She feels not only mortified in her political
ambition when she considers her position in the trans-
atlantic world, but she feels also a kind of moral shame-
facedness when obliged to confess that we Germans
have only contributed a very little to the great cosmo-
politan works of modern international intercourse.
ambition when she considers her position in the trans-
atlantic world, but she feels also a kind of moral shame-
facedness when obliged to confess that we Germans
have only contributed a very little to the great cosmo-
politan works of modern international intercourse.
Treitschke - 1914 - Life and Works
Her whole
fleet was thus set free for the immediate purposes of war.
The marine infantry and the really excellent marine
artillery were landed, and during the winter we very
frequently found ourselves fighting with these marines.
It will thus be seen that the undertaking entered upon
by us merely released troops to be used against our-
selves. Every advance in humanitarianism as ex-
pressed in international law should, therefore, be based
on the principle of reciprocity.
But there are many items about which we are in doubt,
whether they are the property of the State or of private
persons. The property of the State is, obviously and
naturally, the lawful booty of the victor. This is prim-
arily true of all kinds of military supplies in the widest
sense of the word, and of such things as State railways.
But to which class must we relegate the rolling stock
of the private railway companies, to which the State has
granted an actual monopoly? The enemy may, of
course, use the railway plant belonging to these companies
during the war; but may he keep the carriages and
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? INTERNATIONAL LAW 187
trucks? Our decision to do so during the last war
was a perfectly just one, in view of the nature of the
French railways. They were, in actual fact, the property
of the State, and we kept the carriages which we took,
and sold them back to France when terms of peace were
arranged. The question is an even more difficult one
when it relates to banks. There are certain banks, among
them the Bank of Germany, in which a body of bankers
outside the country have a material interest. Such a
practice is very useful from a commercial point of view;
the bank is thus kept in touch with the great business
houses, and in a position to take its part in the com-
mercial activities of the moment. It would be, however,
a pure illusion to suppose that the Bank of Germany
would thereby be saved from confiscation by a conqueror.
An enemy would certainly look upon it as a State bank,
and the fact that a few private persons had an interest
in it would in no way affect his decision.
It has also become a principle of international law
that the great treasures of civilisation, which serve the
purposes of Art and Science, and are looked upon as
the property of humanity as a whole, shall be secured
against theft and pillage. In earlier times this principle
was trampled under foot.
Individual members of the standing armies, and all
persons authorised to take part in national defence, have
a right to demand honourable treatment as prisoners of
war, and all attempts to force prisoners into the enemy's
army is contrary to international law. It is, however,
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? 188 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
doubtful whether this principle obtained during the last
century. In matters such as these everything depends
on the sense of right and wrong which animates the age.
At the beginning of the eighteenth century the mercenary
idea was still so grossly prevalent that a French regiment,
consisting of course of Germans, was taken over by the
Saxons at Hochstadt (1703), only to be lost by them at a
later date, when it went over to the Swedes. At Stralsund
it went over to the Prussians, with whom it finally
remained, under the name of "Jung Anhalt. " But
when Frederick the Great forced the captured Saxons
into the Prussian Army, at Pima, it became evident
that a practice which had once been followed as a matter
of course had now become impossible. On that occasion
the Saxons deserted from the Prussian Army in hordes.
Nowadays an attempt of this kind would be not only a
palpable infringement of international law, but also an
unparalleled piece of stupidity.
. It goes without saying that every State has not only
\ the right to wage war, but also to declare itself neutral
\ in the wars of others as far as material conditions permit.
J If a State is not in a condition to maintain its neutrality,
: all talk about the same is mere clap-trap. Neutrality
needs as much defending as the partisanship of belli-
gerent States. It is the duty of a neutral State to dis-
arm every soldier who crosses its borders. If it is
unable to do so the circumstances justify the belligerent
States in ceasing to observe its neutrality, even if it has
allowed an armed enemy to enter but one village.
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? INTERNATIONAL LAW 189
It is to be regretted that a sharp distinction is still
drawn in military law between its workings on land
and its workings at sea. All who have eyes to see must
here be struck by the disastrous influence of English
naval power on universal culture and justice. We have
not as yet obtained a "balance of power" at sea, and
Schiller's melancholy dictum, therefore, still holds good:
"Among the waves is chaos,
And nothing can be owned upon the sea. "
Such a state of things is deeply humiliating to our pride
as a civilised nation. England is alone to blame, for
England is so immensely pre-eminent at sea that she
can do whatever she likes. All who desire to be humane, j
all who thirst to realise in some degree the ideals of
international law on the high seas, must work for a
balance of power in this direction also. One is con-
stantly surprised by the infatuation of public opinion
at the present day. Countries marching on the wrong
road are always glorified, and the sentimentality of
Belgian exponents of international law, and England's
barbarous views regarding maritime law, are perpetually
admired. All the other Powers would be prepared to
allow free circulation, under certain conditions, to mer-
chant ships in time of war; England alone maintains
the principle that no distinction is to be made at sea
between the property of the State and that of pri-
vate persons. And as long as this one Power insists on
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? 1go TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
carrying out this principle all other nations must travel on
the same barbarous road. It is true that the conditions
prevalent on land can never prevail in quite the same
way at sea, because there are many articles of commerce
which are used in warfare. The immunity of private
property at sea in time of war can, therefore, never be
quite as great as that assured to private property on
land; but this is no reason why naval warfare should
for ever continue to be piracy, or why the belligerent
Powers should be entitled to snatch indiscriminately
the property of each other's merchants.
Maritime law has hitherto only progressed through
the efforts of the navies of second-class Powers. One is
confronted at every moment with the dictum that the
Powers are driven to adopt humaner methods by their
desire to serve their own purposes. Herein, also, lies
the explanation of the efforts made by the second-class
navies to obtain a humaner maritime law. It is not
that the English are worse people than we are, and if
we were in their position we might perhaps imitate their
conduct. As early as 1780 the navies of the second
rank united themselves in an alliance for armed neu-
trality, and laid down the principle, firstly, that the
flag must protect the merchandise over which it floats,
and that articles of commerce having no definite connec-
tion with war shall be allowed free passage on a neutral
ship; and, secondly, that every blockade must be an
actual one, and that no Power has the right to declare
an entire line of coast blockaded unless the approaches
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? INTERNATIONAL LAW 191
to it are actually closed by the presence of hostile
men-of-war.
Attempts were subsequently made in innumerable
treaties to express these principles in law. To-day
England has at last agreed to allow that the flag covers
the merchandise. This concession is the outcome of
the development of North American naval power. If
the question had been one for Germany to decide she
would long ago have procured some international agree-
ment on the immunity of private property at sea. Theory
alone is, however, powerless in questions of international
law, if the actual power of the States concerned does
not in some measure correspond with it.
To conclude then, the conviction grows upon us that
it can never be the task of political science to build up
for itself a phantastic structure in the air; for only that
is truly human which has its roots in the historical facts
of actual life. The destinies of nations are worked out
by means of a series of repulsions and attractions, and
they follow the law of a principle of development whose
ultimate end is veiled from mortal eyes. Its very trend
is hidden from us except at rare moments. We must
seek to understand the ways in which divine intelligence
has gradually revealed itself in the midst of all the con-
flicting movements of life; we must not seek to dominate
history. The noblest quality of the practical statesman
is his ability to point to the signs of the times, and to
realise in some measure how universal history may
develop at a given moment. Further, nothing becomes
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? 192 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
a politician better than modesty. The circumstances
with which he is called upon to deal are so various
and so complicated that he must guard against being
carried away on dark and uncertain ways. He must
resign himself to desiring only the really attainable, and
to keeping his aim perpetually and steadfastly in view.
I shall be content if you have learnt during the course
of these lectures how manifold are the component parts
which go to make up a historical fact, and how it becomes
us, therefore, to be most deliberate in giving a verdict
in political matters. I shall indeed be satisfied if
these lectures have taught you to cultivate that modesty
which is the essential outcome of true learning.
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? FIRST ATTEMPTS AT GERMAN
COLONISATION.
The strange confusion of ideas which we owe to our
fluctuating and antiquated party-doings is nowhere so
glaringly obvious as in the widely spread opinion that
the younger generation to-day is more conservatively
inclined than the older. Some are glad of this, while
others lament it and attribute it to the seductive arts of
reactionary teachers; but hardly anyone disputes it as
a fact. And yet it is absolutely absurd to think so, for
ever since the beginning of the world the young have
always been more free thinking than the old, because
they possess the happy privilege of living more in the
future than the present, and nothing justifies the assump-
tion that this natural law has ceased to hold good nowa-
days. For though the new generation may turn away
with indifference from the catchwords of the older
Liberalism, this only shows that a new age with new ideals
is dawning. In these young men, whose childhood was
illuminated by the sun of Sedan, national pride is not
a feeling attained to, as in their fathers' case, by hard
struggles, but it is a strong, spontaneous passion. They
sing their "Germany, Germany above all! " with a
193 N
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? i94 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
joyful confidence, such as only isolated strong characters
of the older generation could cherish. They regard the
struggle for parliamentary rights, which to their elders
was often an aim in itself, at most as a means to an end.
The object of their ambition is that the young giant who
has just shaken the sleep from his eyelids should now use
his strong arms to advance the civilisation of mankind and
to make the German name both formidable and precious
to the world. Therefore our German youth were thrilled
as by an electric shock when, in August, 1884, the news
came that our flag waved upon the coast of Angra Pequena
and the Cameroons, and that Germany had taken the
first modest but decided step in the path of independent
colonisation.
To the ancient political system of Europe, which was
a result of the weakness of its Central States, a new com-
bination of States has succeeded, founded on the strength
of Central Europe. By means of a pacific policy on a
large scale our Government has obliged the other con-
tinental Powers to adapt themselves to the new order
of things, while our legislation at the same time labours
to quell the social unrest which threatens the foundations
of all civilisation. Thus before our eyes is being fulfilled
the prophecy of the Crown Prince Frederick that his
country would be one day so strong as to guard peace by
righteous dealing, not by inspiring fear; and it is only
one more necessary step in the path of this pacific policy
if Germany at last sets herself to take her proper share
in the great work of expansive civilisation. Like so many
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 195
other happy forecasts of the sixteenth century which
have been first fulfilled in our days, the proud expression
"il mondo e poco," which in the days of Columbus
sounded like an empty boast, is now being verified.
Now that we can sail round the world in eleven weeks
it is really small, and its political future is discernible to
the foreseeing eye.
With full confidence we may say to-day that the democ-
racies of the European nations and their descendants
will one day govern the whole world. China and Japan
may possibly still for centuries preserve their old peculiar
forms of civilisation, together with a strong blending of
European culture; in India--though this is by no means
certain--an independent Indian nationality may be
evolved from the intermingling of countless races and
religions; finally--which is still more improbable--the old
bellicose Islam, when it has been driven out of Europe,
may form a new powerful State in Asia Minor; but with
the exception of these countries, in the whole world no
other nation is to be found that can in the long run with-
stand the immense superiority of European arms and
commerce. The barrier is broken, and the stream of
European colonisation must pour unceasingly over all the
world, far and near, and those who live in the twentieth
century will be able for the first time in all seriousness to
speak of a " world-history. " We must at the same time
remember that " trees are not allowed to grow into the
sky. "* Nowhere in nature is mere largeness a decisive
? German proverb.
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? 196 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
factor. Just as our little earth, so far as we can guess,
is the noblest body in the solar system, so this ancient
multiform Europe, on however great a scale international
intercourse may take place, and in any conceivable future,
will always remain the heart of the world, the home of all
creative culture, and therefore the place where all the
important questions of political power will be decided.
All colonies are like engrafted shoots: they lack the youth-
ful vigour which results from natural growth from a root.
There is indeed a wonderful growth of commercial pros-
perity when the rich capital and skilled energy of a civilised
nation come in contact with the untouched resources
of a new country; but quiet mental composure, the source
of all enduring works of art and science, does not find a
favourable atmosphere in the restless hurry of colonial
life. How much more richly furnished by nature were
the Greek colonies in South Italy and Sicily than their
little motherland. There lay luxurious Sybaris, there
Syracuse, the metropolis of the Hellenic world, there
Akragas, "fairest city of mortals," as Pindar calls it,
surpassing Athens herself in splendour and renown. And
yet how small appears the share of this richly favoured
land in everything which lends value and significance to
the history of Greece.
Similarly, the history of North America, the greatest
of all modern colonies, only confirms former experience.
The economic energy of this growing nation has already
performed miracles upon miracles; her giant railways,
which cast into the shade all similar works in the old world,
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 197
stretch from sea to sea. Still, in spite of all auguries, the
star of the world's history shows hitherto no tendency
to move westwards. That wealth of intellectual life
which Washington once hoped for his country has failed
to appear, and many who, weary of Europe, went to
America have come back, weary of America because
they could not breathe the exhausted air of the land
of the Almighty Dollar.
How often have the newspapers of both hemispheres
referred to the future New Zealander, who, according to
Macaulay's famous prophecy, is one day to look from
the broken pillars of London Bridge on the immeasurable
ruins of London! But anyone who soberly tests this
majestic vision will arrive at the comforting conclusion
that the said New Zealander is hardly likely ever to be
in the position to undertake his archaeological journey
to those ruins. Christian nations cannot perish, and
the earth no longer harbours such countless swarms of
youthful barbarians, such as once destroyed the Roman
Empire. There is a great probability that the nations
of Europe, when the habitable globe has been covered
with their colonies, will not sink from their height, but
attain new vigour by the emigration of their superfluous
populations and the fulfilment of their new tasks of
civilisation. When the first Spanish explorers landed
in America they bathed eagerly in every spring, because
they hoped there, in the West, to find the legendary
Fountain of Youth. The time seems approaching
when that longing of the early discoverers will find its
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? 198 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
fulfilment, and the New World will prove a "Fountain of
Youth " for Europeans in a deeper sense than they once
thought. Through the colonisation of the distant regions
of the earth the history of Europe also acquires a newer,
richer significance, and Germany, with full right, demands
that she should not be left behind in this great rivalry
of nations.
She feels not only mortified in her political
ambition when she considers her position in the trans-
atlantic world, but she feels also a kind of moral shame-
facedness when obliged to confess that we Germans
have only contributed a very little to the great cosmo-
politan works of modern international intercourse. The
founding of the International Postal Union and the part
we took in the building of the St. Gothard Railway--
these are almost our only services in this sphere, and
how they shrink into insignificance when compared with
the achievements of English colonial policy, or even
with the works of the Frenchman, Ferdinand de Lesseps.
This feeling of shame is all the more oppressive because
we can assert that Germany yields to no nation in its
capacity for founding colonies. In the countries on the
right of the Elbe our nation once carried out the greatest
and most fruitful schemes of colonisation which Europe
has seen since the days of the Roman Empire; for here
it succeeded in obliterating the usual distinction between
colony and motherland so completely, that these colonised
lands formed the nucleus of our new system of States,
and since Luther's time were able to take part in the
intellectual progress of the nation, as equal allies of the
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 199
older stock. For more than two hundred years Ger-
many, solely by the power of its free citizens, held
supremacy over the northern seas. By means of her
commercial colonies the slumbering capacities of Scandi-
navia for intercourse with other nations were awakened,
and certainly it was not due to our fathers' fault, but
to an unavoidable tragic fate, that the glory of the
Hanseatic League perished. This was at the same time
that the Italians, our old companions in misfortune, lost
command of the sea in the South. For to every age and
every nation a limit of power is assigned. It was im-
possible that the two nations which through the Re-
naissance and the Reformation had opened up the way
for modern civilisation should, at the very time when
the discovery of the New World had ruined all the usual
routes of commerce, be able to rival the Spaniards and
Portuguese in their foreign conquests.
It was not till later that the Germans incurred the
guilt of a grievous sin of omission, in the long, dreary
time of peace which followed the Schmalkaldic War.
Then it was that the German Protestants had a safe
prospect of recovering the last command of the sea, if
they had united with their kindred co-religionists in
the Netherlands. But at this most discreditable period
of our modern history the two national faults, which
still now so often hamper our economic energy--doc-
trinaire idealism and easy-going self-indulgence--were
strongly flourishing. The nation degenerated through
theological controversies and the coarse sensuality of a
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? 200 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
sluggish peace. She left it to the Dutch to break the
naval power of the Spaniards, and afterwards to the
English to subdue the Dutch conquerors. Everyone
knows how terribly the sins of those years of peace were
punished by the dire ruin of our ancient civilisation.
During the two centuries of struggle which followed,
when we had painfully to recover the rule in our own
country, every attempt at German colonisation was
naturally impossible. The ingenious African schemes
of the Great Elector were far in advance of their time;
they were doomed to failure: a feudal agricultural
country, without a sea-board, could not possibly main-
tain control over a remote colonial possession for any
length of time.
But even during this long period of inland quietude
our nation has shown that she is, according to her capacity
and position in the world, the most cosmopolitan of all
peoples; she lost neither the old impulse to seek the
distant, nor the power to assert herself valiantly among
foreign nations. On all the battle-fields of the world
German blood flowed in streams; most of the crowns of
Europe fell into the hands of German royal houses;
and it was really through the power of Germany that
Russia was enrolled among the nations of Europe. It
is true that this vast expenditure of overflowing national
forces only ratified anew the lament of Goethe that the
Germans were respectable as individuals, but despicable
as a whole. Again and again the voice of Fate called
to us "sic vos non vobis. " And when in recent times
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 201
the peoples of the Anglo-Saxon stock began to divide
the transatlantic world between them, the Germans
were again their unwearied associates. German traders
rivalled the leading firms of the world from Singapore
to Philadelphia. Millions of Germans helped the North
Americans to conquer their part of the world for
civilisation.
But the Germans at home had, so long as the Federal
Diet ruled over them, too heavy domestic cares to think
seriously about the lot of their emigrants. They made
a virtue of necessity, and in their philosophic way evolved
the doctrine that it was the historic destiny of the German
spirit to blend far out there in the West with the genius
of other nations. It is true that the Americans found a
less obscure description for this mysterious " blending,"
though they now vainly seek to disavow it; they said,
"The Germans form an excellent fertiliser for our
people! " When, just twenty years ago--though I had
then no anticipation of the near fulfilment of German
destinies, I ventured, in my treatise "Federal State
and Unified State," to make the heretical remark that
only those States which possessed naval power and
ruled territories across the sea could rank in future as
Great Powers, I was severely taken to task by various
critics. With the immeasurable superiority which, as
is well-known, the judge possesses over the culprit, they
told me that these were old-fashioned ideas, and that
since the times of the American War of Independence
and the founding of the Spanish colonies the period of
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? 202 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
colonisation has come to an end. Such was the general
opinion in Germany in the days of the Federal Diet.
Meanwhile, England, not troubling herself about the
wisdom of our philosophical historians, continued to
extend her colonial empire over half the world.
Since then how strangely public sentiment has changed!
We now look out into the world with other claims than
formerly. Especially is this the case with those Germans
who live abroad, who have a far livelier appreciation of
the blessings of the new empire than we at home. The
uneasy ferment of the last five years, although accom-
panied by the disintegration of ancient parties and an
abundance of wild animosity and ungrateful fault-
finding, has also given rise to some wholesome self-
criticism; we have had our attention drawn to our
weaknesses, and begin to perceive in how many respects
we come short of worthily occupying the position of a
great nation. During these last years, without any
pressure from authority, there has risen from the people
themselves a spontaneous demand for German colonies
with as much emphasis and confidence in the future
as formerly accompanied the demand for a German
Fleet. Since F. Fabri first discussed the subject, a
whole literature on the colonial question has come into
existence. In the course of these discussions the Germans
discovered with joyful surprise that, outside official
circles, we possessed a considerable number of practical
political writers, which can console us for the increasing
dreariness and impoverishment of our parliamentary
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 203
life. By the persistent endeavours of our brave travellers,
missionaries, and merchants, the first attempt at German
colonisation has had the way prepared for it, and has
been rendered possible. Germany's modest gains on the
African coast only aroused attention in the world at
large because everyone knew that they were not due,
as in the case of the colonising experiments of the Elec-
torate of Brandenburg to the bold idea of a great mind,
but because a whole nation greeted them with a joyful
cry, " At last! At last! "
For a nation that suffers from continual over-produc-
tion, and sends yearly 200,000 of her children abroad, the
question of colonisation is vital. During the first years
which followed the restoration of the German Empire
well-meaning people began to hope that the constant
draining away of German forces into foreign countries
would gradually cease, together with the political persecu-
tions, the discontent, and the petty domestic coercive
laws of the good old times. This hope was disappointed,
and was doomed to be so, for those political grievances
were not the only nor even the most important causes
of German emigration. In the short time since the
establishment of the empire the population has increased
by a full eighth, and this rapid growth, in spite of all the
misery which it involves, is nevertheless the characteristic
of a healthy national life, which, in its careless conscious-
ness of power, does not trouble itself with the warnings
of the "two-child system. " It is true that Germany
is as yet by no means over-populated, least of all in those
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? 204 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
north-eastern districts from which the stream of emigra-
tion flows most strongly. Many of our emigrants, if
they exercised here the same untiring diligence which
inexorable necessity enforces on them in America, could
also prosper in their old fatherland. But there are
periods of domiciliation, and again periods in which
the impulse to wander works like a dark, elementary
power on the national spirit. Just as the song, "East-
wards! Eastwards! " once rang seductively through the
villages of Flanders, so countless numbers dream now
of the land of marvels across the sea. And just as little
as prudential counsel could restrain the crusaders from
their sacred enterprise, so little can considerations of
reason prevail against the vague longing for the West.
It is also easy to calculate that our population, provided
its growth continues as before, must in no distant future
rise to a hundred millions and more; then their father-
land would be too narrow for the Germans, even if
Prussia resumed the colonisation of its eastern border-
lands in the old Frederician style, and found room in
the estates there for thousands of peasants and long-
lease tenants. According to all appearance German
emigration will still for a long while remain an unavoid-
able necessity, and it becomes a new duty for the mother-
land to take care that her wandering children remain
true to their nationality, and open new channels for her
commerce. This is in the first place more important
than our political control of the lands we colonise. A
State whose frontiers march with those of three great
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 205
Powers, and whose seaboard lies open towards a fourth,
will generally only be able to carry on great national
wars and must keep its chief military forces carefully
collected in Europe. The protection of a remote, easily
threatened colonial empire would involve it in em-
barrassments and not strengthen it.
And just now, after our good nature has striven all
too long not to be forced into the humiliating confession,
we are at last obliged to admit that the German emi-
grants in North America are completely lost to our State
and our nationality. Set in the midst of a certainly
less intellectual but commercially more energetic people,
the nationality of the German minority must inevitably
be suppressed by that of the majority, just as formerly
the French refugees were absorbed in Germany. And
as the expulsion of the Huguenots was for France a huge
misfortune, the effects of which are still operative, so
the German emigration to North America is an absolute
loss for our nation--a present given to a foreign country
without any equivalent compensation.
Moreover, for the general cause of civilisation, the
anglicizing of the German-Americans is a heavy loss.
Even the Frenchman Leroy-Beaulieu confesses this with
praiseworthy impartiality; among Germans there can
be no question at all but that human civilisation suffers
loss every time a German is turned into a Yankee.
All the touching proofs of faithful recollection which the
motherland has received from the German-Americans
since the year 1870 does not alter the fact that all German
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? 206 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
emigrants, at latest in the third generation, become
Americans. Although in certain districts of Pennsyl-
vania a corrupt German dialect may survive side by
side with English, although some cultured families may
now, when German national consciousness is everywhere
stronger, perhaps be able to postpone being completely
anglicized till the fourth generation, yet the political
views of the emigrants are inevitably coloured by the
ideas prevalent in their new home; in commerce they
even become our enemies, and, voluntarily or involun-
tarily, help to injure German agriculture by a depressing
rivalry. The overpowering force of their new circum-
stances compels them to divest themselves of their
nationality, until perhaps at last nothing is left them
but a platonic regard for German literature.
Therefore it is quite justifiable on the ground of national
self-preservation that the new German Colonial Union
should seek for ways and means to divert the stream of
German emigrants into lands where they run no danger of
losing their nationality. Such a territory has been
already found in the south of Brazil. There, unassisted,
and sometimes even suspected, by the motherland
German nationality remains quite intact for three genera-
tions, and our rapidly increasing export trade with Porto
Alegre shows that the commerce of the old home profits
greatly by the loyalty of her emigrant children. Other
such territories will also be discovered if our nation enters
with prudence and boldness on the new era now opening
to the colonising energy of Europeans.
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 207
With the crossing of Africa begins the last epoch of
great discoveries. When once the centre of the Dark
Continent lies open, the whole globe, with the exception
of a few regions which will be always inaccessible to civili-
sation is also opened before European eyes. The common
interest of all nations--with the exception of England
--demands that these new acquisitions of modern times
should be dealt with in a more liberal, just, and humane
way than the former ones, which only profited the nations
of the Iberian Peninsula in order finally to ruin them.
The summoning of the Congo Conference and our under-
standing with France show that our Government knows
how to estimate properly the importance of this crisis.
As a sea-power of the second rank, Germany is in colonial
politics the natural representative of a humane law of
nations, and since England, now fully occupied with
Egyptian affairs, will hardly oppose the united will of all
the other Powers, there is ground for hope that the con-
ference will have a happy issue and open the interior of
Africa to the free rivalry of all nations. Then it will be
our turn to show what we can do; in those remote regions
the power of the State can only follow the free action of
the nation and not precede it. In this new world it must
be seen whether the trivial pedantry of an unfortunate
past, after just now celebrating its orgies in the struggle of
the Hansa towns against the national Customs Union, has
at last been overcome for ever, and whether the German
trader has enough self-confidence to venture on rivalry
with the predominant financial strength of England.
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? 208 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
The future will show whether the founding of German
agricultural colonies is possible in the interior of Africa;
there will certainly be an opportunity for founding mer-
cantile colonies which will yield a rich return. After
destiny has treated us badly for so many centuries we
may well count for once on the favour of fortune. In
South Africa also circumstances are decidedly favourable
for us. English colonial policy, which has been successful
everywhere else, has not been fortunate at the Cape. The
civilisation which flourishes there is Teutonic and Dutch.
The attitude of England, wavering between weakness and
violence, has evoked among the brave Dutch Boers a
deadly ineradicable hatred. Moreover, since the Dutch
have in the Indo-Chinese islands abundant scope for their
colonising energy, it would only be a natural turn of
events if their German kindred should hereafter, in some
form or other, undertake the protectorate of the Teutonic
population of South Africa, and succeed as heirs of the
English in a neglected colony which since the opening of
the Suez Canal has little more value for England.
If our nation dares decidedly to follow the new path of
an independent colonial policy it will inevitably become
involved in a conflict of interests with England. It lies
in the nature of things that the new Great Power of Central
Europe must come to an understanding with all the other
Great Powers. We have already made our reckoning with
Austria, with France, and with Russia; our last reckoning,
that with England, will probably be the most tedious and
the most difficult; for here we are confronted by a
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 209
line of policy which for centuries, almost unhindered
by the other Powers, aims directly at maritime supremacy.
How long has Germany in all seriousness believed this
insular race, which among all the nations of Europe
is undoubtedly imbued with the most marked national
selfishness, whose greatness consists precisely in its hard,
inaccessible one-sidedness, to be the magnanimous pro-
tector of the freedom of all nations! Now at last our
eyes begin to be opened, and we recognise, what clear-
headed political thinkers have never doubted, that
England's State-policy since the days of William III
has never been anything else than a remarkably shrewd
and remarkably conscienceless commercial policy. The
extraordinary successes of this State-policy have been
purchased at a high price, consisting in the first place of a
number of sins and enormities. The history of the English
East India Company is the most defiled page in the annals
of modern European nations, for as the shocking vam-
pirism of this merchant-rule sprang solely from greed,
it cannot be excused, as perhaps the acts of Philip II or
Robespierre may be, by the fanaticism of a political
conviction.
A still more serious factor in the situation is, that owing
to her transatlantic successes England has lost her position
as a European Great Power; in negotiations on the
Continent her voice counts no longer, and all the great
changes which have recently occurred in Central Europe
took place without England's participation, though for
the most part accompanied by impotent cries of rage
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? 210 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
from the London Press. The worst consequence, however,
of British commercial policy is the immense and well-
justified hatred which all nations have gradually been
conceiving towards England. From the point of view
of international law England is to-day the place where
barbarism reigns; it is England's fault alone that naval
war is to-day only an organized piracy, and a humane
maritime international law cannot be established in the
world till a balance of power exists at sea as it long has
on land, and no State can dare any longer to permit itself
everything. English politicians were never at a loss for
philanthropic phrases with which to cloak their commer-
cial calculations; at one time they alleged the necessity
of maintaining the balance of power in Europe, at another
the abolition of slavery, at another constitutional freedom;
and yet their national policy, like every policy which
aims at the unreasonable goal of world supremacy, always
reckoned, as its foundation principle, on the misfortunes
of all other nations.
England's commercial supremacy had its origin in
the discords on the Continent, and owing to her brilliant
successes, which were often gained without a struggle,
there has grown up in the English people a spirit of
arrogance for which "Chauvinism" is too mild an
expression. Sir Charles Dilke, the well-known Radical
member of Mr. Gladstone's Cabinet, in his book, "Greater
Britain," which is often mentioned, but, alas 1 too little
read here, claims, as necessary acquisitions for " Greater
Britain," China, Japan, Chili, Peru, the La Plata States,
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fleet was thus set free for the immediate purposes of war.
The marine infantry and the really excellent marine
artillery were landed, and during the winter we very
frequently found ourselves fighting with these marines.
It will thus be seen that the undertaking entered upon
by us merely released troops to be used against our-
selves. Every advance in humanitarianism as ex-
pressed in international law should, therefore, be based
on the principle of reciprocity.
But there are many items about which we are in doubt,
whether they are the property of the State or of private
persons. The property of the State is, obviously and
naturally, the lawful booty of the victor. This is prim-
arily true of all kinds of military supplies in the widest
sense of the word, and of such things as State railways.
But to which class must we relegate the rolling stock
of the private railway companies, to which the State has
granted an actual monopoly? The enemy may, of
course, use the railway plant belonging to these companies
during the war; but may he keep the carriages and
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? INTERNATIONAL LAW 187
trucks? Our decision to do so during the last war
was a perfectly just one, in view of the nature of the
French railways. They were, in actual fact, the property
of the State, and we kept the carriages which we took,
and sold them back to France when terms of peace were
arranged. The question is an even more difficult one
when it relates to banks. There are certain banks, among
them the Bank of Germany, in which a body of bankers
outside the country have a material interest. Such a
practice is very useful from a commercial point of view;
the bank is thus kept in touch with the great business
houses, and in a position to take its part in the com-
mercial activities of the moment. It would be, however,
a pure illusion to suppose that the Bank of Germany
would thereby be saved from confiscation by a conqueror.
An enemy would certainly look upon it as a State bank,
and the fact that a few private persons had an interest
in it would in no way affect his decision.
It has also become a principle of international law
that the great treasures of civilisation, which serve the
purposes of Art and Science, and are looked upon as
the property of humanity as a whole, shall be secured
against theft and pillage. In earlier times this principle
was trampled under foot.
Individual members of the standing armies, and all
persons authorised to take part in national defence, have
a right to demand honourable treatment as prisoners of
war, and all attempts to force prisoners into the enemy's
army is contrary to international law. It is, however,
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? 188 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
doubtful whether this principle obtained during the last
century. In matters such as these everything depends
on the sense of right and wrong which animates the age.
At the beginning of the eighteenth century the mercenary
idea was still so grossly prevalent that a French regiment,
consisting of course of Germans, was taken over by the
Saxons at Hochstadt (1703), only to be lost by them at a
later date, when it went over to the Swedes. At Stralsund
it went over to the Prussians, with whom it finally
remained, under the name of "Jung Anhalt. " But
when Frederick the Great forced the captured Saxons
into the Prussian Army, at Pima, it became evident
that a practice which had once been followed as a matter
of course had now become impossible. On that occasion
the Saxons deserted from the Prussian Army in hordes.
Nowadays an attempt of this kind would be not only a
palpable infringement of international law, but also an
unparalleled piece of stupidity.
. It goes without saying that every State has not only
\ the right to wage war, but also to declare itself neutral
\ in the wars of others as far as material conditions permit.
J If a State is not in a condition to maintain its neutrality,
: all talk about the same is mere clap-trap. Neutrality
needs as much defending as the partisanship of belli-
gerent States. It is the duty of a neutral State to dis-
arm every soldier who crosses its borders. If it is
unable to do so the circumstances justify the belligerent
States in ceasing to observe its neutrality, even if it has
allowed an armed enemy to enter but one village.
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? INTERNATIONAL LAW 189
It is to be regretted that a sharp distinction is still
drawn in military law between its workings on land
and its workings at sea. All who have eyes to see must
here be struck by the disastrous influence of English
naval power on universal culture and justice. We have
not as yet obtained a "balance of power" at sea, and
Schiller's melancholy dictum, therefore, still holds good:
"Among the waves is chaos,
And nothing can be owned upon the sea. "
Such a state of things is deeply humiliating to our pride
as a civilised nation. England is alone to blame, for
England is so immensely pre-eminent at sea that she
can do whatever she likes. All who desire to be humane, j
all who thirst to realise in some degree the ideals of
international law on the high seas, must work for a
balance of power in this direction also. One is con-
stantly surprised by the infatuation of public opinion
at the present day. Countries marching on the wrong
road are always glorified, and the sentimentality of
Belgian exponents of international law, and England's
barbarous views regarding maritime law, are perpetually
admired. All the other Powers would be prepared to
allow free circulation, under certain conditions, to mer-
chant ships in time of war; England alone maintains
the principle that no distinction is to be made at sea
between the property of the State and that of pri-
vate persons. And as long as this one Power insists on
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? 1go TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
carrying out this principle all other nations must travel on
the same barbarous road. It is true that the conditions
prevalent on land can never prevail in quite the same
way at sea, because there are many articles of commerce
which are used in warfare. The immunity of private
property at sea in time of war can, therefore, never be
quite as great as that assured to private property on
land; but this is no reason why naval warfare should
for ever continue to be piracy, or why the belligerent
Powers should be entitled to snatch indiscriminately
the property of each other's merchants.
Maritime law has hitherto only progressed through
the efforts of the navies of second-class Powers. One is
confronted at every moment with the dictum that the
Powers are driven to adopt humaner methods by their
desire to serve their own purposes. Herein, also, lies
the explanation of the efforts made by the second-class
navies to obtain a humaner maritime law. It is not
that the English are worse people than we are, and if
we were in their position we might perhaps imitate their
conduct. As early as 1780 the navies of the second
rank united themselves in an alliance for armed neu-
trality, and laid down the principle, firstly, that the
flag must protect the merchandise over which it floats,
and that articles of commerce having no definite connec-
tion with war shall be allowed free passage on a neutral
ship; and, secondly, that every blockade must be an
actual one, and that no Power has the right to declare
an entire line of coast blockaded unless the approaches
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? INTERNATIONAL LAW 191
to it are actually closed by the presence of hostile
men-of-war.
Attempts were subsequently made in innumerable
treaties to express these principles in law. To-day
England has at last agreed to allow that the flag covers
the merchandise. This concession is the outcome of
the development of North American naval power. If
the question had been one for Germany to decide she
would long ago have procured some international agree-
ment on the immunity of private property at sea. Theory
alone is, however, powerless in questions of international
law, if the actual power of the States concerned does
not in some measure correspond with it.
To conclude then, the conviction grows upon us that
it can never be the task of political science to build up
for itself a phantastic structure in the air; for only that
is truly human which has its roots in the historical facts
of actual life. The destinies of nations are worked out
by means of a series of repulsions and attractions, and
they follow the law of a principle of development whose
ultimate end is veiled from mortal eyes. Its very trend
is hidden from us except at rare moments. We must
seek to understand the ways in which divine intelligence
has gradually revealed itself in the midst of all the con-
flicting movements of life; we must not seek to dominate
history. The noblest quality of the practical statesman
is his ability to point to the signs of the times, and to
realise in some measure how universal history may
develop at a given moment. Further, nothing becomes
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? 192 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
a politician better than modesty. The circumstances
with which he is called upon to deal are so various
and so complicated that he must guard against being
carried away on dark and uncertain ways. He must
resign himself to desiring only the really attainable, and
to keeping his aim perpetually and steadfastly in view.
I shall be content if you have learnt during the course
of these lectures how manifold are the component parts
which go to make up a historical fact, and how it becomes
us, therefore, to be most deliberate in giving a verdict
in political matters. I shall indeed be satisfied if
these lectures have taught you to cultivate that modesty
which is the essential outcome of true learning.
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? FIRST ATTEMPTS AT GERMAN
COLONISATION.
The strange confusion of ideas which we owe to our
fluctuating and antiquated party-doings is nowhere so
glaringly obvious as in the widely spread opinion that
the younger generation to-day is more conservatively
inclined than the older. Some are glad of this, while
others lament it and attribute it to the seductive arts of
reactionary teachers; but hardly anyone disputes it as
a fact. And yet it is absolutely absurd to think so, for
ever since the beginning of the world the young have
always been more free thinking than the old, because
they possess the happy privilege of living more in the
future than the present, and nothing justifies the assump-
tion that this natural law has ceased to hold good nowa-
days. For though the new generation may turn away
with indifference from the catchwords of the older
Liberalism, this only shows that a new age with new ideals
is dawning. In these young men, whose childhood was
illuminated by the sun of Sedan, national pride is not
a feeling attained to, as in their fathers' case, by hard
struggles, but it is a strong, spontaneous passion. They
sing their "Germany, Germany above all! " with a
193 N
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? i94 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
joyful confidence, such as only isolated strong characters
of the older generation could cherish. They regard the
struggle for parliamentary rights, which to their elders
was often an aim in itself, at most as a means to an end.
The object of their ambition is that the young giant who
has just shaken the sleep from his eyelids should now use
his strong arms to advance the civilisation of mankind and
to make the German name both formidable and precious
to the world. Therefore our German youth were thrilled
as by an electric shock when, in August, 1884, the news
came that our flag waved upon the coast of Angra Pequena
and the Cameroons, and that Germany had taken the
first modest but decided step in the path of independent
colonisation.
To the ancient political system of Europe, which was
a result of the weakness of its Central States, a new com-
bination of States has succeeded, founded on the strength
of Central Europe. By means of a pacific policy on a
large scale our Government has obliged the other con-
tinental Powers to adapt themselves to the new order
of things, while our legislation at the same time labours
to quell the social unrest which threatens the foundations
of all civilisation. Thus before our eyes is being fulfilled
the prophecy of the Crown Prince Frederick that his
country would be one day so strong as to guard peace by
righteous dealing, not by inspiring fear; and it is only
one more necessary step in the path of this pacific policy
if Germany at last sets herself to take her proper share
in the great work of expansive civilisation. Like so many
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 195
other happy forecasts of the sixteenth century which
have been first fulfilled in our days, the proud expression
"il mondo e poco," which in the days of Columbus
sounded like an empty boast, is now being verified.
Now that we can sail round the world in eleven weeks
it is really small, and its political future is discernible to
the foreseeing eye.
With full confidence we may say to-day that the democ-
racies of the European nations and their descendants
will one day govern the whole world. China and Japan
may possibly still for centuries preserve their old peculiar
forms of civilisation, together with a strong blending of
European culture; in India--though this is by no means
certain--an independent Indian nationality may be
evolved from the intermingling of countless races and
religions; finally--which is still more improbable--the old
bellicose Islam, when it has been driven out of Europe,
may form a new powerful State in Asia Minor; but with
the exception of these countries, in the whole world no
other nation is to be found that can in the long run with-
stand the immense superiority of European arms and
commerce. The barrier is broken, and the stream of
European colonisation must pour unceasingly over all the
world, far and near, and those who live in the twentieth
century will be able for the first time in all seriousness to
speak of a " world-history. " We must at the same time
remember that " trees are not allowed to grow into the
sky. "* Nowhere in nature is mere largeness a decisive
? German proverb.
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? 196 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
factor. Just as our little earth, so far as we can guess,
is the noblest body in the solar system, so this ancient
multiform Europe, on however great a scale international
intercourse may take place, and in any conceivable future,
will always remain the heart of the world, the home of all
creative culture, and therefore the place where all the
important questions of political power will be decided.
All colonies are like engrafted shoots: they lack the youth-
ful vigour which results from natural growth from a root.
There is indeed a wonderful growth of commercial pros-
perity when the rich capital and skilled energy of a civilised
nation come in contact with the untouched resources
of a new country; but quiet mental composure, the source
of all enduring works of art and science, does not find a
favourable atmosphere in the restless hurry of colonial
life. How much more richly furnished by nature were
the Greek colonies in South Italy and Sicily than their
little motherland. There lay luxurious Sybaris, there
Syracuse, the metropolis of the Hellenic world, there
Akragas, "fairest city of mortals," as Pindar calls it,
surpassing Athens herself in splendour and renown. And
yet how small appears the share of this richly favoured
land in everything which lends value and significance to
the history of Greece.
Similarly, the history of North America, the greatest
of all modern colonies, only confirms former experience.
The economic energy of this growing nation has already
performed miracles upon miracles; her giant railways,
which cast into the shade all similar works in the old world,
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 197
stretch from sea to sea. Still, in spite of all auguries, the
star of the world's history shows hitherto no tendency
to move westwards. That wealth of intellectual life
which Washington once hoped for his country has failed
to appear, and many who, weary of Europe, went to
America have come back, weary of America because
they could not breathe the exhausted air of the land
of the Almighty Dollar.
How often have the newspapers of both hemispheres
referred to the future New Zealander, who, according to
Macaulay's famous prophecy, is one day to look from
the broken pillars of London Bridge on the immeasurable
ruins of London! But anyone who soberly tests this
majestic vision will arrive at the comforting conclusion
that the said New Zealander is hardly likely ever to be
in the position to undertake his archaeological journey
to those ruins. Christian nations cannot perish, and
the earth no longer harbours such countless swarms of
youthful barbarians, such as once destroyed the Roman
Empire. There is a great probability that the nations
of Europe, when the habitable globe has been covered
with their colonies, will not sink from their height, but
attain new vigour by the emigration of their superfluous
populations and the fulfilment of their new tasks of
civilisation. When the first Spanish explorers landed
in America they bathed eagerly in every spring, because
they hoped there, in the West, to find the legendary
Fountain of Youth. The time seems approaching
when that longing of the early discoverers will find its
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? 198 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
fulfilment, and the New World will prove a "Fountain of
Youth " for Europeans in a deeper sense than they once
thought. Through the colonisation of the distant regions
of the earth the history of Europe also acquires a newer,
richer significance, and Germany, with full right, demands
that she should not be left behind in this great rivalry
of nations.
She feels not only mortified in her political
ambition when she considers her position in the trans-
atlantic world, but she feels also a kind of moral shame-
facedness when obliged to confess that we Germans
have only contributed a very little to the great cosmo-
politan works of modern international intercourse. The
founding of the International Postal Union and the part
we took in the building of the St. Gothard Railway--
these are almost our only services in this sphere, and
how they shrink into insignificance when compared with
the achievements of English colonial policy, or even
with the works of the Frenchman, Ferdinand de Lesseps.
This feeling of shame is all the more oppressive because
we can assert that Germany yields to no nation in its
capacity for founding colonies. In the countries on the
right of the Elbe our nation once carried out the greatest
and most fruitful schemes of colonisation which Europe
has seen since the days of the Roman Empire; for here
it succeeded in obliterating the usual distinction between
colony and motherland so completely, that these colonised
lands formed the nucleus of our new system of States,
and since Luther's time were able to take part in the
intellectual progress of the nation, as equal allies of the
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 199
older stock. For more than two hundred years Ger-
many, solely by the power of its free citizens, held
supremacy over the northern seas. By means of her
commercial colonies the slumbering capacities of Scandi-
navia for intercourse with other nations were awakened,
and certainly it was not due to our fathers' fault, but
to an unavoidable tragic fate, that the glory of the
Hanseatic League perished. This was at the same time
that the Italians, our old companions in misfortune, lost
command of the sea in the South. For to every age and
every nation a limit of power is assigned. It was im-
possible that the two nations which through the Re-
naissance and the Reformation had opened up the way
for modern civilisation should, at the very time when
the discovery of the New World had ruined all the usual
routes of commerce, be able to rival the Spaniards and
Portuguese in their foreign conquests.
It was not till later that the Germans incurred the
guilt of a grievous sin of omission, in the long, dreary
time of peace which followed the Schmalkaldic War.
Then it was that the German Protestants had a safe
prospect of recovering the last command of the sea, if
they had united with their kindred co-religionists in
the Netherlands. But at this most discreditable period
of our modern history the two national faults, which
still now so often hamper our economic energy--doc-
trinaire idealism and easy-going self-indulgence--were
strongly flourishing. The nation degenerated through
theological controversies and the coarse sensuality of a
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? 200 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
sluggish peace. She left it to the Dutch to break the
naval power of the Spaniards, and afterwards to the
English to subdue the Dutch conquerors. Everyone
knows how terribly the sins of those years of peace were
punished by the dire ruin of our ancient civilisation.
During the two centuries of struggle which followed,
when we had painfully to recover the rule in our own
country, every attempt at German colonisation was
naturally impossible. The ingenious African schemes
of the Great Elector were far in advance of their time;
they were doomed to failure: a feudal agricultural
country, without a sea-board, could not possibly main-
tain control over a remote colonial possession for any
length of time.
But even during this long period of inland quietude
our nation has shown that she is, according to her capacity
and position in the world, the most cosmopolitan of all
peoples; she lost neither the old impulse to seek the
distant, nor the power to assert herself valiantly among
foreign nations. On all the battle-fields of the world
German blood flowed in streams; most of the crowns of
Europe fell into the hands of German royal houses;
and it was really through the power of Germany that
Russia was enrolled among the nations of Europe. It
is true that this vast expenditure of overflowing national
forces only ratified anew the lament of Goethe that the
Germans were respectable as individuals, but despicable
as a whole. Again and again the voice of Fate called
to us "sic vos non vobis. " And when in recent times
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 201
the peoples of the Anglo-Saxon stock began to divide
the transatlantic world between them, the Germans
were again their unwearied associates. German traders
rivalled the leading firms of the world from Singapore
to Philadelphia. Millions of Germans helped the North
Americans to conquer their part of the world for
civilisation.
But the Germans at home had, so long as the Federal
Diet ruled over them, too heavy domestic cares to think
seriously about the lot of their emigrants. They made
a virtue of necessity, and in their philosophic way evolved
the doctrine that it was the historic destiny of the German
spirit to blend far out there in the West with the genius
of other nations. It is true that the Americans found a
less obscure description for this mysterious " blending,"
though they now vainly seek to disavow it; they said,
"The Germans form an excellent fertiliser for our
people! " When, just twenty years ago--though I had
then no anticipation of the near fulfilment of German
destinies, I ventured, in my treatise "Federal State
and Unified State," to make the heretical remark that
only those States which possessed naval power and
ruled territories across the sea could rank in future as
Great Powers, I was severely taken to task by various
critics. With the immeasurable superiority which, as
is well-known, the judge possesses over the culprit, they
told me that these were old-fashioned ideas, and that
since the times of the American War of Independence
and the founding of the Spanish colonies the period of
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? 202 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
colonisation has come to an end. Such was the general
opinion in Germany in the days of the Federal Diet.
Meanwhile, England, not troubling herself about the
wisdom of our philosophical historians, continued to
extend her colonial empire over half the world.
Since then how strangely public sentiment has changed!
We now look out into the world with other claims than
formerly. Especially is this the case with those Germans
who live abroad, who have a far livelier appreciation of
the blessings of the new empire than we at home. The
uneasy ferment of the last five years, although accom-
panied by the disintegration of ancient parties and an
abundance of wild animosity and ungrateful fault-
finding, has also given rise to some wholesome self-
criticism; we have had our attention drawn to our
weaknesses, and begin to perceive in how many respects
we come short of worthily occupying the position of a
great nation. During these last years, without any
pressure from authority, there has risen from the people
themselves a spontaneous demand for German colonies
with as much emphasis and confidence in the future
as formerly accompanied the demand for a German
Fleet. Since F. Fabri first discussed the subject, a
whole literature on the colonial question has come into
existence. In the course of these discussions the Germans
discovered with joyful surprise that, outside official
circles, we possessed a considerable number of practical
political writers, which can console us for the increasing
dreariness and impoverishment of our parliamentary
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 203
life. By the persistent endeavours of our brave travellers,
missionaries, and merchants, the first attempt at German
colonisation has had the way prepared for it, and has
been rendered possible. Germany's modest gains on the
African coast only aroused attention in the world at
large because everyone knew that they were not due,
as in the case of the colonising experiments of the Elec-
torate of Brandenburg to the bold idea of a great mind,
but because a whole nation greeted them with a joyful
cry, " At last! At last! "
For a nation that suffers from continual over-produc-
tion, and sends yearly 200,000 of her children abroad, the
question of colonisation is vital. During the first years
which followed the restoration of the German Empire
well-meaning people began to hope that the constant
draining away of German forces into foreign countries
would gradually cease, together with the political persecu-
tions, the discontent, and the petty domestic coercive
laws of the good old times. This hope was disappointed,
and was doomed to be so, for those political grievances
were not the only nor even the most important causes
of German emigration. In the short time since the
establishment of the empire the population has increased
by a full eighth, and this rapid growth, in spite of all the
misery which it involves, is nevertheless the characteristic
of a healthy national life, which, in its careless conscious-
ness of power, does not trouble itself with the warnings
of the "two-child system. " It is true that Germany
is as yet by no means over-populated, least of all in those
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? 204 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
north-eastern districts from which the stream of emigra-
tion flows most strongly. Many of our emigrants, if
they exercised here the same untiring diligence which
inexorable necessity enforces on them in America, could
also prosper in their old fatherland. But there are
periods of domiciliation, and again periods in which
the impulse to wander works like a dark, elementary
power on the national spirit. Just as the song, "East-
wards! Eastwards! " once rang seductively through the
villages of Flanders, so countless numbers dream now
of the land of marvels across the sea. And just as little
as prudential counsel could restrain the crusaders from
their sacred enterprise, so little can considerations of
reason prevail against the vague longing for the West.
It is also easy to calculate that our population, provided
its growth continues as before, must in no distant future
rise to a hundred millions and more; then their father-
land would be too narrow for the Germans, even if
Prussia resumed the colonisation of its eastern border-
lands in the old Frederician style, and found room in
the estates there for thousands of peasants and long-
lease tenants. According to all appearance German
emigration will still for a long while remain an unavoid-
able necessity, and it becomes a new duty for the mother-
land to take care that her wandering children remain
true to their nationality, and open new channels for her
commerce. This is in the first place more important
than our political control of the lands we colonise. A
State whose frontiers march with those of three great
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 205
Powers, and whose seaboard lies open towards a fourth,
will generally only be able to carry on great national
wars and must keep its chief military forces carefully
collected in Europe. The protection of a remote, easily
threatened colonial empire would involve it in em-
barrassments and not strengthen it.
And just now, after our good nature has striven all
too long not to be forced into the humiliating confession,
we are at last obliged to admit that the German emi-
grants in North America are completely lost to our State
and our nationality. Set in the midst of a certainly
less intellectual but commercially more energetic people,
the nationality of the German minority must inevitably
be suppressed by that of the majority, just as formerly
the French refugees were absorbed in Germany. And
as the expulsion of the Huguenots was for France a huge
misfortune, the effects of which are still operative, so
the German emigration to North America is an absolute
loss for our nation--a present given to a foreign country
without any equivalent compensation.
Moreover, for the general cause of civilisation, the
anglicizing of the German-Americans is a heavy loss.
Even the Frenchman Leroy-Beaulieu confesses this with
praiseworthy impartiality; among Germans there can
be no question at all but that human civilisation suffers
loss every time a German is turned into a Yankee.
All the touching proofs of faithful recollection which the
motherland has received from the German-Americans
since the year 1870 does not alter the fact that all German
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? 206 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
emigrants, at latest in the third generation, become
Americans. Although in certain districts of Pennsyl-
vania a corrupt German dialect may survive side by
side with English, although some cultured families may
now, when German national consciousness is everywhere
stronger, perhaps be able to postpone being completely
anglicized till the fourth generation, yet the political
views of the emigrants are inevitably coloured by the
ideas prevalent in their new home; in commerce they
even become our enemies, and, voluntarily or involun-
tarily, help to injure German agriculture by a depressing
rivalry. The overpowering force of their new circum-
stances compels them to divest themselves of their
nationality, until perhaps at last nothing is left them
but a platonic regard for German literature.
Therefore it is quite justifiable on the ground of national
self-preservation that the new German Colonial Union
should seek for ways and means to divert the stream of
German emigrants into lands where they run no danger of
losing their nationality. Such a territory has been
already found in the south of Brazil. There, unassisted,
and sometimes even suspected, by the motherland
German nationality remains quite intact for three genera-
tions, and our rapidly increasing export trade with Porto
Alegre shows that the commerce of the old home profits
greatly by the loyalty of her emigrant children. Other
such territories will also be discovered if our nation enters
with prudence and boldness on the new era now opening
to the colonising energy of Europeans.
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 207
With the crossing of Africa begins the last epoch of
great discoveries. When once the centre of the Dark
Continent lies open, the whole globe, with the exception
of a few regions which will be always inaccessible to civili-
sation is also opened before European eyes. The common
interest of all nations--with the exception of England
--demands that these new acquisitions of modern times
should be dealt with in a more liberal, just, and humane
way than the former ones, which only profited the nations
of the Iberian Peninsula in order finally to ruin them.
The summoning of the Congo Conference and our under-
standing with France show that our Government knows
how to estimate properly the importance of this crisis.
As a sea-power of the second rank, Germany is in colonial
politics the natural representative of a humane law of
nations, and since England, now fully occupied with
Egyptian affairs, will hardly oppose the united will of all
the other Powers, there is ground for hope that the con-
ference will have a happy issue and open the interior of
Africa to the free rivalry of all nations. Then it will be
our turn to show what we can do; in those remote regions
the power of the State can only follow the free action of
the nation and not precede it. In this new world it must
be seen whether the trivial pedantry of an unfortunate
past, after just now celebrating its orgies in the struggle of
the Hansa towns against the national Customs Union, has
at last been overcome for ever, and whether the German
trader has enough self-confidence to venture on rivalry
with the predominant financial strength of England.
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? 208 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
The future will show whether the founding of German
agricultural colonies is possible in the interior of Africa;
there will certainly be an opportunity for founding mer-
cantile colonies which will yield a rich return. After
destiny has treated us badly for so many centuries we
may well count for once on the favour of fortune. In
South Africa also circumstances are decidedly favourable
for us. English colonial policy, which has been successful
everywhere else, has not been fortunate at the Cape. The
civilisation which flourishes there is Teutonic and Dutch.
The attitude of England, wavering between weakness and
violence, has evoked among the brave Dutch Boers a
deadly ineradicable hatred. Moreover, since the Dutch
have in the Indo-Chinese islands abundant scope for their
colonising energy, it would only be a natural turn of
events if their German kindred should hereafter, in some
form or other, undertake the protectorate of the Teutonic
population of South Africa, and succeed as heirs of the
English in a neglected colony which since the opening of
the Suez Canal has little more value for England.
If our nation dares decidedly to follow the new path of
an independent colonial policy it will inevitably become
involved in a conflict of interests with England. It lies
in the nature of things that the new Great Power of Central
Europe must come to an understanding with all the other
Great Powers. We have already made our reckoning with
Austria, with France, and with Russia; our last reckoning,
that with England, will probably be the most tedious and
the most difficult; for here we are confronted by a
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? GERMAN COLONISATION 209
line of policy which for centuries, almost unhindered
by the other Powers, aims directly at maritime supremacy.
How long has Germany in all seriousness believed this
insular race, which among all the nations of Europe
is undoubtedly imbued with the most marked national
selfishness, whose greatness consists precisely in its hard,
inaccessible one-sidedness, to be the magnanimous pro-
tector of the freedom of all nations! Now at last our
eyes begin to be opened, and we recognise, what clear-
headed political thinkers have never doubted, that
England's State-policy since the days of William III
has never been anything else than a remarkably shrewd
and remarkably conscienceless commercial policy. The
extraordinary successes of this State-policy have been
purchased at a high price, consisting in the first place of a
number of sins and enormities. The history of the English
East India Company is the most defiled page in the annals
of modern European nations, for as the shocking vam-
pirism of this merchant-rule sprang solely from greed,
it cannot be excused, as perhaps the acts of Philip II or
Robespierre may be, by the fanaticism of a political
conviction.
A still more serious factor in the situation is, that owing
to her transatlantic successes England has lost her position
as a European Great Power; in negotiations on the
Continent her voice counts no longer, and all the great
changes which have recently occurred in Central Europe
took place without England's participation, though for
the most part accompanied by impotent cries of rage
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? 210 TREITSCHKE: HIS LIFE AND WORKS
from the London Press. The worst consequence, however,
of British commercial policy is the immense and well-
justified hatred which all nations have gradually been
conceiving towards England. From the point of view
of international law England is to-day the place where
barbarism reigns; it is England's fault alone that naval
war is to-day only an organized piracy, and a humane
maritime international law cannot be established in the
world till a balance of power exists at sea as it long has
on land, and no State can dare any longer to permit itself
everything. English politicians were never at a loss for
philanthropic phrases with which to cloak their commer-
cial calculations; at one time they alleged the necessity
of maintaining the balance of power in Europe, at another
the abolition of slavery, at another constitutional freedom;
and yet their national policy, like every policy which
aims at the unreasonable goal of world supremacy, always
reckoned, as its foundation principle, on the misfortunes
of all other nations.
England's commercial supremacy had its origin in
the discords on the Continent, and owing to her brilliant
successes, which were often gained without a struggle,
there has grown up in the English people a spirit of
arrogance for which "Chauvinism" is too mild an
expression. Sir Charles Dilke, the well-known Radical
member of Mr. Gladstone's Cabinet, in his book, "Greater
Britain," which is often mentioned, but, alas 1 too little
read here, claims, as necessary acquisitions for " Greater
Britain," China, Japan, Chili, Peru, the La Plata States,
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