadth but squarely formed, bore the
imprint of thought. At a glance one could see that he was a peas-
ant of the country of Montaigne, and in listening to him one realized
that here was a disciple of Franklin. ”
## p. 1609 (#407) ###########################################
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
1609
He plunged at once into work, and his activity was prodigious.
He contributed to numerous journals, maintained an active corre-
spondence with Cobden, kept up communications with organizations
throughout the country, and was always ready to meet his oppo-
nents in debate.
The Republic of 1848 was accepted in good faith; but he was
strongly impressed by the extravagant schemes which accompanied
the Republican movement, as well as by the thirst for peace which
animated multitudes. The Provisional government had made solemn
promises: it must pile on taxes to enable it to keep its promises.
“Poor people! How they have deceived themselves! It would have
been so easy and so just to have eased matters by reducing the
taxes; instead, this is to be done by profusion of expenditure, and
people do not see that all this machinery amounts to taking away
ten in order to return eight, without counting the fact that liberty will
succumb under the operation. ” He tried to stem the tide of extrava-
gance; he published a journal, the République Française, for the ex-
press purpose of promulgating his views; he entered the Constituent
and then the Legislative Assembly, as a member for the department
of Landes, and spoke eloquently from the tribune. He was a con-
stitutional « Mugwump»: he cared for neither parties nor men, but
for ideas. He was equally opposed to the domination of arbitrary
power and to the tyranny of Socialism. He voted with the right
against the left on extravagant Utopian schemes, and with the left
against the right when he felt that the legitimate complaints of the
poor and suffering were unheeded.
In the midst of his activity he was overcome by a trouble in the
throat, which induced his physicians to send him to Italy. The
effort for relief was a vain one, however, and he died in Rome
December 24th. 1850. His complete works, mostly composed of
occasional essays, were printed in 1855. Besides those mentioned, the
most important are Propriété et Loi? (Property and Law), Justice
et Fraternité, Protectionisme et Communisme,' and Harmonies
économiques. ' The Harmonies économiques) and (Sophismes écono-
miques) have been translated and published in English.
## p. 1610 (#408) ###########################################
1610
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
PETITION
OF THE MANUFACTURERS OF CANDLES, Wax-LIGHTS, LAMPS, CANDLE-
STICKS, STREET LAMPS, SNUFFERS, EXTINGUISHERS, AND OF THE
PRODUCERS OF OIL, TALLOW, Rosin, ALCOHOL, AND GENERALLY
OF EVERYTHING CONNECTED WITH LIGHTING.
reserve
To Messicurs the Members of the Chamber of Deputies :
Gentlemen :-- You are on the right road.
You reject abstract
theories, and have little consideration for cheapness and plenty.
Your chief care is the interest of the producer. You desire to
emancipate him from external competition, and
the
national market for national industry.
We are about to offer you an admirable opportunity of apply.
ing your — what shall we call it? your theory? no: nothing is
more deceptive than theory. Your doctrine ? your system ? your
principle ? but you dislike doctrines, you abhor systems, and as for
principles, you deny that there are any in social economy. We
shall say, then, your practice, your practice without theory and
without principle.
We are suffering from the intolerable competition of a foreign
rival, placed, it would seem, in a condition so far superior to
ours for the production of light, that he absolutely inundates our
national market with it at a price fabulously reduced. The
moment he shows himself, our trade leaves us — all consumers
apply to him; and a branch of native industry, having countless
ramifications, is all at once rendered completely stagnant. This
rival, who is no other than the Sun, wages war to the knife
against us, and we suspect that he has been raised up by perfid-
ious Albion (good policy as times go); inasmuch as he displays
towards that haughty island a circumspection with which he dis-
penses in our case.
What we pray for is, that it may please you to pass a law
ordering the shutting up of all windows, skylights, dormer win-
dows, outside and inside shutters, curtains, blinds, bull's-eyes; in
a word, of all openings, holes, chinks, clefts, and fissures, by or
through which the light of the sun has been in use to enter
houses, to the prejudice of the meritorious manufactures with
which we flatter ourselves we have accommodated our country,
a country which, in gratitude, ought not to abandon us now to a
strife so unequal.
## p. 1611 (#409) ###########################################
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
1611
We trust, gentlemen, that you will not regard this our re-
quest as a satire, or refuse it without at least previously hearing
the reasons which we have to urge in its support.
And first, if you shut up as much as possible all access to
natural light, and create a demand for artificial light, which of
our French manufactures will not be encouraged by it ?
If more tallow is consumed, then there must be more oxen
and sheep; and consequently, we shall behold the multiplication
of artificial meadows, meat, wool, hides, and above all manure,
which is the basis and foundation of all agricultural wealth.
If more oil is consumed, then we shall have an extended
cultivation of the poppy, of the olive, and of rape. These rich
and exhausting plants will come at the right time to enable us
to avail ourselves of the increased fertility which the rearing of
additional cattle will impart to our lands.
Our heaths will be covered with resinous trees. Numerous
swarms of bees will, on the mountains, gather perfumed treas-
ures, now wasting their fragrance on the desert air, like the
flowers from which they emanate. No branch of agriculture but
will then exhibit a cheering development.
The same remark applies to navigation. Thousands of vessels
will proceed to the whale fishery; and in a short time we shall
possess a navy capable of maintaining the honor of France, and
gratifying the patriotic aspirations of your petitioners, the under-
signed candle-makers and others.
But what shall we say of the manufacture of articles de
Paris ? Henceforth you will behold gildings, bronzes, crystals,
in candlesticks, in lamps, in lustres, in candelabra, shining forth
in spacious warerooms, compared with which those of the pres-
ent day can be regarded but as mere shops.
No poor résinier from his heights on the sea-coast, no coal-
miner from the depth of his sable gallery, but will rejoice in
higher wages and increased prosperity.
Only have the goodness to reflect, gentlemen, and you will
be convinced that there is perhaps no Frenchman, from the
wealthy coal-master to the humblest vender of lucifer matches,
whose lot will not be ameliorated by the success of this our
petition.
We foresee your objections, gentlemen, but we know that you
can oppose to us none but such as you have picked up from the
effete works of the partisans of Free Trade. We defy you to
## p. 1612 (#410) ###########################################
1612
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
.
utter a single word against us which will not instantly rebound
against yourselves and your entire policy.
You will tell us that if we gain by the protection which we
seek, the country will lose by it, because the consumer must
bear the loss.
We answer:
You have ceased to have any right to invoke the interest of
the consumer; for whenever his interest is found opposed to that
of the producer, you sacrifice the former. You have done so for
the purpose of encouraging labor and increasing employment. For
the same reason you should do so again.
You have yourself refuted this objection. When you are told
that the consumer is interested in the free importation of iron,
coal, corn, textile fabrics — yes, you reply, but the producer is
interested in their exclusion. Well, be it so; — if consumers are
interested in the free admission of natural light, the producers
of artificial light are equally interested in its prohibition.
But again, you may say that the producer and consumer are
identical. If the manufacturer gain by protection, he will make
the agriculturist also a gainer; and if agriculture prosper, it will
open a vent to manufactures. Very well: if you confer upon us
the monopoly of furnishing light during the day,— first of all,
we shall purchase quantities of tallow, coals, oils, resinous sub-
stances, wax, alcohol — besides silver, iron, bronze, crystal — to
carry on our manufactures; and then we, and those who furnish
us with such commodities, having become rich, will consume a
great deal, and impart prosperity to all the other branches of
our national industry.
If you urge that the light of the sun is a gratuitous gift of
nature, and that to reject such gifts is to reject wealth itself
under pretense of encouraging the means of acquiring it, we
would caution you against giving a death-blow to your own
policy. Remember that hitherto you have always repelled for-
eign products, because they approximate more nearly than home
products to the character of gratuitous gifts. To comply with the
exactions of other monopolists, you have only half a motive; and
to repulse us simply because we stand on a stronger vantage-
ground than others would be to adopt the equation, +x+=-; in
other words, it would be to heap absurdity upon absurdity.
Nature and human labor co-operate in various proportions
(depending on countries and climates) in the production of com-
## p. 1613 (#411) ###########################################
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
1613
modities. The part which nature executes is always gratuitous;
it is the part executed by human labor which constitutes value,
and is paid for.
If a Lisbon orange sells for half the price of a Paris orange,
it is because natural and consequently gratuitous heat does for
the one what artificial and therefore expensive heat must do for
the other.
When an orange comes to us from Portugal, we may conclude
that it is furnished in part gratuitously, in part for an onerous
consideration; in other words, it comes to us at half-price as
compared with those of Paris.
Now, it is precisely the gratuitous half (pardon the word)
which we contend should be excluded. You say, How can nat-
ural labor sustain competition with foreign labor, when the
former has all the work to do, and the latter only does one-half,
the sun supplying the remainder ? But if this half, being gratu-
itous, determines you to exclude competition, how should the
whole, being gratuitous, induce you to admit competition ? If
you were consistent, you would, while excluding as hurtful to
native industry what is half gratuitous, exclude a fortiori and
with double zeal that which is altogether gratuitous.
Once more, when products such as coal, iron, corn, or textile
fabrics are sent us from abroad, and we can acquire them with
less labor than if we made them ourselves, the difference is a
free gift conferred upon us. The gift is more or less considera-
ble in proportion as the difference is more or less great. It
amounts to a quarter, a half, or three-quarters of the value of
the product, when the foreigner only asks us for three-fourths,
a half, or a quarter of the price we should otherwise pay. It is
as perfect and complete as it can be, when the donor (like the
sun in furnishing us with light) asks us for nothing. The ques-
tion, and we ask it formally, is this, Do you desire for our
country the benefit of gratuitous consumption, or the pretended
advantages of onerous production ? Make your choice, but be
logical; for as long as you exclude, as you do, coal, iron, corn,
foreign fabrics, in proportion as their price approximates to cero,
what inconsistency would it be to admit the light of the sun, the
price of which is already at sero during the entire day!
## p. 1614 (#412) ###########################################
1614
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
STULTA AND PUERA
T"
HERE were, no matter where, two towns called Fooltown and
Babytown. They completed at great cost a highway from
the one town to the other. When this was done, Fooltown said to
herself, “See how Babytown inundates us with her products; we
must see to it. ” In consequence, they created and paid a body
of obstructives, so called because their business was to place
obstacles in the way of traffic coming from Babytown. Soon
afterwards Babytown did the same.
At the end of some centuries, knowledge having in the
interim made great progress, the common sense of Babytown
enabled her to see that such reciprocal obstacles could only be
reciprocally hurtful. She therefore sent a diplomatist to Fool-
town, who, laying aside official phraseology, spoke to this effect:
“We have made a highway, and now we throw obstacles in
the way of using it. This is absurd. It would have been better
to have left things as they were.
We should not, in that case,
have had to pay for making the road in the first place, nor
afterwards have incurred the expense of maintaining obstructives.
In the name of Babytown, I come to propose to you, not to give
up opposing each other all at once, — that would be to act upon
a principle, and we despise principles as much as you do, — but
to lessen somewhat the present obstacles, taking care to estimate
equitably the respective sacrifices we make for this purpose. ”
So spoke the diplomatist. Fooltown asked for time to con-
sider the proposal, and proceeded to consult in succession her
manufacturers and agriculturists. At length, after the lapse of
some years, she declared that the negotiations were broken off.
On receiving this intimation, the inhabitants of Babytown
held a meeting. An old gentleman (they always suspected he
had been secretly bought by Fooltown) rose and said: “The
obstacles created by Fooltown injure our sales, which is a mis-
fortune Those which we have ourselves created injure our pur-
chases, which is another misfortune. With reference to the first,
we are powerless; but the second rests with ourselves.
at least get quit of one, since we cannot rid ourselves of both
evils. Let us suppress our obstructives without requiring Fool-
town to do the same. Some day, no doubt, she will come to
know her own interests better. ”
Let us
## p. 1615 (#413) ###########################################
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
1615
A second counselor, a practical, matter-of-fact man, guiltless
of any acquaintance with principles, and brought up in the ways
of his forefathers, replied
"Don't listen to that Utopian dreamer, that theorist, that
innovator, that economist; that Stultomaniac. We shall all be
undone if the stoppages of the road are not equalized, weighed,
and balanced between Fooltown and Babytown. There would be
greater difficulty in going than in coming, in exporting than in
importing We should find ourselves in the same condition of
inferiority relatively to Fooltown, as Havre, Nantes, Bordeaux,
Lisbon, London, Hamburg, and New Orleans, are with relation
to the towns situated at the sources of the Seine, the Loire, the
Garonne, the Tagus, the Thames, the Elbe, and the Mississippi;
for it is more difficult for a ship to ascend than to descend a
river.
[A Voice — « Towns at the embouchures of rivers prosper
more than towns at their source. ”] This is impossible. [Same
Voice — “But it is so. "] Well, if it be so, they have prospered
contrary to rules. ”
Reasoning so conclusive convinced the assembly, and the ora-
tor followed up his victory by talking largely of national independ-
ence, national honor, national dignity, national labor, inundation
of products, tributes, murderous competition. In short, he carried
the vote in favor of the maintenance of obstacles; and if you are
at all curious on the subject, I can point out to you countries,
where you will see with your own eyes Roadmakers and Obstruct-
ives working together on the most friendly terms possible, under
the orders of the same legislative assembly, and at the expense
of the same taxpayers, the one set endeavoring to clear the road,
and the other set doing their utmost to render it impassable.
## p. 1616 (#414) ###########################################
1616
FRÉDÉRIC BASTIAT
INAPPLICABLE
TERMS
From "Economic Sophisms)
La
the puerility of applying to industrial
competition phrases applicable to war,- a way of speaking
which is only specious when applied to competition between
two rival trades. The moment we come to take into account
the effect produced on the general prosperity, the analogy dis-
appears.
In a battle, every one who is killed diminishes by so much
the strength of the army. In industry, a workshop is shut up
only when what it produced is obtained by the public from
another source and in greater abundance. Figure a state of
things where for one man killed on the spot two should rise
up full of life and vigor. Were such a state of things possible,
war would no longer merit its name.
This, however, is the distinctive character of what is so
absurdly called industrial war.
Let the Belgians and the English lower the price of their
iron ever so much; let them, if they will, send it to us for
nothing: this might extinguish some of our blast-furnaces; but
immediately, and as a necessary consequence of this very cheap-
ness, there would rise up a thousand other branches of industry
more profitable than the one which had been superseded.
We arrive, then, at the conclusion that domination by labor
is impossible, and a contradiction in terms, seeing that all supe-
riority which manifests itself among a people means cheapness,
and tends only to impart force to all other nations.
banish, then, from political economy all terms borrowed from
the military vocabulary: to fight with equal weapons, to conquer,
to crush, to stifle, to be beaten, invasion, tribute, etc. What do
such phrases mean? Squeeze them, and you obtain nothing.
Yes, you do obtain something; for from such words
proceed absurd errors, and fatal and pestilent prejudices. Such
phrases tend to arrest the fusion of nations, are inimical to their
peaceful, universal, and indissoluble alliance, and retard the pro-
gress of the human race.
Let us
## p. 1617 (#415) ###########################################
1617
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
(1821–1867)
BY GRACE KING
HARLES BAUDELAIRE was born in Paris in 1821; he died there
in 1867. Between these dates lies the evolution of one of
the most striking personalities in French literature, and
the development of an influence which affected not only the litera-
ture of the poet's own country, but that of all Europe and America.
The genuineness of both personality and influence was one of the
first critical issues raised after Baudelaire's advent into literature;
it is still one of the main issues in all critical consideration of
him. A question which involves by impli-
cation the whole relation of poetry, and of
art as such, to life, is obviously one that
furnishes more than literary ssues, and
engages other than literary interests. And
thus, by easy and natural corollaries, Bau-
delaire has been made a subject of appeal
not only to judgment, but even to con-
science. At first sight, therefore, he ap-
pears surrounded either by an intricate
moral maze, or by a no less troublesome
confusion of contradictory theories from
opposing camps rather than schools of criti-
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
cism. But no author — no dead author – is
more accessible, or more communicable in his way; his poems, his
theories, and a goodly portion of his life, lie at the disposition of any
reader who cares to know him.
The Baudelaire legend, as it is called by French critics, is one of
the blooms of that romantic period of French literature which is
presided over by the genius of Théophile Gautier. Indeed, it is
against the golden background of Gautier's imagination that the pict. .
ure of the youthful poet is best preserved for us, appearing in all
the delicate and illusive radiance of the youth and beauty of legend-
ary saints on the gilded canvases of mediæval art. The radiant
youth and beauty may be no more truthful to nature than the gilded
background, but the fact of the impression sought to be conveyed is
not on that account to be disbelieved.
Baudelaire, Gautier writes, was born in the Rue Hautefeuille, in
one of those old houses with a pepper-pot turret at the corner which
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1618
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
i
have disappeared from the city under the advancing improvement of
straight lines and clear openings. His father, a gentleman of learn-
ing, retained all the eighteenth-century courtesy and distinction of
manner, which, like the pepper-pot turret, has also disappeared under
the advance of Republican enlightenment. An absent-minded, re-
served child, Baudelaire attracted no especial attention during his
school days. When they were over, his predilection for a literary
vocation became known. From this his parents sought to divert hiin
by sending him to travel. He voyaged through the Indian Ocean,
visiting the great islands: Madagascar, Ceylon, Mauritius, Bourbon.
Had there been a chance for irresolution in the mind of the youth,
this voyage destroyed it forever. His imagination, essentially exotic,
succumbed to the passionate charm of a new, strange, and splendidly
glowing form of nature; the stars, the skies, the gigantic vegetation,
the color, the perfumes, the dark-skinned figures in white draperies,
formed for him at that time a heaven, for which his senses unceas-
ingly yearned afterwards amid the charms and enchantments of civ-
ilization, in the world's capital of pleasure and luxury. Returning to
Paris, of age and master of his fortune, he established himself in his
independence, openly adopting his chosen career.
He and Théophile Gautier met for the first time in 1849, in the
Hotel Pimodau, where were held the meetings of the Hashish Club.
Here in the great Louis XIV. saloon, with its wood-work relieved
with dull gold; its corbeled ceiling, painted after the manner of
Lesueur and Poussin, with satyrs pursuing nymphs through reeds and
foliage; its great red and white spotted marble mantel, with gilded
elephant harnessed like the elephant of Porus in Lebrun's picture,
bearing an enameled clock with blue ciphers; its antique chairs and
sofas, covered with faded tapestry representing hunting scenes, hold-
ing the reclining figures of the members of the club; women cele-
brated in the world of beauty, men in the world of letters, meeting
not only for the enjoyment of the artificial ecstasies of the drug, but
to talk of art, literature, and love, as in the days of the Decameron
here Baudelaire made what might be called his historic impression
upon literature.
He was at that time twenty-eight years of age; and
even in that assemblage, in those surroundings, his personality was
striking. His black hair, worn close to the head, grew in regular
scallops over a forehead of dazzling whiteness; his eyes, the color of
Spanish tobacco, were spiritual, deep, penetrating, perhaps too insist-
ently so, in expression; the mobile sinuous mouth had the ironical
voluptuous lips that Leonardo da Vinci loved to paint; the nose was
delicate and sensitive, with quivering nostrils; a deep dimple accent-
uated the chin; the bluish-black tint of the shaven skin, softened
with rice-powder, contrasted with the clear rose and white of the
## p. 1619 (#417) ###########################################
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
1619
upper part of his cheeks. Always dressed with meticulous neatness
and simplicity, following English rather than French taste; in man-
ner punctiliously observant of the strictest conventionality, scrupu-
lously, even excessively polite; in talk measuring his phrases, using
only the most select terms, and pronouncing certain words as if the
sound itself possessed a certain subtle, mystical value, — throwing
his voice into capitals and italics; - in contrast with the dress and
manners about him, he, according to Gautier, looked like a dandy
who had strayed into Bohemia.
The contrast was no less violent between Baudelaire's form and
the substance of his conversation. With a simple, natural, and per-
fectly impartial manner, as if he were conveying commonplace
information about every-day life, he would advance some axiom
monstrously Satanic, or sustain, with the utmost grace and coolness,
some mathematical extravagance in the way of a theory.
And no
one could so inflexibly push a paradox to the uttermost limits,
regardless of consequences to received notions of morality or reli-
gion; always employing the most rigorous methods of logic and
reason. His wit was found to lie neither in words nor thoughts, but
in the peculiar standpoint from which he regarded things, a stand-
point which altered their outlines, — like those of objects looked down
upon from a bird's flight, or looked up to on a ceiling. In this way,
to continue the exposition of Gautier, Baudelaire saw relations inap-
preciable to others, whose logical bizarrerie was startling.
His first productions were critical articles for the Parisian journals;
articles that at the time passed unperceived, but which to-day
furnish perhaps the best evidences of that keen artistic insight and
foresight of the poet, which was at once his greatest good and evil
genius. In 1856 appeared his translation of the works of Edgar Allan
Poe; a translation which may be said to have naturalized Poe in
French literature, where he has played a rôle curiously like that of
Baudelaire in Poe's native literature. The natural predisposition of
Baudelaire, which fitted him to be the French interpreter of Poe,
rendered him also peculiarly sensitive to Poe's mysteriously subtle
yet rankly vigorous charms; and he showed himself as sensitively
responsive to these as he had been to the exotic charms of the East.
The influence upon his intellectual development was decisive and
final. His indebtedness to Poe, or it might better be said, his iden-
tification with Poe, is visible not only in his paradoxical manias, but
in his poetry, and in his theories of art and poetry set forth in his
various essays and fugitive prose expressions, and notably in his
introduction to his translations of the American author's works,
In 1857 appeared the (Fleurs du Mal’ (Flowers of Evil), the vol-
ume of poems upon which Baudelaire's fame as
a poet is founded.
## p. 1620 (#418) ###########################################
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CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
It was the result of his thirty years' devotion to the study of his art
and meditation upon it. Six of the poems were suppressed by the
censor of the Second Empire. This action called out, in form of
protest, that fine appreciation and defense of Baudelaire's genius and
best defense of his methods, by four of the foremost critics and
keenest artists in poetry of Paris, which form, with the letters from
Sainte-Beuve, de Custine, and Deschamps, a precious appendix to the
third edition of the poems.
The name Flowers of Evil” is a sufficient indication of the inten-
tions and aim of the author. Their companions in the volume are:
(Spleen and Ideal, Parisian Pictures, Wine,' Revolt,' Death. '
The simplest description of them is that they are indescribable.
They must not only be read, they must be studied repeatedly to be
understood as they deserve. The paradox of their most exquisite art,
and their at times most revolting revelations of the degradations and
perversities of humanity, can be accepted with full appreciation of
the author's meaning only by granting the same paradox to his
genuine nature; by crediting him with being not only an ardent
idealist of art for art's sake, but an idealist of humanity for human-
ity's sake; one to whom humanity, even in its lowest degradations
and vilest perversions, is sublimely sacred; - one to whom life offered
but one tragedy, that of human souls flying like Cain from a guilt-
stricken paradise, but pursued by the remorse of innocence, and
scourged by the consciousness of their own infinitude.
But the poet's own words are the best explanation of his aim and
intention :
«Poetry, though one delve ever so little into his own self, interrogate his
own soul, recall his memories of enthusiasms, has no other end than itself; it
cannot have any other aim, and no poem will be so great, so noble, so truly
worthy of the name of poem, as that which shall have been written solely for
the pleasure of writing a poem. I do not wish to say that poetry should not
ennoble manners – – that its final result should not be to raise man above vul-
gar interests.
That would be an evident absurdity. I say that if the poet
has pursued a moral end, he has diminished his poetic force, and it would
not be imprudent to wager that his work would be bad. Poetry cannot,
under penalty of death or forfeiture, assimilate itself to science or morality.
It has not Truth for object, it has only itself. Truth's modes of demonstra-
tion are different and elsewhere. Truth has nothing to do with ballads; all
that constitutes the charm, the irresistible grace of a ballad, would strip
Truth of its authority and power. Cold, calm, impassive, the demonstrative
temperament rejects the diamonds and flowers of the muse; it is, therefore, the
absolute inverse of the poetic temperament. Pure Intellect aims at Truth,
Taste shows us Beauty, and the Moral Sense teaches us Duty. It is true
that the middle term has intimate connection with the two extremes, and
only separates itself from Moral Sense by a difference so slight that Aristotle
## p. 1621 (#419) ###########################################
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
1621
did not hesitate to class some of its delicate operations amongst the virtues.
And accordingly what, above all, exasperates the man of taste is the spectacle
of vice, is its deformity, its disproportions. Vice threatens the just and true,
and revolts intellect and conscience; but as an outrage upon harmony, as dis-
sonance, it would particularly wound certain poetic minds, and I do not think
it would be scandal to consider all infractions of moral beauty as a species of
sin against rhythm and universal prosody.
«It is this admirable, this immortal instinct of the Beautiful which makes
us consider the earth and its spectacle as a sketch, as a correspondent of
Heaven. The insatiable thirst for all that is beyond that which life veils is
the most living proof of our immortality. It is at once by poetry and across
it, across and through music, that the soul gets a glimpse of the splendors
that lie beyond the tomb. And when an exquisite poem causes tears to rise
in the eye, these tears are not the proof of excessive enjoyment, but rather
the testimony of a moved melancholy, of a postulation of the nerves, of a
nature exiled in the imperfect, which wishes to take immediate possession,
even on earth, of a revealed paradise.
« Thus the principle of poetry is strictly and simply human aspiration
toward superior beauty; and the manifestation of this principle is enthusi-
asm and uplifting of the soul, - enthusiasm entirely independent of passion,-
which is the intoxication of heart, and of truth which is the food of reason.
For passion is a natural thing, even too natural not to introduce a wounding,
discordant tone into the domain of pure beauty; too familiar, too violent, not
to shock the pure Desires, the gracious Melancholies, and the noble Despairs
which inhabit the supernatural regions of poetry. ”
Baudelaire saw himself as the poet of a decadent epoch, an epoch
in which art had arrived at the over-ripened maturity of an aging
civilization; a glowing, savorous, fragrant over-ripeness, that is
already softening into decomposition. And to be the fitting poet of
such an epoch, he modeled his style on that of the poets of the
Latin decadence; for, as he expressed it for himself and for the
modern school of «decadents” in French poetry founded upon his
name: -
“Does it not seem to the reader, as to me, that the language of the last
Latin decadence — that supreme sigh of a robust person already transformed
and prepared for spiritual life — is singularly fitted to express passion as it is
understood and felt by the modern world ? Mysticism is the other end of the
magnet of which Catullus and his band, brutal and purely epidermic poets,
knew only the sensual pole. In this wonderful language, solecisms and bar-
barisms seem to express the forced carelessness of a passion which forgets
itself, and mocks at rules. The words, used in a novel sense, reveal the
charming awkwardness of a barbarian from the North, kneeling before Roman
Beauty. ”
Nature, the nature of Wordsworth and Tennyson, did not exist for
Baudelaire; inspiration he denied; simplicity he scouted as an an-
achronism in a decadent period of perfected art, whose last word in
## p. 1622 (#420) ###########################################
1622
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
poetry should be the apotheosis of the Artificial. “A little charlatan-
ism is permitted even to genius,” he wrote: “it is like fard on the
cheeks of a naturally beautiful woman; an appetizer for the mind. ”
Again he expresses himself:-
It seems to me, two women are presented to me, one a rustic matron,
repulsive in health and virtue, without manners, without expression; in short,
owing nothing except to simple nature ; – the other, one of those beauties that
dominate and oppress memory, uniting to her original and unfathomable
charms all the eloquence of dress; who is mistress of her part, conscious of
and queen of herself, speaking like an instrument well tuned; with looks
freighted with thought, yet letting flow only what she would. My choice
would not be doubtful; and yet there are pedagogic sphinxes who would
reproach me as recreant to classical honor. )
In music it was the same choice. He saw the consummate art
and artificiality of Wagner, and preferred it to all other music, at a
time when the German master was ignored and despised by a classic-
ized musical world. In perfumes it was not the simple fragrance of
the rose or violet that he loved, but musk and amber; and he said,
“my soul hovers over perfumes as the souls of other men hover
over music. »
Besides his essays and sketches, Baudelaire published in prose a
novelette; Fanfarlo,' Artificial Paradises,' opium and hashish, imi-
tations of De Quincey's 'Confessions of an Opium Eater); and Little
Prose Poems, also inspired by a book, the (Gaspard de la Nuit) of
Aloysius Bertrand, and which Baudelaire thus describes: -
« The idea came to me to attempt something analogous, and to apply to
the description of modern life, or rather a modern and more abstract life, the
methods he had applied to the painting of ancient life, so strangely pictur-
esque. Which one of us in his ambitious days has not dreamed of a miracle
of poetic prose, musical, without rhythm and without rhyme, supple enough
and rugged enough to adapt itself to the lyrical movements of the soul, to
the undulations of reverie, and to the assaults of conscience ? »
Failing health induced Baudelaire to quit Paris and establish
himself in Brussels; but he received no benefit from the change of
climate, and the first symptoms of his terrible malady manifested
themselves a slowness of speech, and hesitation over words. As a
slow and sententious enunciation was characteristic of him, the
symptoms attracted no attention, until he fell under a sudden and
violent attack. He was brought back to Paris and conveyed to a
«maison de santé,” where he died, after lingering several months in
a paralyzed condition, motionless, speechless; nothing alive in him
but thought, seeking to express itself through his eyes.
The nature of Baudelaire's malady and death was, by the public
at large, accepted as confirmation of the suspicion that he was in the
1
## p. 1623 (#421) ###########################################
CHARLES BAUDELAIRE
1623
are.
habit of seeking his inspiration in the excitation of hashish and
opium. His friends, however, recall the fact of his incessant work,
and intense striving after his ideal in art; his fatigue of body and
mind, and his increasing weariness of spirit under the accumulating
worries and griefs of a life for which his very genius unfitted him.
He was also known to be sober in his tastes, as all great workers
That he had lent himself more than once to the physiological
and psychological experiment of hashish was admitted; but he was a
rare visitor at the séances in the saloon of the Hotel Pimodau, and
came as a simple observer of others.
