However,
heredity
is not treated separately as a distinct subject until the work of C.
Foucault-Psychiatric-Power-1973-74
Through hashish we can then reproduce, reconstitute, and truly actualize that essential "core" of all madness.
But you can see, and this is what is important, that we reproduce this essential "core" through hashish, and in whom do we reproduce it?
In anyone and, as it happens, in the doctor.
That is to say, the hashish experiment gives the doctor the pos- sibility of communicating directly with madness through something other than the external observation of visible symptoms; it will be pos- sible to communicate with madness through the doctor's subjective experience of the effects of hashish intoxication.
For the famous organic body that the pathological anatomists have before them, and which the alienist lacked, for that body, ground of evidence, and level of experi- mental verification the psychiatrist lacked, the psychiatrist could substi- tute his own experience.
Hence it becomes possible to pin the psychiatrist's experience on to the mad person's experience and so gain access to something like the zero point between moral psychology and pathological psychology.
And, especially for the psychiatrist, in the name of his normality and of his experiences as a normal, but intoxi- cated psychiatrist, it becomes possible to see, express, and lay down the law to madness.
? Prior to the Moreau de Tours's experiment it was, of course, the psychiatrist who, as a normal individual, laid down the law to madness, but he did so in the form of exclusion: You are mad because you do not think like me; I recognize you are mad insofar as what you do is impen- etrable to the reasons valid for me. It was as a normal individual that the psychiatrist had dictated the law to the mad in the form of this exclu sion, of this alternative. Now however, with the hashish experiment, the psychiatrist will be able to say: I know the law of your madness, I recog- nize it precisely because I can reconstitute it in myself; under the condi tion of modifications like hashish intoxication, I can follow and reconstitute the typical thread of events and processes of madness in myself. I can understand what happens; I can grasp and reconstitute the authentic and autonomous movement of your madness and conse- quently grasp it from within.
And this is how that famous and absolutely novel grasp of madness by psychiatry m the form of understanding was founded. The relation ship of interiority established by the psychiatrist through hashish will enable him to say: This is madness, for, as a normal individual, I myself can really understand the movement by which this phenomenon occurs. We find the original source here of understanding as the normal psychi atrist's law on the intrinsic movement of madness. Whereas previously madness was precisely what could not be reconstituted by normal thought, it is now what must be reconstituted by and on the basis of the psychiatrist's understanding. Consequently, this internal grasp gives additional power.
But what is this primordial "core" that the psychiatrist can reconsti- tute by means of hashish and which is therefore not madness--since hashish is not madness--but which is nonetheless madness--since we find it again in madness in the pure and spontaneous state? What is this primordial core, homogeneous with madness,* which however is not madness, and which is found in both the psychiatrist and the mad per- son? Of course, Moreau de Tours names this element. You know it already: it is the dream. The hashish experience opens up the dream as the mechanism that can be found in the normal individual and that will
* The manuscript adds: "so as to be both the basis and model. "
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serve precisely as the principle of intelligibility of madness. "It seems that man has been granted two modes of moral existence, two lives. The first arises from our relations with the external world, with the great whole that we call the universe; it is common to us and to beings like us. The second is only the reflection of the first, only feeds, as it were, on material provided by the first, but is nevertheless perfectly distinct from it. Sleep is like a barrier set up between the two, the physiological point where external life ends and internal life begins. "33
What is madness exactly? Well, madness, like hashish intoxication, is that particular state of our nervous system in which the barriers of sleep or the barriers of wakefulness, or the double barrier constituted by sleep and wakefulness, are broken or, at any rate, breached at a number of places. The irruption of dream mechanisms in the waking state will induce madness if the mechanism is, as it were, endogenous, and it will induce the hallucinatory experience of someone who is intoxicated if the breach is induced by the absorption of a foreign body. The dream is therefore fixed as the law common to normal life and pathological life; it is the point from which the psychiatrist's understanding will be able to impose its law on the phenomena of madness.
Of course, the expression, "the mad are waking dreamers,"Vl is not new; you find it already clearly [stated]* in Esquirol;55 and after all there is a whole psychiatric tradition in which we find this expression. 36 However, what I think is absolutely new and crucial in Moreau de Tours and his book on hashish is not just a comparison between madness and the dream, but a principle of analysis. 3' Furthermore, when Esquirol and all the psychiatrists who said at this time, or even before, "the mad are dreamers," the analogy was between the phenomena of madness and dreaming, whereas Moreau de Tours establishes a relationship between the phenomena of dreaming and, at one and the same time, the phenomena of normal wakefulness and the phenomena of madness. 38 It is the dream's position between wakefulness and madness that Moreau de Tours pointed out and established, and it is this that makes him the absolutely founding point in the history of psychiatry and the history of
* (Recording:) formulated
? psychoanalysis. In other words, the founding point was not Descartes, who said that the dream goes beyond madness and includes il,*9 but Moreau de Tours, who put the dream in a position such that it envelops madness, includes it, and enables it to be understood. And following Moreau de Tours, the psychiatrist says, and the psychoanalyst basically never stops repeating: I can well understand what madness is, because I can dream. With my dream, and with what I can grasp ol my dream, I will end up understanding what is going on in someone who is mad. This is in Moreau de Tours and his book on hashish.
So, the drug is the dream injected into the waking state; it is wakefulness intoxicated, as it were, by the dream. It is the real effectua tion ol madness. Hence the idea that by giving hashish to a patient who is already ill, one will quite simply exaggerate his madness. That is to say, giving hashish to a normal individual will make him mad, but giving hashish to a patient will make his madness more visible; it will hasten its progress. That is how Moreau de Tours introduced therapy with hashish into his services. As he says himself, he began with a mis take: he gave hashish to some melancholies, thinking that the "maniacal excitation," that kind ol agitation that is at one and the same time the primordial lact ol madness and the characteristic ol the dream, would compensate lor the sad, frozen and immobile features of the melan cholics; his idea was to compensate lor melancholic fixity with the maniacal agitation of hashish. 10 He very quickly saw that it did not work, and then he had the idea ol reactualizing the old technique ol the medical crisis.
He said to himself: since mania consists in a kind ol excitation, and since in the classical medical tradition, still lound in Pine! moreover,'1 the crisis is precisely the point at which the phenomena of a disease become speeded up and intensified, let's make the maniacs a bit more maniacal; give them some hashish, and thanks to that we will cure them. '2 In the manuals ol this time we find a considerable number of cures, but obviously with no analysis of possible cases of the recurrence ol illness, since it was understood that, once established, a cure was a cure, even if it was called into question some days later.
You can see that alongside questioning, and having nothing to do with questioning, there is a kind ol reconstitution ol precisely those
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mechanisms we saw coming into play in questioning. Hashish is a sort of automatic questioning, and if the doctor loses power, inasmuch as he allows the drug to act, the patient finds himself caught in the automa tism of the drug and cannot oppose his power to the doctor's, and what the doctor may lose as power he regains through having an internal understanding of madness.
The third system of tests in the psychiatric practice of the (irst two- thirds of the nineteenth century is magnetism and hypnosis. To start with magnetism was basically used as a sort of displacement of the crisis. In magnetic practice at the end of the eighteenth century, the magnetizer was basically someone who imposed his will on the magne- tized, and so when psychiatrists had the idea of using magnetism within psychiatric hospitals--around 1820 to 1825 at Salpetriere--it was pre cisely to reinforce further the effect of power that the doctor wanted to attach to himseli. 43 But there was something more: the effect of the use of magnetism at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century, was to give doctors a hold, and a total, absolute hold, over the patient, but it was also to give the patient a supplemen- tary lucidity, what mesmerists called "mtuitiveness," a supplementary "intuitiveness" thanks to which the subject will be able to know his own body, his own illness, and, possibly the illness of others. ^ At the end of the eighteenth century, magnetism was basically a way of entrusting the patient himself with what had been the doctor's task in the classical crisis. In the classical crisis, it was the doctor who had to foresee what the illness was, to divine in what it consisted, and to adjust it in the course of the crisis/'5 Now, within the magnetism practiced by orthodox mesmerists, the patient is put in a state in which he can really know the nature, process and term of his illness. '6
So, in the experiments conducted at Salpetriere from 1820-1825, we tind the first tests ol this type of magnetism. A male or female patient is put to sleep and asked what their illness is, how long they have been affected by it, for what reasons and how must they get over it? There is a whole series of reports of this.
Here is a case of mesmerism from around 1825 1826. A patient is presented to the magnetizer who asks him: "Who put you to sleep? --It was you. --Why did you vomit yesterday? --Because they gave me cold
? bouillon. --At what time did you vomit? --At four-o clock. --Did you eat afterwards? --Yes, monsieur, and I did not vomit what I had eaten. -- What accident made you ill for the first time? --Because I was cold. -- Was it a long time ago? --One year ago. --Didn't you have a fall? --Yes monsieur. --In this fall, did you fall on your stomach? --No, I fell backwards, etcetera. "7'7 Medical diagnosis is carried out therefore in the opening, as it were, contrived by magnetic practice.
And this is how one of the most serious alienists of the time, Georget, magnetized two patients, one ol whom was called "Petronille" and the other "Braguette. "'8 Questioned by Georget under magnetism, Petronille said: "What made me ill was that I fell in the water, and if you want to cure me you too must throw me in the water. ',/i9 Georget does this, but the cure does not take place because actually the patient had made it clear that she had fallen in the Ourcq canal, and Georget had simply made her fall in a pool? 0 Petronille was really demanding the repetition of the trauma. Afterwards she was thought to be a simulator and Georget the innocent and naive victim of her maneuvers, but this is not important, I just wanted to stress the above to show you how magnetism in this period, that is to say, still around 1825, functioned as a supple ment, an extension of the classical crisis: knowing, testing the illness in its truth.
In actual fact, the real insertion of magnetism and hypnosis into psychiatric practice takes place much later, after Braid, that is to say, after the appearance of Neurkypno/ogy, or the Rationale of Nervous Sleep in 1843,51 and especially, in France, after the introduction of Braid's practices, around Broca in 1858-1859. 52
Why was Braidism accepted, whereas the old mesmerism was aban doned around 1830? 53 If it was abandoned it was precisely because the magnetizers naively wanted to entrust patients, and their "lucidity," with the medical power and knowledge which, in the actual working ol the institution, could only fall to the doctor; hence the barrier erected by the Academie de medecine and by doctors against the first practices of hypnosis. On the other hand, from the 1860s, Braidism was accepted and penetrated asylum and psychiatric practice quite easily. Why? On the one hand, of course, because Braidism, let's just say hypnosis, aban- dons the old theory of the material basis of magnetism. 5^ That is to say,
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in Braid's definition of hypnotism, all its ellects are due solely to the doctor's will. That is to say, only the doctor's assertion, only his prestige, only the power he exercises over the patient without any inter mediary, without any material basis or the passage of fluid, will succeed in producing the specific ellects of hypnosis.
The second reason is that Braidism deprived the patient ot the abil- ity to produce the medical truth that he was still being asked to provide in 1825 or 1830. In Braidism, hypnosis constitutes the element within which medical knowledge can be deployed. What seduced the doctors and got them to accept what they rejected in 1830 is that, thanks to Braid's technique, one could completely neutralize the patient's will, as it were, and leave the field absolutely open to the doctor's pure will. What officially reinstalled hypnosis in France was the operation performed by Broca (Broca's performance of a surgical operation on someone in a hypnotic state). 5:> At that point, in fact, hypnosis appeared as the opening through which medical power knowledge was able to lorce its way in and take hold of the patient.
This neutralization of the patient by hypnosis, the (act that the hypnotized patient is no longer required to know his illness but is given instead the task of being like a neutral surface on which the doctor's will is registered, will be very important because it will enable hypnotic action to be defined. This is what was done by Braid, and after Braid, especially in France, by someone whose books bore the name Philips, but whose real name was Durand de Gros, who had emigrated in 1852 and then returned to France alter some years, living and publishing under the name ol Philips. Around i 8 6 0 to 1864, Philips defined the processes and different phases of hypnotic action. ^6 He shows how hypnosis is important first of all because it has a disciplinary eflect; it is, precisely, sedative, just like questioning, drugs. I won't return to this. But above all, the subject's state when he has begun to be hypnotized-- what Philips calls "the hypotaxic state"57--enables the doctor to get the patient to do what he wants. First ol all it allows him to direct behav ior; by giving the patient an order he will be able to prevent him from conducting himsell in this or that way, or he will be able to constrain him to do something. So, there is the possibility ol what Durand de Gros calls "orthopedics": "Braidism," he says, "gives us the basis for an
? intellectual and moral orthopedics which one day will surely be intro duced into educational and penitentiary establishments. "58 So, hypnosis makes it possible to fashion, to train behavior.
It also makes possible a nullification of symptoms. With hypnosis one must be able to prevent the appearance of a symptom; Durand de Gros claims that the shaking of chorea can be completely quashed by giving an order to the patient. 59
Finally, third, the hypnotist can get a hold on the patient's body at the level of the analysis and modification of functions: he can produce a muscular contraction or paralysis; he can excite or nullify sensibility on the body's surface; he can weaken or arouse the intellectual or moral faculties; he can even modify automatic functions like circulation and breathing. 60
So, in the hypnosis that is now accepted, you see the patient's famous body, previously absent from psychiatric practice, being defined, or appearing rather. Hypnosis will enable action on the body, not just at the disciplinary level ol manifest behavior, but also at the level of mus- cles, nerves, and basic functions. Hypnosis is consequently a new, much more sophisticated and intensive way than questioning lor the psychia trist to obtain a real hold on the patient's body; or rather, it is the first time that the patient's body is finally available to the psychiatrist in, as it were, its functional detail. Psychiatric power will finally get a hold on the body that had eluded it since it became known that pathological anatomy could never account lor the functioning and mechanisms of madness. *
So, with these different instruments, these different techniques for realizing the illness, I think we have the elements from which the great central episode in the history of nineteenth century psychiatry and madness will develop. There are, then, three instruments: questioning, hypnosis, and drugs. Questioning, hypnosis and drugs are really three
* The manuscript adds: "With hypnosis wc have then a type of test of the illness--which draws close to drugs through the effect of discipline and through the elfect ol the reproduction of the pathological reality.
hut it is distinct Irom and, in a sense, privileged with regard to drugs,
because it is entirely suited to the doctor's will: doing what one wants with the patient.
- because it allows, or at least one expects from it, nullification of the symptoms, one by one,
and because it makes possible a direct hold on the body. "
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ways of actually realizing the illness, but, of course, in questioning, this realization only takes place in language and has above all the double defect of, firstly, not putting the psychiatrist in internal communication with the mechanisms of madness other than through the game of questions and answers, and, secondly, not giving a hold on the detail of the patient's body.
With drugs, rather, there is the possibility of this internal hold, this kind of supplement of power given to the psychiatrist by the fact that he thinks he can understand the phenomena of madness; an internal hold therefore. And hypnosis will be the instrument by which the psychia- trist will get a hold on the very functioning of the patient's body.
You see that we have here the elements from which it will be possi- ble to constitute, or rather, the elements which are in place and which, quite suddenly, around i860 to 1880, will assume extreme importance and intensity when, precisely within classical organic medicine, a new definition, or rather, a new reality of the body will appear, that is to say, when a body is discovered which is not just a body with organs and tis- sues, but a body with functions, performances, and behavior--in short, when, around Duchenne de Boulogne, between 1850 and i 8 6 0 , the neurological body is discovered. 61
At this point, by connecting up through the techniques of hypnosis and drugs with this new body discovered by medicine, it will finally be possible to try to inscribe the mechanisms of madness in a system of dif- ferential knowledge, in a medicine basically founded on pathological anatomy or pathological physiology; the major phenomenon will now be this inscription, this attempt to inscribe madness withm a general medical symptomatology, which the absence of the body and of differ- ential diagnosis had always marginalized. The failure of this attempt by Charcot, the fact that the neurological body, like the body of pathologi- cal anatomy, will elude the psychiatrist, will leave psychiatric power with the three instruments of power established in the first half of the nineteenth century. That is to say, after the disappearance of the great neurological hope, we will find again only the three elements: questioning--language--hypnosis, and drugs, that is to say, the three elements with which psychiatric power, within or outside the asylum space, still operates today.
? 1. In fact, it was not until 1879 that the works of Alfred Fournier (1832-1914) revealed general paralysis as a frequent complication of tertiary syphilis: see his Syphilis du cerveau (Paris: Masson, 1879). Before being accepted, this relationship gave rise to many debates at the Societe medico-psychologique, from April to June 1879 and from February to November 1898. On 27 March 1893, Le Filliatre, in a communication, "Des antecedents syphilitiques chez quelques paralytiques generaux," presented syphilis as "a major predis- posing cause," and met with hardly any opposition; see, Annales medico-psychologiques, 7th series, vol. XVII, July 1893, p. 436. As the general secretary oi the Societe medico- psychologiques later recalled, "in 1893, the exclusive partisans of the specific origin of general praralysis were still rare among us" A. Ritti, "Histoire des travaux de la Societe medico-psychologiques (1852 1902)" Annales medico-psychologiques, 8th series, vol. XVI, July 1902, p. 58. Its specific etiology will only become imperative in 1913 with the discov ery by Noguchi and Moore of pale treponema in the brains ol general paralytics.
2. A. LJ. Bayle, Traite des maladies du cerveau et de ses membranes, pp. 536 537: "Among the many symptoms with which this ailment is accompanied, we can reduce to two those which basically serve to characterize it ( . . . ) : 1. derangement of the intellectual laculties, or delir- ium; 2. incomplete paralysis. 1. Delirium: Mental alienation ( . . . ) , partial to start with and consisting in a sort of monomania with enfeeblement of the laculties, then becomes general and maniacal with over excitement (. . . ); it then degenerates into a condition oi dementia (. . . ); 2. Paralysis: The paralysis which, together with delirium, establishes the diagnosis of chronic meningitis, is a diminution and an enleeblement which, very slightly
at first, and conlined to a single organ, increases progressively and gradually extends to a greater number of parts, and ends by invading the entire locomotive system, in such a way that the name which seems the most suitable to us ( . . . ) is that oi general and incomplete paralysis. " See above, note 17 to the lecture of 12 December 1973, and see also J. Christian and A. Ritti, "Paralysie generale," in Dictionnaire encyclopedique des sciences medicales, 2nd series, vol. XX (Paris: Masson/Asselin, 1884).
3. Jules Baillarger (1809 1890) states that "it is impossible to go along with Bayle in considering madness as a constant and essential symptom of general paralysis. There are therefore no grounds for accepting the two orders ol symptoms essential for the character ization ol general paralysis: the symptoms of dementia and paralysis" in the Appendix to Doumic's French translation of the 2nd, revised and expanded edition of Wilhelm Gnesinger's Die Pathologie und Therapie depsychischen Krakheiten (Traite des maladies mentales. Pathologie et therapeutique), preceded by a work on general paralysis by Dr. Baillarger: Des symptomes de la paralysie generale et des rapports de cette maladie avec lafolie (Paris: A. Delahaye, 1865) p. 612. Baillarger returns to this problem on several occasions: (1) "Des rapports de
la paralysie generale e dal lolie" Annales medico-psychologiques, 2nd series, vol. V, January 1853, pp. 158-166; (2) "De la folie avec predominance du delire des grandeurs dans ses rapports avec la paralysie generale," ibid. 4th series, vol. VIII, July 1866, pp. 1-20. In his article on the theory of general paralysis, (3) "De la lolie paralytique et de la demence paralytique considerees comme deux maladies distinctes," he reasserts that 'general paralysis' must be completely separatedfrom madness and considered as a special independent disease" ibid. 6th series, vol. IX, January 1883, p. 28, author's emphasis.
4. See above, Lecture of 19 December 1973, pp. 158-162.
5. Actually, heredity was already invoked as one of the causes of madness. P. Pmel, in the 2nd
edition of his Traite asserted that it would be difficult "to deny any hereditary transmission
of mania when we note everywhere and in several successive generations some members of certain families affected by this illness" Traite medico-philosophique, 1809 edition. Esquirol states that "heredity is the most common predisposing cause ol madness" Des maladies men- tales, vol. I, p. 64; Mental Maladies, p. 49.
However, heredity is not treated separately as a distinct subject until the work of C. Michea, De Vinfluence de Vheredite dans la production des maladies nerveuses (a work awarded a prize by the Academie de medecine on 20 December 1843) and the article by J. Baillarger, "Recherches statistique sur l'heredite de la folie" (note read to the Academie de medecine, 2 April 1844) in which he was able to state (ab initio) that: "Everyone agrees about the influence of heredity in the production of madness" Annales medico-psychologiques, vol. Ill, May 1844, p. 328. The notion of "pathological
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heredity" is specified between 1850 and 1850 by the works of Jacques Moreau de Tours,
who introduced the idea ol a transmission ol the pathological in different forms, or "dis
similar heredity," thereby opening up the possibility lor most forms ol insanity to enter the hereditary Iramework. See his (1) "De la predisposition hereditaire aux affections cerebrales. Existe-t il des signes particulars auxquels on puisse reconnaitre cette predis position? " report to the Academie des sciences, 15 December 1851, Annales medico- psychologiques, 2nd series, vol. IV, January 1852, pp. 119 129; July 1852, pp. 447 455; and
( 2 ) La Psychologie morbide dans ses rapports avec la philosophic' de I'histoire, ou De Vinfluence des nevropathies sur le dynamisme intellectuel {Paris: Masson, 1859). The high point ol hereditar ianism is reached in 1885 and 1886 with the last debates of the Societe medico psychologique on the signs ol hereditary madness (see below, note 7). See J. Dejerine, L'Heredi/e dans les maladies du sysleme nerveux; A. Voisin, "Heredite" in Nouveau Dictionnaire
de medecine et de chirurgie pratiques, vol. XVII (Paris: J. -B. Bailliere, 1873). Foucault returns to the question on 19 March 1975, is his lectures Les Anormaux, pp. 296 300; Abnormal, pp. 313 318.
6. See above, note 71 to lecture of 16 January 1974, and Les Anormaux, lectures ol 5 February, p. 110, and 19 March 1975, pp. 297-300; Abnormal, p. 119 and pp. 314 318.
7. See the report ol Moreau de Tours on the question ol prognostic signs ol madness: "De la predisposition hereditaire aux affections cerebrales," and his "Memoire sur les prodromes de la folie" (read to the Academie de medecine, 22 April 1851). In 1868, Morel's intern, Georges Doutrebente, received the Prix Esquirol lor his "Etude genealogique sur les alienes hereditaires" devoted to "moral, physical and intellectual signs which enable the immedi
ate diagnosis ol a morbid hereditary inlluence in individuals predisposed to or affected by mental alienation" Annales medico-psychologiques, 5th series, vol. II, September 1869, p. 197- From 30 March 1885 to 26 July 1886, the Societe medico psychologique devoted ten sessions, spread over more than a year, to the question ol the "intellectual and moral signs of hereditary madness. "
8. On the lormation ol the notion ol abnormality, see the lectures of 22 January 1975 and 19 March 1975 in Les anormaux, pp. 53 56 and pp. 29$ 298; Abnormal, pp. 57 60 and pp. 310 315-
9. Moi, Pierre Riviere; I, Pierre Riviere.
10. On the notion ol "homicidal monomania" see above, the lecture ol 23 January 1974,
note 45, pp. 263 264.
11. "Particulars and explanation ol the occurrence on June 3 in Aunay at the village ol la
Faucterie written by the author ol this deed" Moi, Pierre Riviere, p. 124 and p. 127; /, Pierre
Riviere, p. 101 and p. 104.
12. This refers to the questioning ol A. , 42 years old, admitted to Bicetre on 18 June 1839
suffering from auditory and visual hallucinations, and for erotic and ambitious ideas. See,
F. Leuret, Du traitement moral de lafolie, "Hallucines," Observation 1, pp. 199 200.
13. Reference to the cure of M. Dupre. See ibid. pp. 441 442 and above, lecture of 9 January
1974.
14. See above, lecture 19 December 1973, pp. 161 162.
15. On the visit, seeJ. -P. Falret, De Venseignement clinique desmaladies mentales, pp. 105-109.
16. See above, lecture of 9 January 1974, pp. 186 188.
17. To illustrate the interview by silence, the manuscript refers to Example XLV ol
Griesinger's Traite, p. 392; Mental Pathology and Therapeutics, pp. 334 335: "I would have
said that she was listening ( . . . ) I walked a hundred paces without saying a word, and without appearing to fix my attention on her (. . . ). I stopped again, and regarded her attentively, without seeming to be the least curious (. . . ). We continued looking at each other in this way for nearly hall an hour, when she murmured some words which I did not comprehend. I gave her my notebook, on which she wrote (. . . ). " See also, J. P. Falret, Lecons cliniques de medecine menlale, p. 22: "Instead ol sharpening the madman's cunning in eluding an authority that bothers him, show ( . . . ) neglect; remove Irom his mind any idea
( . . . ) ol a desire to penetrate his thoughts, and then you may be sure, seeing that you are not concerned to control everything in him, he will be without deliance, he will show himself as he is, and you will be able to study him more easily and with greater success. "
18. See above, lecture of 19 December 1973, note 2.
? 19. See above, lecture ol 19 December 1975, note 1.
20. This was Monteggia, the surgeon lor the Milan prisons, who, suspecting a criminal ol
leigning madness, administered lepeated strong doses ol opium, so that he felt so tired "by the action ol the opium, that fearing death, he considered continued pretence pointless. " "Folie soupc,onee d'etre feinte, observee par le professeur Monteggia" Irans. C. C. H. Marc in "Materiaux pour 1'histoire medico legale de I'alienation mentale," Annaks d'hygiene publique et de medecine legate, vol. II, Part 2, 1829, p. 375- See also, C. C. H. Marc, De la folie consideree dans ses rapports avec les questions medico-judkiaires, vol. I, p. 7i98, and A. Laurent, Elude medico-legale sur la simulation de la folie, p . 2 3 9 -
21. Discovered in 18-Vi by Antoine Jerome Balard (1802-1876) (or the treatment of angina chest pains, amyl nitrate lound material lor therapeutic experimentation in epilepsy and hysteria. See A. Dechambre, "Nitrite d'amyle" in Dictionnaire encyclopedique des sciences medicales, 2nd series, vol. XIII (Paris: Masson/Asselin, 1879) pp. 262 269.
22. See above, note 2 to lecture ol 23 January 1977i.
25. See above, note 18 to lecture of 9 January 1977|.
2/\. B. A. Morel recommended the use of etherisation as "the most innocent and speedy way to
reach knowledge ol the truth" "De l'ethensation dans la lohe du point du vue du
diagnosticjue et de la medecine legale," p. 135-
25. J. J. Moreau du Tours, Du haschisch et de Valienation mentale.
26. The rubrics given correspond to the titles ol sections 2 to 8 ol chapter 1, "Phenomenes
psychologiques," ibid. pp. 51-181.
27. Foucault is relerring to the work of Claude Bernard (1813 1878) which, begun in 18-13, led
him to the liver's glycogenic function, the object of his doctoral thesis in natural science, defended 17 March 1855: Recherches sur une nouvelle fonction du foie, considere comme organe producteur de maliere sucree che^Vhomme et les animaux (Paris: J. B. Bailliere, 1855). The his lory of the stages ol his discovery appears in his Introduction a /'etude de la medecine experi- mental (Paris: J. B. Bailliere, 1865) pp. 286 289 and pp. 518 520; English translation, Claude Bernard, Experimental Medicine, trans. Henry Copley Greene (New Brunswick and London: Transaction Publishers, 1999) pp. 165 167 and pp. 181 185.
28. See above, note 12 to lecture of 5 December 1975.
29. J. J. Moreau de Tours, Du haschisch, p. }6.
50. J. J. Moreau de Tours, Trade pratique de la folie nevropalhique (vulgo hysterique) (Pans:
J. B. Bailliere, 1869) pages iv, xiv, xvn, and xix. 51. J. J. Moreau de Tours, Du haschisch, pp. 55 56.
52. Ibid. p. 56.
55. Ibid. pp. /|1 /|2, and, by the same author, "De l'identite de I'etat de reve et de la lolie," Annales medico-psychologiques, 3rd series, vol. I, July 1855, pp. 361 /|08.
V\. As Foucault recalls in Histoire de lajolie, the idea of an analogy between the mechanisms which produce dreams and madness develops Irom the seventeenth century; see Histoire de lajolie, Part II, ch. 2, "La transcendance du delire," pp. 256 261; Madness and Civilisation, ch. /\, "Passion and Delirium," pp. 101 107. To the texts to which he relers there we can add a letter Irom Spinoza to Pierre Balling in which he evokes a type of dream which, depending on the body and the movement ol its humors, is analogous to what we see in those suffering from delirium, (Letter to Pierre Balling, 20 July 1664, in CEuvres, vol. IV, trans, and notes by C. Appuhn [Paris: Gamier Flammanon, 19661 p. 172), as well as Kant's lamous expression: "The madman is also a waking dreamer/Der Verriickte ist also ein Traumer im Wachen" in Essai sur les maladies de la tele, trans. J. P. Lefevre, in Evolution
psychiatrique (Toulouse: Privat, 1971) p. 222. See also I. Kant, Anthropologie in pragmaiischer Hinsicht afegcfasst von Immanuel Kant (Konigsberg: Friedrich Nicolovius, 1798); French translation, Anthropologie du point de vue pragmatique, trans. Michel Foucault (Paris: Vnn, 196/|); English translation, Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point oj View, trans.
? Prior to the Moreau de Tours's experiment it was, of course, the psychiatrist who, as a normal individual, laid down the law to madness, but he did so in the form of exclusion: You are mad because you do not think like me; I recognize you are mad insofar as what you do is impen- etrable to the reasons valid for me. It was as a normal individual that the psychiatrist had dictated the law to the mad in the form of this exclu sion, of this alternative. Now however, with the hashish experiment, the psychiatrist will be able to say: I know the law of your madness, I recog- nize it precisely because I can reconstitute it in myself; under the condi tion of modifications like hashish intoxication, I can follow and reconstitute the typical thread of events and processes of madness in myself. I can understand what happens; I can grasp and reconstitute the authentic and autonomous movement of your madness and conse- quently grasp it from within.
And this is how that famous and absolutely novel grasp of madness by psychiatry m the form of understanding was founded. The relation ship of interiority established by the psychiatrist through hashish will enable him to say: This is madness, for, as a normal individual, I myself can really understand the movement by which this phenomenon occurs. We find the original source here of understanding as the normal psychi atrist's law on the intrinsic movement of madness. Whereas previously madness was precisely what could not be reconstituted by normal thought, it is now what must be reconstituted by and on the basis of the psychiatrist's understanding. Consequently, this internal grasp gives additional power.
But what is this primordial "core" that the psychiatrist can reconsti- tute by means of hashish and which is therefore not madness--since hashish is not madness--but which is nonetheless madness--since we find it again in madness in the pure and spontaneous state? What is this primordial core, homogeneous with madness,* which however is not madness, and which is found in both the psychiatrist and the mad per- son? Of course, Moreau de Tours names this element. You know it already: it is the dream. The hashish experience opens up the dream as the mechanism that can be found in the normal individual and that will
* The manuscript adds: "so as to be both the basis and model. "
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serve precisely as the principle of intelligibility of madness. "It seems that man has been granted two modes of moral existence, two lives. The first arises from our relations with the external world, with the great whole that we call the universe; it is common to us and to beings like us. The second is only the reflection of the first, only feeds, as it were, on material provided by the first, but is nevertheless perfectly distinct from it. Sleep is like a barrier set up between the two, the physiological point where external life ends and internal life begins. "33
What is madness exactly? Well, madness, like hashish intoxication, is that particular state of our nervous system in which the barriers of sleep or the barriers of wakefulness, or the double barrier constituted by sleep and wakefulness, are broken or, at any rate, breached at a number of places. The irruption of dream mechanisms in the waking state will induce madness if the mechanism is, as it were, endogenous, and it will induce the hallucinatory experience of someone who is intoxicated if the breach is induced by the absorption of a foreign body. The dream is therefore fixed as the law common to normal life and pathological life; it is the point from which the psychiatrist's understanding will be able to impose its law on the phenomena of madness.
Of course, the expression, "the mad are waking dreamers,"Vl is not new; you find it already clearly [stated]* in Esquirol;55 and after all there is a whole psychiatric tradition in which we find this expression. 36 However, what I think is absolutely new and crucial in Moreau de Tours and his book on hashish is not just a comparison between madness and the dream, but a principle of analysis. 3' Furthermore, when Esquirol and all the psychiatrists who said at this time, or even before, "the mad are dreamers," the analogy was between the phenomena of madness and dreaming, whereas Moreau de Tours establishes a relationship between the phenomena of dreaming and, at one and the same time, the phenomena of normal wakefulness and the phenomena of madness. 38 It is the dream's position between wakefulness and madness that Moreau de Tours pointed out and established, and it is this that makes him the absolutely founding point in the history of psychiatry and the history of
* (Recording:) formulated
? psychoanalysis. In other words, the founding point was not Descartes, who said that the dream goes beyond madness and includes il,*9 but Moreau de Tours, who put the dream in a position such that it envelops madness, includes it, and enables it to be understood. And following Moreau de Tours, the psychiatrist says, and the psychoanalyst basically never stops repeating: I can well understand what madness is, because I can dream. With my dream, and with what I can grasp ol my dream, I will end up understanding what is going on in someone who is mad. This is in Moreau de Tours and his book on hashish.
So, the drug is the dream injected into the waking state; it is wakefulness intoxicated, as it were, by the dream. It is the real effectua tion ol madness. Hence the idea that by giving hashish to a patient who is already ill, one will quite simply exaggerate his madness. That is to say, giving hashish to a normal individual will make him mad, but giving hashish to a patient will make his madness more visible; it will hasten its progress. That is how Moreau de Tours introduced therapy with hashish into his services. As he says himself, he began with a mis take: he gave hashish to some melancholies, thinking that the "maniacal excitation," that kind ol agitation that is at one and the same time the primordial lact ol madness and the characteristic ol the dream, would compensate lor the sad, frozen and immobile features of the melan cholics; his idea was to compensate lor melancholic fixity with the maniacal agitation of hashish. 10 He very quickly saw that it did not work, and then he had the idea ol reactualizing the old technique ol the medical crisis.
He said to himself: since mania consists in a kind ol excitation, and since in the classical medical tradition, still lound in Pine! moreover,'1 the crisis is precisely the point at which the phenomena of a disease become speeded up and intensified, let's make the maniacs a bit more maniacal; give them some hashish, and thanks to that we will cure them. '2 In the manuals ol this time we find a considerable number of cures, but obviously with no analysis of possible cases of the recurrence ol illness, since it was understood that, once established, a cure was a cure, even if it was called into question some days later.
You can see that alongside questioning, and having nothing to do with questioning, there is a kind ol reconstitution ol precisely those
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mechanisms we saw coming into play in questioning. Hashish is a sort of automatic questioning, and if the doctor loses power, inasmuch as he allows the drug to act, the patient finds himself caught in the automa tism of the drug and cannot oppose his power to the doctor's, and what the doctor may lose as power he regains through having an internal understanding of madness.
The third system of tests in the psychiatric practice of the (irst two- thirds of the nineteenth century is magnetism and hypnosis. To start with magnetism was basically used as a sort of displacement of the crisis. In magnetic practice at the end of the eighteenth century, the magnetizer was basically someone who imposed his will on the magne- tized, and so when psychiatrists had the idea of using magnetism within psychiatric hospitals--around 1820 to 1825 at Salpetriere--it was pre cisely to reinforce further the effect of power that the doctor wanted to attach to himseli. 43 But there was something more: the effect of the use of magnetism at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century, was to give doctors a hold, and a total, absolute hold, over the patient, but it was also to give the patient a supplemen- tary lucidity, what mesmerists called "mtuitiveness," a supplementary "intuitiveness" thanks to which the subject will be able to know his own body, his own illness, and, possibly the illness of others. ^ At the end of the eighteenth century, magnetism was basically a way of entrusting the patient himself with what had been the doctor's task in the classical crisis. In the classical crisis, it was the doctor who had to foresee what the illness was, to divine in what it consisted, and to adjust it in the course of the crisis/'5 Now, within the magnetism practiced by orthodox mesmerists, the patient is put in a state in which he can really know the nature, process and term of his illness. '6
So, in the experiments conducted at Salpetriere from 1820-1825, we tind the first tests ol this type of magnetism. A male or female patient is put to sleep and asked what their illness is, how long they have been affected by it, for what reasons and how must they get over it? There is a whole series of reports of this.
Here is a case of mesmerism from around 1825 1826. A patient is presented to the magnetizer who asks him: "Who put you to sleep? --It was you. --Why did you vomit yesterday? --Because they gave me cold
? bouillon. --At what time did you vomit? --At four-o clock. --Did you eat afterwards? --Yes, monsieur, and I did not vomit what I had eaten. -- What accident made you ill for the first time? --Because I was cold. -- Was it a long time ago? --One year ago. --Didn't you have a fall? --Yes monsieur. --In this fall, did you fall on your stomach? --No, I fell backwards, etcetera. "7'7 Medical diagnosis is carried out therefore in the opening, as it were, contrived by magnetic practice.
And this is how one of the most serious alienists of the time, Georget, magnetized two patients, one ol whom was called "Petronille" and the other "Braguette. "'8 Questioned by Georget under magnetism, Petronille said: "What made me ill was that I fell in the water, and if you want to cure me you too must throw me in the water. ',/i9 Georget does this, but the cure does not take place because actually the patient had made it clear that she had fallen in the Ourcq canal, and Georget had simply made her fall in a pool? 0 Petronille was really demanding the repetition of the trauma. Afterwards she was thought to be a simulator and Georget the innocent and naive victim of her maneuvers, but this is not important, I just wanted to stress the above to show you how magnetism in this period, that is to say, still around 1825, functioned as a supple ment, an extension of the classical crisis: knowing, testing the illness in its truth.
In actual fact, the real insertion of magnetism and hypnosis into psychiatric practice takes place much later, after Braid, that is to say, after the appearance of Neurkypno/ogy, or the Rationale of Nervous Sleep in 1843,51 and especially, in France, after the introduction of Braid's practices, around Broca in 1858-1859. 52
Why was Braidism accepted, whereas the old mesmerism was aban doned around 1830? 53 If it was abandoned it was precisely because the magnetizers naively wanted to entrust patients, and their "lucidity," with the medical power and knowledge which, in the actual working ol the institution, could only fall to the doctor; hence the barrier erected by the Academie de medecine and by doctors against the first practices of hypnosis. On the other hand, from the 1860s, Braidism was accepted and penetrated asylum and psychiatric practice quite easily. Why? On the one hand, of course, because Braidism, let's just say hypnosis, aban- dons the old theory of the material basis of magnetism. 5^ That is to say,
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in Braid's definition of hypnotism, all its ellects are due solely to the doctor's will. That is to say, only the doctor's assertion, only his prestige, only the power he exercises over the patient without any inter mediary, without any material basis or the passage of fluid, will succeed in producing the specific ellects of hypnosis.
The second reason is that Braidism deprived the patient ot the abil- ity to produce the medical truth that he was still being asked to provide in 1825 or 1830. In Braidism, hypnosis constitutes the element within which medical knowledge can be deployed. What seduced the doctors and got them to accept what they rejected in 1830 is that, thanks to Braid's technique, one could completely neutralize the patient's will, as it were, and leave the field absolutely open to the doctor's pure will. What officially reinstalled hypnosis in France was the operation performed by Broca (Broca's performance of a surgical operation on someone in a hypnotic state). 5:> At that point, in fact, hypnosis appeared as the opening through which medical power knowledge was able to lorce its way in and take hold of the patient.
This neutralization of the patient by hypnosis, the (act that the hypnotized patient is no longer required to know his illness but is given instead the task of being like a neutral surface on which the doctor's will is registered, will be very important because it will enable hypnotic action to be defined. This is what was done by Braid, and after Braid, especially in France, by someone whose books bore the name Philips, but whose real name was Durand de Gros, who had emigrated in 1852 and then returned to France alter some years, living and publishing under the name ol Philips. Around i 8 6 0 to 1864, Philips defined the processes and different phases of hypnotic action. ^6 He shows how hypnosis is important first of all because it has a disciplinary eflect; it is, precisely, sedative, just like questioning, drugs. I won't return to this. But above all, the subject's state when he has begun to be hypnotized-- what Philips calls "the hypotaxic state"57--enables the doctor to get the patient to do what he wants. First ol all it allows him to direct behav ior; by giving the patient an order he will be able to prevent him from conducting himsell in this or that way, or he will be able to constrain him to do something. So, there is the possibility ol what Durand de Gros calls "orthopedics": "Braidism," he says, "gives us the basis for an
? intellectual and moral orthopedics which one day will surely be intro duced into educational and penitentiary establishments. "58 So, hypnosis makes it possible to fashion, to train behavior.
It also makes possible a nullification of symptoms. With hypnosis one must be able to prevent the appearance of a symptom; Durand de Gros claims that the shaking of chorea can be completely quashed by giving an order to the patient. 59
Finally, third, the hypnotist can get a hold on the patient's body at the level of the analysis and modification of functions: he can produce a muscular contraction or paralysis; he can excite or nullify sensibility on the body's surface; he can weaken or arouse the intellectual or moral faculties; he can even modify automatic functions like circulation and breathing. 60
So, in the hypnosis that is now accepted, you see the patient's famous body, previously absent from psychiatric practice, being defined, or appearing rather. Hypnosis will enable action on the body, not just at the disciplinary level ol manifest behavior, but also at the level of mus- cles, nerves, and basic functions. Hypnosis is consequently a new, much more sophisticated and intensive way than questioning lor the psychia trist to obtain a real hold on the patient's body; or rather, it is the first time that the patient's body is finally available to the psychiatrist in, as it were, its functional detail. Psychiatric power will finally get a hold on the body that had eluded it since it became known that pathological anatomy could never account lor the functioning and mechanisms of madness. *
So, with these different instruments, these different techniques for realizing the illness, I think we have the elements from which the great central episode in the history of nineteenth century psychiatry and madness will develop. There are, then, three instruments: questioning, hypnosis, and drugs. Questioning, hypnosis and drugs are really three
* The manuscript adds: "With hypnosis wc have then a type of test of the illness--which draws close to drugs through the effect of discipline and through the elfect ol the reproduction of the pathological reality.
hut it is distinct Irom and, in a sense, privileged with regard to drugs,
because it is entirely suited to the doctor's will: doing what one wants with the patient.
- because it allows, or at least one expects from it, nullification of the symptoms, one by one,
and because it makes possible a direct hold on the body. "
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ways of actually realizing the illness, but, of course, in questioning, this realization only takes place in language and has above all the double defect of, firstly, not putting the psychiatrist in internal communication with the mechanisms of madness other than through the game of questions and answers, and, secondly, not giving a hold on the detail of the patient's body.
With drugs, rather, there is the possibility of this internal hold, this kind of supplement of power given to the psychiatrist by the fact that he thinks he can understand the phenomena of madness; an internal hold therefore. And hypnosis will be the instrument by which the psychia- trist will get a hold on the very functioning of the patient's body.
You see that we have here the elements from which it will be possi- ble to constitute, or rather, the elements which are in place and which, quite suddenly, around i860 to 1880, will assume extreme importance and intensity when, precisely within classical organic medicine, a new definition, or rather, a new reality of the body will appear, that is to say, when a body is discovered which is not just a body with organs and tis- sues, but a body with functions, performances, and behavior--in short, when, around Duchenne de Boulogne, between 1850 and i 8 6 0 , the neurological body is discovered. 61
At this point, by connecting up through the techniques of hypnosis and drugs with this new body discovered by medicine, it will finally be possible to try to inscribe the mechanisms of madness in a system of dif- ferential knowledge, in a medicine basically founded on pathological anatomy or pathological physiology; the major phenomenon will now be this inscription, this attempt to inscribe madness withm a general medical symptomatology, which the absence of the body and of differ- ential diagnosis had always marginalized. The failure of this attempt by Charcot, the fact that the neurological body, like the body of pathologi- cal anatomy, will elude the psychiatrist, will leave psychiatric power with the three instruments of power established in the first half of the nineteenth century. That is to say, after the disappearance of the great neurological hope, we will find again only the three elements: questioning--language--hypnosis, and drugs, that is to say, the three elements with which psychiatric power, within or outside the asylum space, still operates today.
? 1. In fact, it was not until 1879 that the works of Alfred Fournier (1832-1914) revealed general paralysis as a frequent complication of tertiary syphilis: see his Syphilis du cerveau (Paris: Masson, 1879). Before being accepted, this relationship gave rise to many debates at the Societe medico-psychologique, from April to June 1879 and from February to November 1898. On 27 March 1893, Le Filliatre, in a communication, "Des antecedents syphilitiques chez quelques paralytiques generaux," presented syphilis as "a major predis- posing cause," and met with hardly any opposition; see, Annales medico-psychologiques, 7th series, vol. XVII, July 1893, p. 436. As the general secretary oi the Societe medico- psychologiques later recalled, "in 1893, the exclusive partisans of the specific origin of general praralysis were still rare among us" A. Ritti, "Histoire des travaux de la Societe medico-psychologiques (1852 1902)" Annales medico-psychologiques, 8th series, vol. XVI, July 1902, p. 58. Its specific etiology will only become imperative in 1913 with the discov ery by Noguchi and Moore of pale treponema in the brains ol general paralytics.
2. A. LJ. Bayle, Traite des maladies du cerveau et de ses membranes, pp. 536 537: "Among the many symptoms with which this ailment is accompanied, we can reduce to two those which basically serve to characterize it ( . . . ) : 1. derangement of the intellectual laculties, or delir- ium; 2. incomplete paralysis. 1. Delirium: Mental alienation ( . . . ) , partial to start with and consisting in a sort of monomania with enfeeblement of the laculties, then becomes general and maniacal with over excitement (. . . ); it then degenerates into a condition oi dementia (. . . ); 2. Paralysis: The paralysis which, together with delirium, establishes the diagnosis of chronic meningitis, is a diminution and an enleeblement which, very slightly
at first, and conlined to a single organ, increases progressively and gradually extends to a greater number of parts, and ends by invading the entire locomotive system, in such a way that the name which seems the most suitable to us ( . . . ) is that oi general and incomplete paralysis. " See above, note 17 to the lecture of 12 December 1973, and see also J. Christian and A. Ritti, "Paralysie generale," in Dictionnaire encyclopedique des sciences medicales, 2nd series, vol. XX (Paris: Masson/Asselin, 1884).
3. Jules Baillarger (1809 1890) states that "it is impossible to go along with Bayle in considering madness as a constant and essential symptom of general paralysis. There are therefore no grounds for accepting the two orders ol symptoms essential for the character ization ol general paralysis: the symptoms of dementia and paralysis" in the Appendix to Doumic's French translation of the 2nd, revised and expanded edition of Wilhelm Gnesinger's Die Pathologie und Therapie depsychischen Krakheiten (Traite des maladies mentales. Pathologie et therapeutique), preceded by a work on general paralysis by Dr. Baillarger: Des symptomes de la paralysie generale et des rapports de cette maladie avec lafolie (Paris: A. Delahaye, 1865) p. 612. Baillarger returns to this problem on several occasions: (1) "Des rapports de
la paralysie generale e dal lolie" Annales medico-psychologiques, 2nd series, vol. V, January 1853, pp. 158-166; (2) "De la folie avec predominance du delire des grandeurs dans ses rapports avec la paralysie generale," ibid. 4th series, vol. VIII, July 1866, pp. 1-20. In his article on the theory of general paralysis, (3) "De la lolie paralytique et de la demence paralytique considerees comme deux maladies distinctes," he reasserts that 'general paralysis' must be completely separatedfrom madness and considered as a special independent disease" ibid. 6th series, vol. IX, January 1883, p. 28, author's emphasis.
4. See above, Lecture of 19 December 1973, pp. 158-162.
5. Actually, heredity was already invoked as one of the causes of madness. P. Pmel, in the 2nd
edition of his Traite asserted that it would be difficult "to deny any hereditary transmission
of mania when we note everywhere and in several successive generations some members of certain families affected by this illness" Traite medico-philosophique, 1809 edition. Esquirol states that "heredity is the most common predisposing cause ol madness" Des maladies men- tales, vol. I, p. 64; Mental Maladies, p. 49.
However, heredity is not treated separately as a distinct subject until the work of C. Michea, De Vinfluence de Vheredite dans la production des maladies nerveuses (a work awarded a prize by the Academie de medecine on 20 December 1843) and the article by J. Baillarger, "Recherches statistique sur l'heredite de la folie" (note read to the Academie de medecine, 2 April 1844) in which he was able to state (ab initio) that: "Everyone agrees about the influence of heredity in the production of madness" Annales medico-psychologiques, vol. Ill, May 1844, p. 328. The notion of "pathological
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heredity" is specified between 1850 and 1850 by the works of Jacques Moreau de Tours,
who introduced the idea ol a transmission ol the pathological in different forms, or "dis
similar heredity," thereby opening up the possibility lor most forms ol insanity to enter the hereditary Iramework. See his (1) "De la predisposition hereditaire aux affections cerebrales. Existe-t il des signes particulars auxquels on puisse reconnaitre cette predis position? " report to the Academie des sciences, 15 December 1851, Annales medico- psychologiques, 2nd series, vol. IV, January 1852, pp. 119 129; July 1852, pp. 447 455; and
( 2 ) La Psychologie morbide dans ses rapports avec la philosophic' de I'histoire, ou De Vinfluence des nevropathies sur le dynamisme intellectuel {Paris: Masson, 1859). The high point ol hereditar ianism is reached in 1885 and 1886 with the last debates of the Societe medico psychologique on the signs ol hereditary madness (see below, note 7). See J. Dejerine, L'Heredi/e dans les maladies du sysleme nerveux; A. Voisin, "Heredite" in Nouveau Dictionnaire
de medecine et de chirurgie pratiques, vol. XVII (Paris: J. -B. Bailliere, 1873). Foucault returns to the question on 19 March 1975, is his lectures Les Anormaux, pp. 296 300; Abnormal, pp. 313 318.
6. See above, note 71 to lecture of 16 January 1974, and Les Anormaux, lectures ol 5 February, p. 110, and 19 March 1975, pp. 297-300; Abnormal, p. 119 and pp. 314 318.
7. See the report ol Moreau de Tours on the question ol prognostic signs ol madness: "De la predisposition hereditaire aux affections cerebrales," and his "Memoire sur les prodromes de la folie" (read to the Academie de medecine, 22 April 1851). In 1868, Morel's intern, Georges Doutrebente, received the Prix Esquirol lor his "Etude genealogique sur les alienes hereditaires" devoted to "moral, physical and intellectual signs which enable the immedi
ate diagnosis ol a morbid hereditary inlluence in individuals predisposed to or affected by mental alienation" Annales medico-psychologiques, 5th series, vol. II, September 1869, p. 197- From 30 March 1885 to 26 July 1886, the Societe medico psychologique devoted ten sessions, spread over more than a year, to the question ol the "intellectual and moral signs of hereditary madness. "
8. On the lormation ol the notion ol abnormality, see the lectures of 22 January 1975 and 19 March 1975 in Les anormaux, pp. 53 56 and pp. 29$ 298; Abnormal, pp. 57 60 and pp. 310 315-
9. Moi, Pierre Riviere; I, Pierre Riviere.
10. On the notion ol "homicidal monomania" see above, the lecture ol 23 January 1974,
note 45, pp. 263 264.
11. "Particulars and explanation ol the occurrence on June 3 in Aunay at the village ol la
Faucterie written by the author ol this deed" Moi, Pierre Riviere, p. 124 and p. 127; /, Pierre
Riviere, p. 101 and p. 104.
12. This refers to the questioning ol A. , 42 years old, admitted to Bicetre on 18 June 1839
suffering from auditory and visual hallucinations, and for erotic and ambitious ideas. See,
F. Leuret, Du traitement moral de lafolie, "Hallucines," Observation 1, pp. 199 200.
13. Reference to the cure of M. Dupre. See ibid. pp. 441 442 and above, lecture of 9 January
1974.
14. See above, lecture 19 December 1973, pp. 161 162.
15. On the visit, seeJ. -P. Falret, De Venseignement clinique desmaladies mentales, pp. 105-109.
16. See above, lecture of 9 January 1974, pp. 186 188.
17. To illustrate the interview by silence, the manuscript refers to Example XLV ol
Griesinger's Traite, p. 392; Mental Pathology and Therapeutics, pp. 334 335: "I would have
said that she was listening ( . . . ) I walked a hundred paces without saying a word, and without appearing to fix my attention on her (. . . ). I stopped again, and regarded her attentively, without seeming to be the least curious (. . . ). We continued looking at each other in this way for nearly hall an hour, when she murmured some words which I did not comprehend. I gave her my notebook, on which she wrote (. . . ). " See also, J. P. Falret, Lecons cliniques de medecine menlale, p. 22: "Instead ol sharpening the madman's cunning in eluding an authority that bothers him, show ( . . . ) neglect; remove Irom his mind any idea
( . . . ) ol a desire to penetrate his thoughts, and then you may be sure, seeing that you are not concerned to control everything in him, he will be without deliance, he will show himself as he is, and you will be able to study him more easily and with greater success. "
18. See above, lecture of 19 December 1973, note 2.
? 19. See above, lecture ol 19 December 1975, note 1.
20. This was Monteggia, the surgeon lor the Milan prisons, who, suspecting a criminal ol
leigning madness, administered lepeated strong doses ol opium, so that he felt so tired "by the action ol the opium, that fearing death, he considered continued pretence pointless. " "Folie soupc,onee d'etre feinte, observee par le professeur Monteggia" Irans. C. C. H. Marc in "Materiaux pour 1'histoire medico legale de I'alienation mentale," Annaks d'hygiene publique et de medecine legate, vol. II, Part 2, 1829, p. 375- See also, C. C. H. Marc, De la folie consideree dans ses rapports avec les questions medico-judkiaires, vol. I, p. 7i98, and A. Laurent, Elude medico-legale sur la simulation de la folie, p . 2 3 9 -
21. Discovered in 18-Vi by Antoine Jerome Balard (1802-1876) (or the treatment of angina chest pains, amyl nitrate lound material lor therapeutic experimentation in epilepsy and hysteria. See A. Dechambre, "Nitrite d'amyle" in Dictionnaire encyclopedique des sciences medicales, 2nd series, vol. XIII (Paris: Masson/Asselin, 1879) pp. 262 269.
22. See above, note 2 to lecture ol 23 January 1977i.
25. See above, note 18 to lecture of 9 January 1977|.
2/\. B. A. Morel recommended the use of etherisation as "the most innocent and speedy way to
reach knowledge ol the truth" "De l'ethensation dans la lohe du point du vue du
diagnosticjue et de la medecine legale," p. 135-
25. J. J. Moreau du Tours, Du haschisch et de Valienation mentale.
26. The rubrics given correspond to the titles ol sections 2 to 8 ol chapter 1, "Phenomenes
psychologiques," ibid. pp. 51-181.
27. Foucault is relerring to the work of Claude Bernard (1813 1878) which, begun in 18-13, led
him to the liver's glycogenic function, the object of his doctoral thesis in natural science, defended 17 March 1855: Recherches sur une nouvelle fonction du foie, considere comme organe producteur de maliere sucree che^Vhomme et les animaux (Paris: J. B. Bailliere, 1855). The his lory of the stages ol his discovery appears in his Introduction a /'etude de la medecine experi- mental (Paris: J. B. Bailliere, 1865) pp. 286 289 and pp. 518 520; English translation, Claude Bernard, Experimental Medicine, trans. Henry Copley Greene (New Brunswick and London: Transaction Publishers, 1999) pp. 165 167 and pp. 181 185.
28. See above, note 12 to lecture of 5 December 1975.
29. J. J. Moreau de Tours, Du haschisch, p. }6.
50. J. J. Moreau de Tours, Trade pratique de la folie nevropalhique (vulgo hysterique) (Pans:
J. B. Bailliere, 1869) pages iv, xiv, xvn, and xix. 51. J. J. Moreau de Tours, Du haschisch, pp. 55 56.
52. Ibid. p. 56.
55. Ibid. pp. /|1 /|2, and, by the same author, "De l'identite de I'etat de reve et de la lolie," Annales medico-psychologiques, 3rd series, vol. I, July 1855, pp. 361 /|08.
V\. As Foucault recalls in Histoire de lajolie, the idea of an analogy between the mechanisms which produce dreams and madness develops Irom the seventeenth century; see Histoire de lajolie, Part II, ch. 2, "La transcendance du delire," pp. 256 261; Madness and Civilisation, ch. /\, "Passion and Delirium," pp. 101 107. To the texts to which he relers there we can add a letter Irom Spinoza to Pierre Balling in which he evokes a type of dream which, depending on the body and the movement ol its humors, is analogous to what we see in those suffering from delirium, (Letter to Pierre Balling, 20 July 1664, in CEuvres, vol. IV, trans, and notes by C. Appuhn [Paris: Gamier Flammanon, 19661 p. 172), as well as Kant's lamous expression: "The madman is also a waking dreamer/Der Verriickte ist also ein Traumer im Wachen" in Essai sur les maladies de la tele, trans. J. P. Lefevre, in Evolution
psychiatrique (Toulouse: Privat, 1971) p. 222. See also I. Kant, Anthropologie in pragmaiischer Hinsicht afegcfasst von Immanuel Kant (Konigsberg: Friedrich Nicolovius, 1798); French translation, Anthropologie du point de vue pragmatique, trans. Michel Foucault (Paris: Vnn, 196/|); English translation, Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point oj View, trans.
