"
On the decay of patriotism and the venality of public
men throughout Greece, he speaks thus :-
?
On the decay of patriotism and the venality of public
men throughout Greece, he speaks thus :-
?
Demosthenese - 1869 - Brodribb
]Eschines was ac-
quitted only by thirty votes. This implies that, on
the whole, public opinion was against him, though it
may have been felt that distinct and positive evidence
was wanting. We may infer that Demosthenes' polit-
ical influence was very great. He failed probably be-
cause, as Dr Thirlwall remarks, he had an extremely
intricate case, and could not attack rEschines effec-
tively without having from time to time to defend
himself and explain certain ambiguities in his own
share in the negotiations.
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? SPEECHES AGAINST PHILIP. 109
Athens, as has been said, was now particularly vul-
nerable in the Thracian Chersonese and the north of
the Zligean. To these points the restless Philip directed
his attention in 342-341 13. 0. It could not be doubted
that he was meditating the annexation of this important
district, and the conquest of the Greek cities on the
northern shores of the Propontis--Periuthus, Selymbria,
and above all Byzantium. If he could achieve this,
Athens would be completely paralysed. Her maritime
supremacy would be at an end, and her supplies of
corn would be cut off. She would cease to exist as
a commercial power. Philip's designs on Athens in
Thrace were not unlike those of Napoleon I. on Eng-
land in his attacks on Egypt and Spain. It was argued
in Parliament at the time, that in carrying on war
with France in these countries, we were practically
standing on our own defence. Demosthenes took the
same line of argument against Philip. A force had
been sent out from Athens to the Chersonese as an
army of observation on Philip's movements. The
general, Diopeithes, was an able, energetic man ; and it
is interesting to us to know that he was the father of the
poet Menander. There were some disputes between
the Athenian colonists and the Cardians to the north
of the Chersonese. Philip seemed disposed to favour
the latter, upon which Diopeithes at once retaliated by
invading Macedonian territory. He gained some suc-
cesses, and for a while even deprived Philip of some
of his recent conquests. Considering that the peace of
346 B. 0. was still in force, Athens may be said to have
been put in the wrong by her over-zealous general, and
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? 110 DEMOS rrwrvns
Philip sent the people a despatch in which he formally
complained of these encroachments. All his political
adherents at Athens clamoured for the instant recall of
Diopeithes. Like other Athenian generals, Diopeithes,
who commanded some mercenaries, was almost com-
pelled to provide for them by expeditions which could
not be strictly justified. Still, it might be truly argued
in his favour that he was really repelling a dangerous
aggressor. And on this ground Demosthenes pleaded his
cause, and argued that he should be continued in his
command. The speech he delivered on this occasion
--" On behalf of the Chersonese," as it has been
entitled--contains the clear and powerful reasonings of
a sagacious statesman. >
The people, he maintains, ought to deal with their
enemies before they call their own servants to account.
It was very well for Philip to complain of an infringe-
ment of the peace in this particular instance ; but was
it not notorious that he had himself deprived Athens
of her own possessions! It was a mere blind to say,
as_some said, that they must make up their minds to
have either war or peace. " If it appears that from
the very first Philip has robbed us of our territories,
and has been all along incessantly gathering the spoil
of other nations, Greek and barbarian, for the materials
of an attack upon you, what do they mean by saying
we must have war or peace' ! " \
"Consider what is actually going on. Philip is
staying with a large army in Thrace, and sending for
reinforcements, as eye-witnesses report, from Macedonia
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? SPEECHES AGAINST PHILIP. 111
and Thessaly. Now, should he wait for the trade-
winds, and then march to the siege of Byzantium, think
ye that the Byzantines would persist in their present
folly, and would not invite and implore your aid'! I
do not believe it. N 0; they will receive any people,
even those they distrust more than us, sooner than
surrender their city to Philip--unless, indeed, he is
beforehand with them and captures it. If, then, we are
unable to sail northward, and there be no help at
hand, nothing can prevent their destruction. Well;
let us say the Byzantines are infatuated and besotted.
Very likely; yet they must be rescued, because it is
good for Athens. Nor is it clear that he will not
attack the Cher_go_rg_se; nay, if we may judge from the
"etter he sent/us, he says he will chastise the people in
Ihe Chersonese. If the present army be kept on foot,
it will be able to defend that country, and attack some
of Philip's dominions. But if it become disbanded,
what shall we do if he march against the Chersonesei
With such facts and arguments before you, so far from
disbanding this army which Diopeithes is endeavouring
to organise for Athens, you ought yourselves to provide
an additional one, to support him with funds, and with
other friendly co--operation. " "
In the following passage he inveighs against his
political opponents, and the extreme licence of speech
allowed to them in practically advocating the interests of
Philip :-- _
"This, you must be convinced, is a struggle for
existence. You cannot overcome your enemies abroad
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? 112 DEMOSTHENES.
till you have punished your enemies, his ministers, at
home. They will be the stumbling-blocks which pre-
vent you reaching the others. Why, do you suppose,
Philip now insults you'! To other people he at least
renders services though he deceives them, while he is
already threatening you. Look, for instance, at the
Thessalians. It was by many benefits conferred on
them that he seduced them into their present bondage.
And then the Olynthians, again,--how he cheated them,
first giving them Potidaea and several other places,
is really beyond description. Now he is enticing the
Thebans by giving up to them Boeotia, and delivering
them from a toilsome and vexatious war. Each of
these peoples did get a certain advantage ; but some of
them have suffered what all the world knows; others
will suffer whatever may hereafter befall them. As
for you, I recount not all that has been taken from
you, but how shamefully have you been treated and
despoiled! Why is it that Philip deals so differently
with you and with others! Because yours is the only
state in Greece in which the privilege is allowed of
speaking for the enemy, and a citizen taking a bribe
may safely address the Assembly, though you have
been robbed of your dominions. It was not safe at
Olynthus to be Philip's advocate unless the Olynthian
commonalty had shared the advantage by possession
of Potidaea. It was not safe in Thessaly to be Philip's
advocate unless the people of Thessaly had secured the
advantage by Philip's expelling their tyrants and re-
storing the synod at Pylae. It was not safe in Thebes,
until he gave up Bceotia to them and destroyed the
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? SPEECHES AGAINST PHILIP. 113
Phocians. Yet at Athens, though Philip has deprived
you of Amphipolis and the territory round Cardia--
nay, is making Euboea a fortress as a check upon us,
and is advancing to attack Byzantium--it is safe to
speak in Philip's behalf. " ' ' '
He thus concludes the speech :-
' " I will sum up my advice and sit down. You must
contribute money, and maintain the existing troops,
rectifying any abuse you may discover, but not, on any
accusation which somebody may bring, disbanding the
force. Send out ambassadors everywhere to instruct, to
warn, to accomplish what they can for Athens. Further,
I say, punish your corrupt statesmen, execrate them at
all times and places, and thereby prove that men of
virtue and honourable conduct have consulted wisely
both for others and for themselves. "
It is satisfactory to' learn that this speech was success-
ful, and that Diopeithes, who certainly deserved well of
his country, was continued in his command, and the
Chersonese saved for Athens.
Demosthenes was now the leading Athenian states-
man. He had shaken the influence of the peace party,
and he seems to have still further strengthened his
political position by a speech delivered about three
months after that which we have just been considering.
The speech in question has always been regarded as one
of singular power. As far as we know, nothing new
had occurred ; but Philip was still in Thrace, threaten-
ing the Chersonese and the northern shores of the
A. O. S. S. vol. iv. H
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? 114 . ' >DEMOSTHENES. '
Propontis, and clearly had designs on Perinthus and
Byzantium. Demosthenes repeats in substance the
arguments he had recently urged. Greece, he says, is
in the utmost peril from its miserable divisions and
apathy, and from the unique position which it has
allowed Philip to attain. As for Athens, "her affairs
have been brought so low by carelessness and negli-
gence, I fear it is a hard truth to say that if all the ora--
tors had sought to suggest, and you to pass, resolutions
for the utter ruining of the commonwealth, we could
not, methinks, be worse off than we are. " It had been
said at Athens in the speeches of some of the orators,
"Wait till Philip declares war, and then it will be
time to discuss how we shall resist him. " Demosthenes'
reply is,----
" If we wait till Philip avows that he is at war with
us, we are the simplest of mortals; for he would not
declare war, though he marched even against Athens
and Piraeus--at least, if we may judge from his conduct
to others. When he sends his mercenaries into the
Chersonese, which the king of Persia and all the Greeks
acknowledge to be yours, what can be the meaning of
such proceedings! He says he is not at war. But I
cannot admit such conduct to be an observance of the
peace. Far otherwise. I say that by his present ad
vance into Thrace, by his intrigues in the Peloponnese,
by the whole course of his operations with his army, he
has been breaking the peace and making war upon you,
---nnless, indeed, you will say that those who establish
military engines are not at war until they apply them
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? SPEECHES A GAINST PHILIP. I 15
to the walls. But that you will not say; for whoever
prepares and contrives the means for my conquest, is
at war with me before he hurls the dart or draws the
bow. Should anything happen, what is the risk you
run' ! The alienation of the Hellespont, the subjection
of Megara and Euboea to your enemy, the siding of
the Peloponnese with him. Then, can I allow that
one who sets such an engine at work against Athens
is at peace with her' ! Quite the contrary. From the
day that he destroyed Phocis I date his commence-
ment of hostilities. So widely do I differ from your
other advisers that I deem any discussion about the
Chers>one'se or Byzantium out of place. Succour them
--I advise that; watch that no harm befalls them; send
all necessary supplies to your troops in that quarter:
but let your deliberations be for the safety of all
Greece, as being in the most extreme jeopardy. "
The Greeks, he declares, must have utterly forgotten
themselves in allowing a foreigner and a barbarian a
licence in dealing with their affairs which they had
never thought of according to such states as Athens
or Sparta. This was monstrous, and implied a fatal
degeneracy.
"I observe," says the orator, "that all people be-
ginning from yourselves have conceded to Philip a
right which in former days was the subject of contest
in every Greek war. What is this'! The right of
doing what he pleases, openlyfieecing and pillaging
the Greeks one after another, attacking and enslaving
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? 116 DEMOSTHENES.
their cities. You were at the head of the Greeks for
seventy-three years, the Lacedaemonians for twenty-
nine, and the Thebans had some power in these latter
days after the battle of Leuctra. Yet neither you nor
Lacedaemonians nor Thebans were ever licensed to act
as you pleased. Far otherwise. When you, or rather
the Athenians of that time, appeared to be dealing
harshly with certain people, all the rest, even such as
had no complaint against Athens, thought proper to
side with the injured parties in a war against her. So,
when the Lacedaemonians became masters and suc-
ceeded to your empire, on their attempting to encroach
and make oppressive innovations, a general war was
declared against them even by such as had no cause
of complaint. But why mention other people'! We
ourselves and the Lacedaemonians, although at the
outset we could not allege' any mutual injuries, thought
proper to make war for the injustice that we saw done
to our neighbours. Yet all the faults committed by
the Spartans in those thirty years, and by our ancestors
in the seventy, are less than the wrongs which in
thirteen incomplete years, while Philip has been upper-
most, he has inflicted on the Greeks. Nay, they are
scarcely a fraction of them, as I may easily and briefly
show. Olynthus and Methone, and Apollonia and
thirty-two cities on the borders of Thrace, I pass over
---all which he has so cruelly destroyed that a visitor
could scarcely tell if they were ever inhabited. And
of Phocis, so considerable a people exterminated, I say
nothing. But what is 'the condition of Thessaly! Has
he not taken away her constitutions and her cities, and
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? SPEECHES AGAINST PHILIP. 117
established tetrarchies, to parcel her out, not only by
cities, but by provinces, for subjection! Are not the
states of Eubma now governed by despots, and Euboea
is an island near to Thebes and to Athens! Does he
not expressly write in his epistles, " I am at peace with
those who are willing to obey me"' ! Neither Greek nor
barbaric land contains the man's ambition. And we,
the Greek community, seeing and hearing this, instead
of sending embassies to one another about it and ex-
pressing our indignation, are in such a miserable state,
so entrenched in our separate towns, that to this day
we can attempt nothing that interest or necessity re-
quires ; we cannot combine for succour and alliance;
we look unconcernedly on the man's growing power,
each resolving to enjoy the interval in which another
is destroyed, not caring nor striving for the salvation
of Greece. 'Whatever wrong the Greeks sustained
from Lacedaemonians or from us, was at least inflicted
by a genuine Greek people. It might be felt in the
same manner as if a lawful son, born to a large fortune,
committed some fault or error in the management of
it. On that ground, one would consider him open to
censure and to reproach; yet it could not be said he
was an alien and not an heir to the property which
he so dealt with. But if a slave or a spurious child
wasted and spoilt that in which he had no interest,
how much more heinous and hateful would all have
oronounced it!
"
On the decay of patriotism and the venality of public
men throughout Greece, he speaks thus :-
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? 118 DEMOSTHENES.
" There must be some cause, some good reason, why
the Greeks were so eager for liberty then, and now are so
eager for servitude. There was something in the hearts
of the multitude then which there is not now, which
overcame the wealth of Persia, and maintained the free-
dom of Greece, and quailed not under any battle by sea
or land, the loss whereof has ruined all and thrown the
Greek world into confusion. What was this! No
subtlety or cleverness ; simply this, that whoever took
a bribe from the aspirants to power or the corrupters of
Greece was universally abhorred. It was a fearful thing
to be convicted of bribery; the severest punishment was
inflicted on the guilty, and there was no intercession
or pardon. The favourable moments for enterprise
which fortune frequently offers to the careless against
the vigilant, to them that will do nothing against those
that discharge their entire duty, could not be bought
from orators or generals; no more could mutual con-
cord, nor distrust of tyrants and barbarians, nor any-
thing of the But now all such principles have
been sold as in open market, and principles imported
in exchange by which Greece is ruined and diseased.
What are they'! Envy, when a man gets a bribe;
laughter, if he confesses it; mercy to the convicted ;'-
hatred of those who denounce the crime,--all the usual
accompaniments of corruption. For as to ships and
men, and revenues and abundance of other material-
all, in fact, that may be reckoned as constituting national
strength, assuredly the Greeks of our day are more
fully and perfectly supplied with such advantages than
Greeks of the olden times. But they are all rendered
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? SPEECHES AGAINST PHILIP. 119
useless, unavailable, unprofitable by the agency of these
traflickers. "
This is indeed a powerful denunciation of a state of
things which we know to be very possible, in which
the corruption of public men is treated as a joke,
and when exposed and detected, is hardly thought to
deserve rcprobation and punishment. If all that was
best in Greece had really so utterly died out, it would
seem that Demosthenes was wasting his breath in idle
declamation. But we may well believe that he clung to
the old Athenian ideal, and could not bring himself to
despair of his country. And it is certain that this and
the preceding speech produced an effect, and Athens
made efforts which were temporarily successful. " The
work of saving Greece," he told them before he sat-
down, "belongs to you; this privilege your ancestors
bequeathed to you as the prize of many perilous exer-
tions. "
As one might expect, there were those who sought
to persuade the Athenians that Philip's power for
aggression had been greatly exaggerated, and that he
was by no means so formidable as Sparta had once
been, when she led the Peloponnesian confederacy.
Demosthenes points out that Philip had introduced
what was really a new method of warfare. Athens
and Sparta, in the height of their power, had only been
able to command a citizen militia from the states in
league with them. Such a force was prepared only for
a summer campaign, and could not always follow up
its blows effectively. Philip, on the other hand, could
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? 120 > DEMOSTHENES.
take the field in winter as well as in summer. His
troops were never disbanded, and they were under his
sole direction. He was, in fact, to the Greeks what
Napoleon was to the Austrians. An able and restless
despot, at the head of a well-trained standing army,
will often, for a time at least, have a decided advantage
in war over a free and constitutional state.
The next year, 340 13. 0. , events occurred which com-
pletely justified the warnings of Demosthenes. Philip
attempted the conquest of the cities on the Propontis,
Perinthus and Byzantium. He was foiled by prompt
intervention from Athens. There was for a brief space
a doubt whether Byzantium would accept Athenian
aid, so thoroughly had the city become estranged from
Athens in consequence of the Social VVar. Demos-
thenes went thither at the head of an embassy, and the
result was, that an alliance was concluded. Shortly
afterwards, the conscientious and much -respected
Phocion, though he differed politically from Demos-
thenes, sailed thither with a powerful armament and a
force of Athenian citizens. Through the influence of
Leon, one of the leading citizens of Byzantium, who
had been Phocion's fellow-student at Athens in the
Academy, they were admitted into the city, and charmed
the Byzantines by their quiet and admirable behaviour.
Succours also arrived from some of the islands of the
ZEgean--from Cos, Chios, Rhodes. Byzantium was
now all but impregnable, and Philip was obliged to
abandon the siege both of it and of Perinthus. Even
his own territory was invaded by Phocion, and many
of the Macedonian cruisers were captured. For Philip
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? SPEECIIES AGAINST PHILIP. 121
it was a year of reverses, as for Athens it was one of
success and glory. The two cities on the Propontis
decreed her a vote of thanks, and displayed their
gratitude by erecting three colossal statues, represent-
ing Athens receiving a wreath at their hands in testi-
mony of their deliverance. Demosthenes, too, had his
reward. No one could question that to his counsels
and energy they owed in great measure the preservation
of the Chersonese and their supremacy at sea. Corn
cheap and abundant was for the present assured to
them. The Athenian people were in a pleased and
grateful mood, and the Assembly passed a vote of
thanks to Demosthenes, which none of his many
political enemies dared to oppose.
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? CHAPTER XI.
omanosnm--rann or ensues.
WE must now hurry on to the decisive catastrophe
which sealed the fate of Greece and of its political
independence. Its glory had been to have been re-
presented by an aggregate of free states, of which
Athens was immeasurably the first in culture and
civilisation. Its weakness and curse had been per-
petual and all but irremediable rivalries and jealousies,
which went far to neutralise its collective strength
in the face of a real peril. It was now on the eve
of a revolution which the Greek mind, in spite of
many a warning from Demosthenes, had never been
able to bring itself to contemplate as possible. He had
done his best, as we have seen, to retard it amid end-
less discouragements, and to the last we shall find him
faithful to the cause of which he never once seems to
have allowed himself to despair. In the train of events
which culminated in Cheeroneia we find him bearing a
conspicuous and honourable part.
Philip's career, as we have just seen, had been
temporarily checked ; and at the close of the year 340
13. 0. Athens might almost congratulate herself on all
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? CH1ER0NEIA--FALL OF GREECE. _ 123
danger having passed away. In the spring of 339 no.
the King met with another disaster. He had plunged
into the wilds of Scythia, north of the Danube, and had
carried off a vast booty of flocks and herds from the
barbarous people; but on his return through Thrace he
was attacked by the Triballi, one of the fiercest and
most warlike of the tribes of that dangerous region.
We know what it is for a regular and well-equipped
army to have to march through an intricate and hostile
country. The king of Macedon, encumbered as he
was with spoil, was taken at a disadvantage, and if
not actually defeated, he was at least worsted, lost his
plunder, and was himself badly wounded. Thus the
year 339 13. 0. seemed one of good omen for Athens and
for Greece. And thanks to the vigorous efforts of
Demosthenes in the way of naval reform, the Athenian
fleet was now supreme in the Aigean.
Meanwhile a new sacred war in behalf of the god
and temple of Delphi was unfortunately breaking out.
It arose out of incidents which may seem to us com-
paratively trifling. An Amphictyonic Council had
assembled at Delphi in the autumn of 340 13. 0. , and
Athens was represented by iEschines. The fruitful
plain of Crisa, stretching inland from the Gulf of
Corinth to the town of Amphissa, under the mountains
of Parnassus, was the consecrated possession of the
Delphic god. It was holy ground, and to till or to
plant it had been forbidden with a tremendous curse.
Part of it, however, adjacent to the town and port of
Cirrha, had, almost with the sanction of Greek opinion,
been occupied and brought into cultivation for a long
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? 124 _ DEMOSTHENES.
period by the Locrians. Between them and the
Phocians there had been a long-standing feud, which
reached a climax in the recent Sacred War. The Loe-
rians in that war had sided with Philip and the Thebans
against their sacrilegious neighbours. Consequently,
after the destruction of Phocis, they had a sore feeling
towards Athens as the ally of the Phocians. One of
their deputies, on the occasion of which we are speaking,
rudely gave expression to this feeling, and went so far
as to revile the Athenians, and to imply that an alliance
with such a people was in itself equivalent to the guilt
of sacrilege. Possibly the man may have wished to
curry favour with the Thebans, to whose disgust some
golden shields had just been set up by the Athenians
in a new chapel at Delphi, with an inscription com-
memorating the victory of Athens over Persia and
Thebes at Plataea a century and a half ago. This
small incident was dwelt upon by the Locrian orator in
violent and intemperate language. " Do not," said he,'
"permit the name of the Athenian people to be pro-
nounced among you at this holy season. Turn them
out of the sacred ground like men under a curse. "
ZEschines, the Athenian representative (he describes
the affair himself in his great speech against Ctesiphon,
or, we may say, against Demosthenes), savagely re-
tortcd. He pointed to the plain of Crisa, visible from
the spot where they were assembled. " You see," he
said, "that plain cultivated by the Locrians of Am-
phissa, covered with their farm-buildings. You have
under your eyes the port of Cirrha, consecrated by
your forefathers' oath, now occupied and fortified. "
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? OIL/ERONEIA--FALL OF GREECE. _l25
Then he caused the ancient oracle, the oath with its
dreadful curse, to be read out before the Council.
" Here am I," he went on to say, "ready to defend
the property of the god according to your forefathers'
oath. I stand prepared to clear my own city of her
obligations. Do you take counsel for yourselves.
You are here to pray for blessings to the gods, publicly
and individually. Where will you find voice or heart
or courage to offer such a prayer if you let these as-
cursed Locrians of Amphissa remain unpunished' ! "
The appeal of 1Eschines produced an instantaneous
effect. The excitement was prodigious; and the Coun-
oil in a moment of fury passed a resolution that on the
morrow all the population of Delphi were to assemble
with spades and pickaxes, and sweep away from the
sacred plain every trace of the impious tillage and
cultivation. Next day this mad proposal was actually
carried into effect. The furious mob rushed across the
plain into the town of Cirrha, and pillaged and fired
the place. On their return, however, they were met
by the Locrians of Amphissa with an armed force, and
obliged to take refuge in Delphi. There was no blood-
shed, even under these circumstances of provocation,
as the aggrieved owners of the destroyed property were
restrained by a sentiment of reverence for the Amphic-
tyonic Council. Here is, indeed, a striking evidence
of the respect felt for the traditions of the god of
Delphi and his ancient temple, the centre of the
religious life of Greece. Again, on the following day,
the Council met, and after warm praise had been
bestowed on Athens as the avenger of Apollo's rights,
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? 126_ - DEMOSTHENES.
the people' of Amphissa were denounced as having
incurred the guilt of sacrilege; and it was finally
decided _that the Amphictyonic deputies should shortly
assemble at Thermopylae to consider how they were to
be punished.
A new sacred war was thus in effect begun six years
after the disastrous termination of the previous war in
346 B. 0. That had ended in the destruction of a mem-
ber of the Greek community ; this was to end in the
ruin and fall of Greece. The danger was not at once
perceived at Athens. We cannot wonder at this.
Zfischines' vindication of his countrymen at the Coun-
cil might well seem spirited and patriotic. Atherfs,
through him, had stood forward as the champion of
the god of Delphi. It was easy for him to argue that
those who took a different view, and regretted the rash
act to which the Amphictyons had been prompted by
his oratory, were little better than the paid agents of
those sacrilegious Locrians, who had allowed one of
their speakers openly to insult Athens. Demosthenes,
however--so he tells us--at once declared in the As-
sembly, " You are bringing war into Attica, ZEschines--
an Amphictyonic war. " The popular sentiment at the
time was in favour of ZFschines, and this his political
rival must have known and felt. Still, Demosthenes
was able--a proof this of the highrespect in which he
was held--to persuade the people not to send any
deputies to the special congress at Thermopylae, which
was to deliberate on the punishment of the Locrians.
Thebes, too, allowed herself to be unrepresented. War
was decided on; the Locriau territory was invaded,
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? OHAERONEIA'---FALL OF GREECE. I27
and a' fine imposed on the Locrians,a the 'payment of
which, however, the army was not sufficiently power-
ful to compel.
The congress of which we have just spoken was not
the regular Amphictyonic meeting. This was held in
the autumn of 339 13. 0. Philip by that time had
returned to his kingdom.
quitted only by thirty votes. This implies that, on
the whole, public opinion was against him, though it
may have been felt that distinct and positive evidence
was wanting. We may infer that Demosthenes' polit-
ical influence was very great. He failed probably be-
cause, as Dr Thirlwall remarks, he had an extremely
intricate case, and could not attack rEschines effec-
tively without having from time to time to defend
himself and explain certain ambiguities in his own
share in the negotiations.
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? SPEECHES AGAINST PHILIP. 109
Athens, as has been said, was now particularly vul-
nerable in the Thracian Chersonese and the north of
the Zligean. To these points the restless Philip directed
his attention in 342-341 13. 0. It could not be doubted
that he was meditating the annexation of this important
district, and the conquest of the Greek cities on the
northern shores of the Propontis--Periuthus, Selymbria,
and above all Byzantium. If he could achieve this,
Athens would be completely paralysed. Her maritime
supremacy would be at an end, and her supplies of
corn would be cut off. She would cease to exist as
a commercial power. Philip's designs on Athens in
Thrace were not unlike those of Napoleon I. on Eng-
land in his attacks on Egypt and Spain. It was argued
in Parliament at the time, that in carrying on war
with France in these countries, we were practically
standing on our own defence. Demosthenes took the
same line of argument against Philip. A force had
been sent out from Athens to the Chersonese as an
army of observation on Philip's movements. The
general, Diopeithes, was an able, energetic man ; and it
is interesting to us to know that he was the father of the
poet Menander. There were some disputes between
the Athenian colonists and the Cardians to the north
of the Chersonese. Philip seemed disposed to favour
the latter, upon which Diopeithes at once retaliated by
invading Macedonian territory. He gained some suc-
cesses, and for a while even deprived Philip of some
of his recent conquests. Considering that the peace of
346 B. 0. was still in force, Athens may be said to have
been put in the wrong by her over-zealous general, and
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? 110 DEMOS rrwrvns
Philip sent the people a despatch in which he formally
complained of these encroachments. All his political
adherents at Athens clamoured for the instant recall of
Diopeithes. Like other Athenian generals, Diopeithes,
who commanded some mercenaries, was almost com-
pelled to provide for them by expeditions which could
not be strictly justified. Still, it might be truly argued
in his favour that he was really repelling a dangerous
aggressor. And on this ground Demosthenes pleaded his
cause, and argued that he should be continued in his
command. The speech he delivered on this occasion
--" On behalf of the Chersonese," as it has been
entitled--contains the clear and powerful reasonings of
a sagacious statesman. >
The people, he maintains, ought to deal with their
enemies before they call their own servants to account.
It was very well for Philip to complain of an infringe-
ment of the peace in this particular instance ; but was
it not notorious that he had himself deprived Athens
of her own possessions! It was a mere blind to say,
as_some said, that they must make up their minds to
have either war or peace. " If it appears that from
the very first Philip has robbed us of our territories,
and has been all along incessantly gathering the spoil
of other nations, Greek and barbarian, for the materials
of an attack upon you, what do they mean by saying
we must have war or peace' ! " \
"Consider what is actually going on. Philip is
staying with a large army in Thrace, and sending for
reinforcements, as eye-witnesses report, from Macedonia
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? SPEECHES AGAINST PHILIP. 111
and Thessaly. Now, should he wait for the trade-
winds, and then march to the siege of Byzantium, think
ye that the Byzantines would persist in their present
folly, and would not invite and implore your aid'! I
do not believe it. N 0; they will receive any people,
even those they distrust more than us, sooner than
surrender their city to Philip--unless, indeed, he is
beforehand with them and captures it. If, then, we are
unable to sail northward, and there be no help at
hand, nothing can prevent their destruction. Well;
let us say the Byzantines are infatuated and besotted.
Very likely; yet they must be rescued, because it is
good for Athens. Nor is it clear that he will not
attack the Cher_go_rg_se; nay, if we may judge from the
"etter he sent/us, he says he will chastise the people in
Ihe Chersonese. If the present army be kept on foot,
it will be able to defend that country, and attack some
of Philip's dominions. But if it become disbanded,
what shall we do if he march against the Chersonesei
With such facts and arguments before you, so far from
disbanding this army which Diopeithes is endeavouring
to organise for Athens, you ought yourselves to provide
an additional one, to support him with funds, and with
other friendly co--operation. " "
In the following passage he inveighs against his
political opponents, and the extreme licence of speech
allowed to them in practically advocating the interests of
Philip :-- _
"This, you must be convinced, is a struggle for
existence. You cannot overcome your enemies abroad
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? 112 DEMOSTHENES.
till you have punished your enemies, his ministers, at
home. They will be the stumbling-blocks which pre-
vent you reaching the others. Why, do you suppose,
Philip now insults you'! To other people he at least
renders services though he deceives them, while he is
already threatening you. Look, for instance, at the
Thessalians. It was by many benefits conferred on
them that he seduced them into their present bondage.
And then the Olynthians, again,--how he cheated them,
first giving them Potidaea and several other places,
is really beyond description. Now he is enticing the
Thebans by giving up to them Boeotia, and delivering
them from a toilsome and vexatious war. Each of
these peoples did get a certain advantage ; but some of
them have suffered what all the world knows; others
will suffer whatever may hereafter befall them. As
for you, I recount not all that has been taken from
you, but how shamefully have you been treated and
despoiled! Why is it that Philip deals so differently
with you and with others! Because yours is the only
state in Greece in which the privilege is allowed of
speaking for the enemy, and a citizen taking a bribe
may safely address the Assembly, though you have
been robbed of your dominions. It was not safe at
Olynthus to be Philip's advocate unless the Olynthian
commonalty had shared the advantage by possession
of Potidaea. It was not safe in Thessaly to be Philip's
advocate unless the people of Thessaly had secured the
advantage by Philip's expelling their tyrants and re-
storing the synod at Pylae. It was not safe in Thebes,
until he gave up Bceotia to them and destroyed the
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? SPEECHES AGAINST PHILIP. 113
Phocians. Yet at Athens, though Philip has deprived
you of Amphipolis and the territory round Cardia--
nay, is making Euboea a fortress as a check upon us,
and is advancing to attack Byzantium--it is safe to
speak in Philip's behalf. " ' ' '
He thus concludes the speech :-
' " I will sum up my advice and sit down. You must
contribute money, and maintain the existing troops,
rectifying any abuse you may discover, but not, on any
accusation which somebody may bring, disbanding the
force. Send out ambassadors everywhere to instruct, to
warn, to accomplish what they can for Athens. Further,
I say, punish your corrupt statesmen, execrate them at
all times and places, and thereby prove that men of
virtue and honourable conduct have consulted wisely
both for others and for themselves. "
It is satisfactory to' learn that this speech was success-
ful, and that Diopeithes, who certainly deserved well of
his country, was continued in his command, and the
Chersonese saved for Athens.
Demosthenes was now the leading Athenian states-
man. He had shaken the influence of the peace party,
and he seems to have still further strengthened his
political position by a speech delivered about three
months after that which we have just been considering.
The speech in question has always been regarded as one
of singular power. As far as we know, nothing new
had occurred ; but Philip was still in Thrace, threaten-
ing the Chersonese and the northern shores of the
A. O. S. S. vol. iv. H
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? 114 . ' >DEMOSTHENES. '
Propontis, and clearly had designs on Perinthus and
Byzantium. Demosthenes repeats in substance the
arguments he had recently urged. Greece, he says, is
in the utmost peril from its miserable divisions and
apathy, and from the unique position which it has
allowed Philip to attain. As for Athens, "her affairs
have been brought so low by carelessness and negli-
gence, I fear it is a hard truth to say that if all the ora--
tors had sought to suggest, and you to pass, resolutions
for the utter ruining of the commonwealth, we could
not, methinks, be worse off than we are. " It had been
said at Athens in the speeches of some of the orators,
"Wait till Philip declares war, and then it will be
time to discuss how we shall resist him. " Demosthenes'
reply is,----
" If we wait till Philip avows that he is at war with
us, we are the simplest of mortals; for he would not
declare war, though he marched even against Athens
and Piraeus--at least, if we may judge from his conduct
to others. When he sends his mercenaries into the
Chersonese, which the king of Persia and all the Greeks
acknowledge to be yours, what can be the meaning of
such proceedings! He says he is not at war. But I
cannot admit such conduct to be an observance of the
peace. Far otherwise. I say that by his present ad
vance into Thrace, by his intrigues in the Peloponnese,
by the whole course of his operations with his army, he
has been breaking the peace and making war upon you,
---nnless, indeed, you will say that those who establish
military engines are not at war until they apply them
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? SPEECHES A GAINST PHILIP. I 15
to the walls. But that you will not say; for whoever
prepares and contrives the means for my conquest, is
at war with me before he hurls the dart or draws the
bow. Should anything happen, what is the risk you
run' ! The alienation of the Hellespont, the subjection
of Megara and Euboea to your enemy, the siding of
the Peloponnese with him. Then, can I allow that
one who sets such an engine at work against Athens
is at peace with her' ! Quite the contrary. From the
day that he destroyed Phocis I date his commence-
ment of hostilities. So widely do I differ from your
other advisers that I deem any discussion about the
Chers>one'se or Byzantium out of place. Succour them
--I advise that; watch that no harm befalls them; send
all necessary supplies to your troops in that quarter:
but let your deliberations be for the safety of all
Greece, as being in the most extreme jeopardy. "
The Greeks, he declares, must have utterly forgotten
themselves in allowing a foreigner and a barbarian a
licence in dealing with their affairs which they had
never thought of according to such states as Athens
or Sparta. This was monstrous, and implied a fatal
degeneracy.
"I observe," says the orator, "that all people be-
ginning from yourselves have conceded to Philip a
right which in former days was the subject of contest
in every Greek war. What is this'! The right of
doing what he pleases, openlyfieecing and pillaging
the Greeks one after another, attacking and enslaving
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? 116 DEMOSTHENES.
their cities. You were at the head of the Greeks for
seventy-three years, the Lacedaemonians for twenty-
nine, and the Thebans had some power in these latter
days after the battle of Leuctra. Yet neither you nor
Lacedaemonians nor Thebans were ever licensed to act
as you pleased. Far otherwise. When you, or rather
the Athenians of that time, appeared to be dealing
harshly with certain people, all the rest, even such as
had no complaint against Athens, thought proper to
side with the injured parties in a war against her. So,
when the Lacedaemonians became masters and suc-
ceeded to your empire, on their attempting to encroach
and make oppressive innovations, a general war was
declared against them even by such as had no cause
of complaint. But why mention other people'! We
ourselves and the Lacedaemonians, although at the
outset we could not allege' any mutual injuries, thought
proper to make war for the injustice that we saw done
to our neighbours. Yet all the faults committed by
the Spartans in those thirty years, and by our ancestors
in the seventy, are less than the wrongs which in
thirteen incomplete years, while Philip has been upper-
most, he has inflicted on the Greeks. Nay, they are
scarcely a fraction of them, as I may easily and briefly
show. Olynthus and Methone, and Apollonia and
thirty-two cities on the borders of Thrace, I pass over
---all which he has so cruelly destroyed that a visitor
could scarcely tell if they were ever inhabited. And
of Phocis, so considerable a people exterminated, I say
nothing. But what is 'the condition of Thessaly! Has
he not taken away her constitutions and her cities, and
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? SPEECHES AGAINST PHILIP. 117
established tetrarchies, to parcel her out, not only by
cities, but by provinces, for subjection! Are not the
states of Eubma now governed by despots, and Euboea
is an island near to Thebes and to Athens! Does he
not expressly write in his epistles, " I am at peace with
those who are willing to obey me"' ! Neither Greek nor
barbaric land contains the man's ambition. And we,
the Greek community, seeing and hearing this, instead
of sending embassies to one another about it and ex-
pressing our indignation, are in such a miserable state,
so entrenched in our separate towns, that to this day
we can attempt nothing that interest or necessity re-
quires ; we cannot combine for succour and alliance;
we look unconcernedly on the man's growing power,
each resolving to enjoy the interval in which another
is destroyed, not caring nor striving for the salvation
of Greece. 'Whatever wrong the Greeks sustained
from Lacedaemonians or from us, was at least inflicted
by a genuine Greek people. It might be felt in the
same manner as if a lawful son, born to a large fortune,
committed some fault or error in the management of
it. On that ground, one would consider him open to
censure and to reproach; yet it could not be said he
was an alien and not an heir to the property which
he so dealt with. But if a slave or a spurious child
wasted and spoilt that in which he had no interest,
how much more heinous and hateful would all have
oronounced it!
"
On the decay of patriotism and the venality of public
men throughout Greece, he speaks thus :-
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? 118 DEMOSTHENES.
" There must be some cause, some good reason, why
the Greeks were so eager for liberty then, and now are so
eager for servitude. There was something in the hearts
of the multitude then which there is not now, which
overcame the wealth of Persia, and maintained the free-
dom of Greece, and quailed not under any battle by sea
or land, the loss whereof has ruined all and thrown the
Greek world into confusion. What was this! No
subtlety or cleverness ; simply this, that whoever took
a bribe from the aspirants to power or the corrupters of
Greece was universally abhorred. It was a fearful thing
to be convicted of bribery; the severest punishment was
inflicted on the guilty, and there was no intercession
or pardon. The favourable moments for enterprise
which fortune frequently offers to the careless against
the vigilant, to them that will do nothing against those
that discharge their entire duty, could not be bought
from orators or generals; no more could mutual con-
cord, nor distrust of tyrants and barbarians, nor any-
thing of the But now all such principles have
been sold as in open market, and principles imported
in exchange by which Greece is ruined and diseased.
What are they'! Envy, when a man gets a bribe;
laughter, if he confesses it; mercy to the convicted ;'-
hatred of those who denounce the crime,--all the usual
accompaniments of corruption. For as to ships and
men, and revenues and abundance of other material-
all, in fact, that may be reckoned as constituting national
strength, assuredly the Greeks of our day are more
fully and perfectly supplied with such advantages than
Greeks of the olden times. But they are all rendered
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? SPEECHES AGAINST PHILIP. 119
useless, unavailable, unprofitable by the agency of these
traflickers. "
This is indeed a powerful denunciation of a state of
things which we know to be very possible, in which
the corruption of public men is treated as a joke,
and when exposed and detected, is hardly thought to
deserve rcprobation and punishment. If all that was
best in Greece had really so utterly died out, it would
seem that Demosthenes was wasting his breath in idle
declamation. But we may well believe that he clung to
the old Athenian ideal, and could not bring himself to
despair of his country. And it is certain that this and
the preceding speech produced an effect, and Athens
made efforts which were temporarily successful. " The
work of saving Greece," he told them before he sat-
down, "belongs to you; this privilege your ancestors
bequeathed to you as the prize of many perilous exer-
tions. "
As one might expect, there were those who sought
to persuade the Athenians that Philip's power for
aggression had been greatly exaggerated, and that he
was by no means so formidable as Sparta had once
been, when she led the Peloponnesian confederacy.
Demosthenes points out that Philip had introduced
what was really a new method of warfare. Athens
and Sparta, in the height of their power, had only been
able to command a citizen militia from the states in
league with them. Such a force was prepared only for
a summer campaign, and could not always follow up
its blows effectively. Philip, on the other hand, could
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? 120 > DEMOSTHENES.
take the field in winter as well as in summer. His
troops were never disbanded, and they were under his
sole direction. He was, in fact, to the Greeks what
Napoleon was to the Austrians. An able and restless
despot, at the head of a well-trained standing army,
will often, for a time at least, have a decided advantage
in war over a free and constitutional state.
The next year, 340 13. 0. , events occurred which com-
pletely justified the warnings of Demosthenes. Philip
attempted the conquest of the cities on the Propontis,
Perinthus and Byzantium. He was foiled by prompt
intervention from Athens. There was for a brief space
a doubt whether Byzantium would accept Athenian
aid, so thoroughly had the city become estranged from
Athens in consequence of the Social VVar. Demos-
thenes went thither at the head of an embassy, and the
result was, that an alliance was concluded. Shortly
afterwards, the conscientious and much -respected
Phocion, though he differed politically from Demos-
thenes, sailed thither with a powerful armament and a
force of Athenian citizens. Through the influence of
Leon, one of the leading citizens of Byzantium, who
had been Phocion's fellow-student at Athens in the
Academy, they were admitted into the city, and charmed
the Byzantines by their quiet and admirable behaviour.
Succours also arrived from some of the islands of the
ZEgean--from Cos, Chios, Rhodes. Byzantium was
now all but impregnable, and Philip was obliged to
abandon the siege both of it and of Perinthus. Even
his own territory was invaded by Phocion, and many
of the Macedonian cruisers were captured. For Philip
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? SPEECIIES AGAINST PHILIP. 121
it was a year of reverses, as for Athens it was one of
success and glory. The two cities on the Propontis
decreed her a vote of thanks, and displayed their
gratitude by erecting three colossal statues, represent-
ing Athens receiving a wreath at their hands in testi-
mony of their deliverance. Demosthenes, too, had his
reward. No one could question that to his counsels
and energy they owed in great measure the preservation
of the Chersonese and their supremacy at sea. Corn
cheap and abundant was for the present assured to
them. The Athenian people were in a pleased and
grateful mood, and the Assembly passed a vote of
thanks to Demosthenes, which none of his many
political enemies dared to oppose.
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? CHAPTER XI.
omanosnm--rann or ensues.
WE must now hurry on to the decisive catastrophe
which sealed the fate of Greece and of its political
independence. Its glory had been to have been re-
presented by an aggregate of free states, of which
Athens was immeasurably the first in culture and
civilisation. Its weakness and curse had been per-
petual and all but irremediable rivalries and jealousies,
which went far to neutralise its collective strength
in the face of a real peril. It was now on the eve
of a revolution which the Greek mind, in spite of
many a warning from Demosthenes, had never been
able to bring itself to contemplate as possible. He had
done his best, as we have seen, to retard it amid end-
less discouragements, and to the last we shall find him
faithful to the cause of which he never once seems to
have allowed himself to despair. In the train of events
which culminated in Cheeroneia we find him bearing a
conspicuous and honourable part.
Philip's career, as we have just seen, had been
temporarily checked ; and at the close of the year 340
13. 0. Athens might almost congratulate herself on all
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? CH1ER0NEIA--FALL OF GREECE. _ 123
danger having passed away. In the spring of 339 no.
the King met with another disaster. He had plunged
into the wilds of Scythia, north of the Danube, and had
carried off a vast booty of flocks and herds from the
barbarous people; but on his return through Thrace he
was attacked by the Triballi, one of the fiercest and
most warlike of the tribes of that dangerous region.
We know what it is for a regular and well-equipped
army to have to march through an intricate and hostile
country. The king of Macedon, encumbered as he
was with spoil, was taken at a disadvantage, and if
not actually defeated, he was at least worsted, lost his
plunder, and was himself badly wounded. Thus the
year 339 13. 0. seemed one of good omen for Athens and
for Greece. And thanks to the vigorous efforts of
Demosthenes in the way of naval reform, the Athenian
fleet was now supreme in the Aigean.
Meanwhile a new sacred war in behalf of the god
and temple of Delphi was unfortunately breaking out.
It arose out of incidents which may seem to us com-
paratively trifling. An Amphictyonic Council had
assembled at Delphi in the autumn of 340 13. 0. , and
Athens was represented by iEschines. The fruitful
plain of Crisa, stretching inland from the Gulf of
Corinth to the town of Amphissa, under the mountains
of Parnassus, was the consecrated possession of the
Delphic god. It was holy ground, and to till or to
plant it had been forbidden with a tremendous curse.
Part of it, however, adjacent to the town and port of
Cirrha, had, almost with the sanction of Greek opinion,
been occupied and brought into cultivation for a long
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? 124 _ DEMOSTHENES.
period by the Locrians. Between them and the
Phocians there had been a long-standing feud, which
reached a climax in the recent Sacred War. The Loe-
rians in that war had sided with Philip and the Thebans
against their sacrilegious neighbours. Consequently,
after the destruction of Phocis, they had a sore feeling
towards Athens as the ally of the Phocians. One of
their deputies, on the occasion of which we are speaking,
rudely gave expression to this feeling, and went so far
as to revile the Athenians, and to imply that an alliance
with such a people was in itself equivalent to the guilt
of sacrilege. Possibly the man may have wished to
curry favour with the Thebans, to whose disgust some
golden shields had just been set up by the Athenians
in a new chapel at Delphi, with an inscription com-
memorating the victory of Athens over Persia and
Thebes at Plataea a century and a half ago. This
small incident was dwelt upon by the Locrian orator in
violent and intemperate language. " Do not," said he,'
"permit the name of the Athenian people to be pro-
nounced among you at this holy season. Turn them
out of the sacred ground like men under a curse. "
ZEschines, the Athenian representative (he describes
the affair himself in his great speech against Ctesiphon,
or, we may say, against Demosthenes), savagely re-
tortcd. He pointed to the plain of Crisa, visible from
the spot where they were assembled. " You see," he
said, "that plain cultivated by the Locrians of Am-
phissa, covered with their farm-buildings. You have
under your eyes the port of Cirrha, consecrated by
your forefathers' oath, now occupied and fortified. "
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? OIL/ERONEIA--FALL OF GREECE. _l25
Then he caused the ancient oracle, the oath with its
dreadful curse, to be read out before the Council.
" Here am I," he went on to say, "ready to defend
the property of the god according to your forefathers'
oath. I stand prepared to clear my own city of her
obligations. Do you take counsel for yourselves.
You are here to pray for blessings to the gods, publicly
and individually. Where will you find voice or heart
or courage to offer such a prayer if you let these as-
cursed Locrians of Amphissa remain unpunished' ! "
The appeal of 1Eschines produced an instantaneous
effect. The excitement was prodigious; and the Coun-
oil in a moment of fury passed a resolution that on the
morrow all the population of Delphi were to assemble
with spades and pickaxes, and sweep away from the
sacred plain every trace of the impious tillage and
cultivation. Next day this mad proposal was actually
carried into effect. The furious mob rushed across the
plain into the town of Cirrha, and pillaged and fired
the place. On their return, however, they were met
by the Locrians of Amphissa with an armed force, and
obliged to take refuge in Delphi. There was no blood-
shed, even under these circumstances of provocation,
as the aggrieved owners of the destroyed property were
restrained by a sentiment of reverence for the Amphic-
tyonic Council. Here is, indeed, a striking evidence
of the respect felt for the traditions of the god of
Delphi and his ancient temple, the centre of the
religious life of Greece. Again, on the following day,
the Council met, and after warm praise had been
bestowed on Athens as the avenger of Apollo's rights,
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? 126_ - DEMOSTHENES.
the people' of Amphissa were denounced as having
incurred the guilt of sacrilege; and it was finally
decided _that the Amphictyonic deputies should shortly
assemble at Thermopylae to consider how they were to
be punished.
A new sacred war was thus in effect begun six years
after the disastrous termination of the previous war in
346 B. 0. That had ended in the destruction of a mem-
ber of the Greek community ; this was to end in the
ruin and fall of Greece. The danger was not at once
perceived at Athens. We cannot wonder at this.
Zfischines' vindication of his countrymen at the Coun-
cil might well seem spirited and patriotic. Atherfs,
through him, had stood forward as the champion of
the god of Delphi. It was easy for him to argue that
those who took a different view, and regretted the rash
act to which the Amphictyons had been prompted by
his oratory, were little better than the paid agents of
those sacrilegious Locrians, who had allowed one of
their speakers openly to insult Athens. Demosthenes,
however--so he tells us--at once declared in the As-
sembly, " You are bringing war into Attica, ZEschines--
an Amphictyonic war. " The popular sentiment at the
time was in favour of ZFschines, and this his political
rival must have known and felt. Still, Demosthenes
was able--a proof this of the highrespect in which he
was held--to persuade the people not to send any
deputies to the special congress at Thermopylae, which
was to deliberate on the punishment of the Locrians.
Thebes, too, allowed herself to be unrepresented. War
was decided on; the Locriau territory was invaded,
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? OHAERONEIA'---FALL OF GREECE. I27
and a' fine imposed on the Locrians,a the 'payment of
which, however, the army was not sufficiently power-
ful to compel.
The congress of which we have just spoken was not
the regular Amphictyonic meeting. This was held in
the autumn of 339 13. 0. Philip by that time had
returned to his kingdom.
