We are spending too much money for the pampering of criminals and the
insane, and for the education of inherently incapable people.
insane, and for the education of inherently incapable people.
Adorno-T-Authoritarian-Personality-Harper-Bros-1950
Individual differences in the pattern of attitudes (programs of action) supported depend primarily on the strength of adherence to demo- cratic values.
Openly antidemocratic individuals have a direct and clear-cut program: violent attack on the Jews leading to total liquidation or to perma- nent suppression and restriction.
What to do is, however, a greater psycho-
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
logical problem for those who have the same imagery, but who at the same time want to support democratic values of equality, nonviolence, and the like. The negative imagery of Jews, and the accompanying sense of threat, involve two main fears which form the basis for attitudes. There is, first, the fear of contamination: the fear that Jews may, if permitted intimate or inten- sive contact with Gentiles, have a corrupting or degenerating influence. Various forms of corruption may occur: moral, political, intellectual, sensual, and so on. Among the many ideas which have been attributed to "Jewish contamination" are free love, radicalism, atheism, moral relativism, modern trends in art and literature. Gentiles who support ideas such as these tend to be regarded as unwitting victims who have been psychologically contaminated in the same way that one may be organically infected by a disease. The notion that one Jew can "infect" many Gentiles is very useful in rationalizing many apparent contradictions. It permits one to attribute great influence to the Jews and thus to blame most social problems on them, despite their relatively very small number. It justifies one's hostile feelings and discriminatory actions. Furthermore, an idea or social movement can be called "Jewish" even when most of its supporters are Gentile, since the latter are regarded as merely dupes or victims of Jewish contamination. An indi- vidual who accepts this reasoning feels compelled, no matter how great his value for tolerance, to protect the Gentile group by restricting the activities
of the Jewish group.
Viewed psychologically, this way of thinking raises several questions.
Why is it necessary for anti-Semites to regard Jews as the source of all these ideas, that is, why do they regard these ideas as imposed on Gentile but originating in Jews? One hypothesis is that this represents an attempt on the part of the prejudiced individual to resolve an inuer moral conflict by externalizing or projecting his own immoral tendencies; the inner conflict is replaced by a new conflict between groups: the sterotypically moral "we" and the stereotypically immoral "they. " That the inner conflict persists unconsciously in full force is shown by emphasis on external immorality and by the fear that this immorality will corrupt all who are exposed to it. The investigation of this and other hypotheses is reported in later chapters.
In addition to the fear of contamination there is the fear of being over- whelmed. This anxiety is related to the imagery of Jews as prying and power- seeking. If Jews are given the opportunity of free participation in commu- nity affairs then, granted that they have these tendencies, they will form a small sectarian clique interested only in their own power and material inter- ests. To gain these aims they will shrewdly use even the most ruthless and dishonest methods. There is thus great danger that the Gentile group will be persecuted, victimized, exploited-in short, overwhelmed.
It is difficult indeed, for a person with such hostile imagery and such anxiety, to have entirely democratic attitudes regarding Jewish-Gentile
? THE STUDY OF ANTI-SEMITIC IDEOLOGY
99
interaction. Most pseudodemocratic attitudes ~epresent attempts, conscious or unconscious, at compromise between the tendency to express the under- lying hostility directly (aggressive attack) and the tendency to conform to democratic values (tolerance, equality). The demand for total Jewish assim- ilation represents one such compromise, since total assimilation is, so to speak, a nonviolent way of liquidating the Jews. If there were no Jews then at least one source of anxiety and one object of hostility would be removed. Unfor- tunately, partial assimilation (the phase in which some Jews attempt to assim- ilate while others do not) seems to be more disturbing to anti-Semites than none at all. As long as the anti-Semites have some sense of the presence of a Jewish group-and thus an image of "the Jew" which can be applied stereo- typically to all individual Jews-those Jews who seem to be assimilating will be suspected of evil motives. It is an oft-repeated historical paradox that those who demand total assimilation do the most to prevent it, since their hostility and discrimination tend on the one hand to increase Jewish nation- alism and pride, and on the other hand to provide external barriers repelling those Jews who attempt assimilation into the dominant group. Conversely, Jewish assimilation has proceeded most rapidly in those communities which
have accepted them without totalitarian demands for submission and all-out assimilation.
A second way of nonviolently eliminating the Jews, and thus of solving the problem of interaction by simply not having any, is for them to "stay on their side of the fence and we stay on ours. " If they cannot be entirely absorbed-and, despite their demand for total assimilation, most anti-Semites seem to feel that the "basic Jewishness" is permanent-then they should. be totallyseparate. The separation could be made complete if the Jews would "form a nation of their own and keep more to themselves" (Item II-24). ! 2
Some individuals, including Jews, have supported the idea of separation (fraternal organizations, neighborhoods, and the like) on grounds of differ- ences in interests and culture. There can be no objection, from a democratic
point of view, to an organization devoted primarily to Jewish culture and conducted in the Yiddish language, nor to one concerned mainly with Chris-
12 The idea of a Jewish nation, particularly the important issue of Jewish settlement in Palestine, has been supponed by various ideological camps. Much suppon in America has come from open or pseudodemocratic anti-Semites who wish that all Jews would settle there and who are afraid that, if the doors of Palestine are closed, America would have to open its doors to the refugees.
Many non-anti-Semites have also supponed the idea of a Jewish homeland, but not for reasons of separation and exclusion. The main democratic reasoning, in general, is that there should be a geographical-political unit in which Jewish culture can be the primary one, that this nation should be a pan of the family of nations, and that all indi- viduals should be free to settle in whatever nation they choose, without the demand for total assimilation or the threat of exclusion. Since the Jewish group contains the same diversity of ideologies and personalities as any other major grouping, it is not surprising that there is much disagreement on this issue among Jews. In the present discussion, how- ever, the main concern is with non-Jews.
? IOO THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
tian religion or any other cultural form. But consistency with democratic values does require that, once the primary aims and functions of the organi- zation are laid down, membership be open to any individual who accepts its principles and meets its requirements. It is undemocratic to exclude any group as a whole, that is, to be unwilling to consider any applicant on the basis of his individual merits and faults. The exclusionism of some Jewish groups, while understandable as a defensive "pride" reaction, is no more justified than the equivalent policy in other groups. The total exclusion of one group by another, whether on ethnic, religious, social class, skin color, or other grounds, is necessarily based on stereotypy, hostility and anxiety, conscious or not. It is sometimes said that "a Jew (or Negro or Catholic) would not be comfortable here. " This usually means that he would be ex- posed to some degree of prejudice, subtle or crude, and it is the others who would be uncomfortable.
Discrimination takes a variety of other forms, all designed to limit Jewish- Gentile interaction by restricting the full participation of Jews in community and national affairs. All forms of discrimination (exclusion, segregation, sup- pression, and so forth) against all groups have the double function of restrict- ing intergroup contact and of maintaining the dominant social position of the group doing the discriminating.
There are many economic, political, religious, and other institutional forces involved in the subordination of various American groups. These broader social forces were, however, beyond the scope of this research. We were concerned, as stated in Chapter I, with the problem of the consumption of ideology by the individual: granted that various ideologies are present in the social environment, why is it that some individuals consume (assimilate, accept) the more undemocratic forms while others consume the more demo- cratic forms? The general assumption made was that, granted the possibility
of choice, an individual will be most receptive to that ideology which has most psychological meaning for him and the most significant function within his over-all adjustment. Accordingly, there was much concern with the psychological content of anti-Semitic ideology in an attempt to form hypotheses regarding the deeper psychological trends, if any, which underlie and motivate the surface opinions and attitudes.
Numerous trends underlying anti-Semitic ideology are suggested by the present scale results: stereotypy; rigid adherence to middle-class values; the tendency to regard one's own group as morally pure in contrast to the immoral outgroup; opposition to and exaggeration of prying and sensuality; extreme concern with dominance and power (fear of Jewish power and desire for Gentile power); fear of moral contamination; fear of being over- whelmed and victimized; the desire to erect social barriers in order to separate one group from another and to maintain the morality and the dominance of one's own group.
? THE STUDY OF ANTI-SEMITIC IDEOLOGY 101
Can it be demol1Strated that these personality trends are actually present in anti-Semitic individuals? In the chapters which follow, there are several lines of evidence bearing on this question: (a) If these trends are present, then they should also be found in various other ideological areas. (b) These trends should be expressed in nonideological forms as well, that is, in ways of thinking about people and life generally. (c) Intensive clinical study should reveal these and other trends directly, as well as their organization and function in the total personality, and their course of development. ?
? CHAPTER IV
THE STUDY OF ETHNOCENTRIC IDEOLOGY
Daniel f. Levinson
A. INTRODUCTION
Our attention turns now to the problem of prejudice, broadly conceived. The term "prejudice" is not entirely adequate, since it has num~rous mean- ings and connotations which might obscure or distort the ideas guiding this research. The term "ethnocentrism" is preferable because its traditional meaning comes much closer to that used here. First introduced and used descriptively by Sumner (II5) in 1906, the term had the general meaning of provincialism or cultural narrowness; it meant a tendency in the individual to be "ethnically centered," to be rigid in his acceptance of the culturally "alike" and in his rejection of the "unlike. "
The traditional conception of ethnocentrism, from which the present one is derived, differs in several important respects from the usual notion of prejudice. Prejudice is commonly regarded as a feeling of dislike against a specific group; ethnocentrism, on the other hand, refers to a relatively con- sistent frame of mind concerning "aliens" generally. Usually, in discussions of prejudice against groups there is specific reference to "race prejudice" or "prejudice against racial and religious minorities. " This terminology is used even by people who know that "race" is a socially harmful idea as ordinarily understood, and who know that many groups (zootsuiters, "Okies," and so forth) are discriminated against on neither racial nor religious grounds. Ethnocentrism refers to group relations generally; it has to do not only with numerous groups toward which the individual has hostile opinions and atti- tudes but, equally important, with groups toward which he is positively disposed.
A theory of ethnocentrism offers a starting point for the understanding of the psychological aspect of group relations-why individuals are inclined toward competition, or conflict, or harmonious interaction, and so on. It is concerned with such questions as: What kinds of general attitudes do indi- viduals have about their own and other groups? What underlying ideas or themes run through an individual's thinking about groups and group rela-
102
? THE STUDY OF ETHNOCENTRIC IDEOLOGY 103
tions? How do these ideas develop? How are they related to trends in the individual's thinking about other social processes? What personality trends, if any, are they related to, and in what way? How are they related to mem- bership in class, church, political party, and so forth?
The term "ethnocentrism" shifts the emphasis from "race" to "ethnic group. " The everyday use of the term "race" has been criticized from many sides and on many grounds. It was originally suggested as one type of broad classification of human beings on the basis of skin color. Other anthropo- metric measures such as head shape and blood type were also suggested. Each of these organic bases of classification divides human beings (also known as the human "race") into groups which are mixed with respect to the other organic characteristics. Thus, the Negroes, a "race" according to the skin color criterion, are mixed with respect to head shape and blood type. But, apart from the arbitrariness of the organic basis of classification, the greatest dangers of the race concept lie in its hereditarian psychological implications and in its misapplication to cultures. Psychologically, the race theory implies, whether or not this is always made explicit, that people of a given race (e. g. , skin color) are also very similar psychologically because they have a common hereditary family tree. This notion has been contro- verted in the past few decades by work in psychology on the problem of "heredity vs. environment" and by work in cultural anthropology on the tremendous psychological variations within any given culture. Furthermore, the term "race" is often applied to groups which are not races at all in the technical sense. Sometimes this term is applied to nations, e. g. , "the German race" or even "the American race. " Sometimes it is misused in connection with American ethnic minorities, such as Italians or Greeks. There is no adequate term, other than "ethnic," by which to describe cultures (that is, systems of social ways, institutions, traditions, language, and so forth) which are not nations, that is, which do not form politico-geographical entities. This confusion, which is more than merely terminological and which per- meates much thinking on social problems, has plagued the Jews particularly; they are a good example of an ethnic group which is neither a formal nation nor a race. From the point of view of sociology, cultural anthropology, and social psychology, the important concepts are not race and heredity but social organization (national, regional, subcultural, communal) and the interaction of social forms and individual personalities. To the extent that relative uniformities in psychological characteristics are found within any cultural grouping, these uniformities must be explained primarily in terms of social organization rather than "racial heredity. " The use and develop- ment of the concept of "ethnic group," as part of a broad educational pro-
gram dealing with individual development and social change, 'can do much to clarify everyday thinking about social processes and problems.
The conception of ideology presented in earlier chapters has been utilized
? 104
THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
here. Ethnocentrism is conceived as an ideological system perta1mng to groups and group relations. A distinction is made between ingroups (those groups with which the individual identifies himself) and outgroups (with which he does not have a sense of belonging and which are regarded as antithetical to the ingroups). Outgroups are the objects of negative opinions and hostile attitudes; ingroups are the objects of positive opinions and un- critically supportive attitudes; and it is considered that outgroups should be socially subordinate to ingroups.
The basic questions for research were raised in Chapter II. They concern the inclusiveness of ideas regarding a given group, the generality of out- group rejection, the content of ideas about ingroups and outgroups, and the amount of stereotypy in thinking about groups generally.
There were numerous indications that some generality of ingroup and outgroup ideology within the individual would be found (I 3, 25, 85, 90). Sumner found such consistency in his anthropological studies. Fascistic social movements have shown consistent tendencies to oppose a variety of minority groups. Many historians, literary men, and political analysts have, in a nontechnical, nonquantitative way, had this conception of ideology (2I, 69, 72, 92, 93, 95, IOI). One meets consistent outgroup rejection in everyday parlor and street-corner discussions.
A quantitative indication of consistency was found in a previous study of anti-Semitism (7I). Increasing degrees of anti-Semitism were shown to be closely related to increasing opposition to labor unions and racial equality, and to increasing support of Father Coughlin. Members of college sororities -which tend to have a strong ingroup ideology-were significantly more anti-Semitic on the average than nonmembers. And subjects reporting some ideological friction with parents-indicating ability to criticize the family, a major ingroup-were significantly less anti-Semitic than those reporting no such friction.
To obtain a more conclusive answer to the questions raised in Chapter II, it seemed that the best method-in terms of rigor and quantification-was an opinion-attitude scale for the measurement of ethnocentrism. The construc- tion of this scale was, therefore, the first step taken. It was constructed in such a way that an analysis of its statistical properties and internal relation- ships might help to answer the major questions concerning the structure of ethnocentric ideology.
B. CONSTRUCTION OF THE ETHNOCENTRISM (E) SCALE
The procedure followed in the construction of the E scale was the same as that for the anti-Semitism scale (Chapter III). Once again, and by the same reasoning, the Likert method of scaling was used. Again, all items were nega-
? THE STUDY OF ETHNOCENTRIC IDEOLOGY 105
tive, that is, hostile to the group in question, and finally, the same general rules of item formulation were followed.
1. MAJOR SUBDIVISIONS OR AREAS: THE SUBSCALES
Subscales were used in order to insure broad coverage of the total field and to permit statistical analysis of certain relationships with ethnocentric ideology. Since one of the primary research questions concerned the gener- ality of ethnocentrism, each subscale dealt with a different set of ingroup- outgroup rel~tions. Within each subscale an attempt was made to cover a variety of common pseudodemocratic-and a few openly antidemocratic- opinions and attitudes.
The E scale in its initial forms did not include items about Jews; rather, the initial anti-Semitism scale was included separately in the questionnaire
TABLE 1 (IV) ETHNOCENTRISM ScALE Negro Subscale (N)
2. If there are enough Negroes who want to attend dances at a local dance hall featuring a colored band, a good way to arrange this would be to have one all-Negro night, and then the whites could dance in peace the rest of the time.
5? The Negroes would solve many of their social problems by not being so ir- responsible, lazy, and ignorant.
8. Negro musicians are sometimes as good as white musicians at swing music and jazz, but it is a mistake to have mixed Negro-white bands.
11. It would be a mistake to have Negroes for foremen and leaders over whites. 14. Negroes may have a part to play in white civilization, but it is best to keep them in their own districts and schools and to prevent too much intermixing
with whites.
16. Manual labor and menial jobs seem to fit the Negro mentality and ability
better than more skilled or responsible work.
19. In a community of r,ooo whites and 50 Negroes, a drunken Negro shoots and
kills an officer who is trying to arrest him. The white population should im-
mediately drive all the Negroes out of town.
22. The people who raise all the talk about putting Negroes on the same level
as whites and giving them the same privileges are mostly radical agitators
trying to stir up conflicts.
25. An occasional lynching in the South is a good thing because there is a large
percentage of Negroes in many communities and they need a scare once in a
while to prevent them from starting riots and disturbances.
28. It would be best to limit Negroes to grammar and trade school education since more schooling just gives them ambition and desires which they are
unable to fulfill in white competition.
31. There is something inherently primitive and uncivilized in the Negro, as
shown in his music and his extreme aggressiveness.
34? Most Negroes would become officious, overbearing, and disagreeable if not
kept in their place.
? Io6 THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
so that correlations between the two scales might be obtained. The develop- ment of a more complete E scale, including items about Jews, will be reported later in this chapter.
The initial E scale consists of thirty-four items arranged in three subscales dealing respectively with Negroes, various other minorities, and patriotism (extranational outgroups). Tnese will now be discussed.
a. NEGROES. Since Negroes are a large and severely oppressed group and since imagery of "the Negro" has become so elaborated in American cultural mythology, they merited a subscale of their own. The twelve items presented in Table I (IV) constitute the Negro subscale. (The items are numbered as they appear in the total scale. )
These items attempt to cover most of the current ideology regarding Negroes and Negro-white relations. Negroes are described as lazy and igno- rant (Item 5) and as not really wanting equality with whites (Item 2 2: it is "radical agitators" who stir them up). Do individuals with the opinion that
TABLE 2 (IV) ETHNOCENTRISM ScALE Minority Subscale (M)
1. The many political parties tend to confuse national issues, add to the ex- pense of elections, and raise unnecessary agitation. For this and other reasons, it would be best if all political parties except the two major ones were abol- ished.
4? Certain religious sects whose beliefs do not permit them to salute the flag should be forced to conform to such a patriotic action, or else be abolished. 6. Any group or social movement which contains many foreigners should be watched with suspicion and, whenever possible, be investigated by the FBI. 9? Although women are necessary in the armed forces and in industry, they should be returned to their proper place in the home as soon as the war ends. I5. One main difficulty with allowing the entire population to participate fully in government affairs (voting, jobs, etc. ) is that such a large percentage is
innately deficient and incapable.
I7. It is a mistake to allow any Japanese to leave internment camps and enter
the army where they would be free to commit sabotage.
2I. The many faults, and the general inability to get along, of the Oklahomans
("Okies") who have recently flooded California, prove that we ought to send
them back where they came from as soon as conditions permit.
24. A large-scale system of sterilization would be one good way of breeding out criminals and other undesirable elements in our society and so raise its gen-
eral sta1. 1dards and living conditions.
2 7? Filipinos are all right in their place, but they carry it too far when they
dress lavishly, buy good cars, and go around with white girls.
29. Zootsuiters demonstrate that inferior groups, when they are given too much
freedom and money, just misuse their privileges and create disturbances.
30. The most vicious, irresponsible, and racketeering unions are, in most cases,
those having largely foreigners for leaders.
p.
We are spending too much money for the pampering of criminals and the
insane, and for the education of inherently incapable people.
? THE STUDY OF ETHNOCENTRIC IDEOLOGY I 07
Negroes are "naturally" lazy or unambitious also have the attitude that when Negroes do strive for higher status they should be "kept in their place" (Item 34) and prevented from having positions of leadership (Item I I ) ? Is the attitude that Negroes should be segregated (Items 2 , 8, I 4) held by the same persons who regard Negroes as threatening and inferior and who favor more active subordination of Negroes? These are some of the questions underlying this subscale, and the statistical results should offer at least a partial answer to them.
b. MINORITIES. The second subscale (see Table 2 (IV)) contains twelve items dealing with various American minority groups (other than Jews and Negroes) about which negative opinions and imagery often exist and toward which attitudes of subordination, restriction of social functioning, segrega- tion, and the like are often directed. Included are organized groups such as minority political parties and religious sects as well as social movements and labor unions "containing many foreigners"; also ethnic minorities such as Japanese-Americans, Oklahomans (in California), and Filipinos. 1 Zootsuiters, criminals, the insane, "inherently incapable people" and "undesirable ele- ments," which constitute moral minorities or outgroups, are also objects of hostile opinions and attitudes.
Although prejudice is usually thought of as directed against minorities- in the sense of small numbers, and as opposed to a vague "majority"-one may ask if prejudice is not sometimes directed against a group containing more than half of the population. The phenomena of "contempt for the masses" and the subordination of women were considered examples of ethno- centrism of this type; Items 9 and I 5 were included to determine how closely such attitudes are correlated with the others. Can the attitude that "women's place is in the home" be considered a prejudice? It would appear that it is, to the extent that people with this attitude have others which are more obviously ethnocentric. A more conclusive proof would require a detailed study of ideology regarding women, oriented within a general theory of ethnocentric vs. nonethnocentric approaches.
c. P A TRIOTISM. This subscale (see Table 3(IV)) contains ten items dealing with international relations and viewing America as an ingroup in relation to other nations as outgroups. The term "patriotism" as used here does not mean "love of country. " Rather, the present concept involves blind attachment to certain national cultural values, uncritical conformity with the prevailing group ways, and rejection of other nations as outgroups. It might better be termed pseudopatriotism and distinguished from genuine patriotism, in which love of country and attachment to national values is based on critical understanding. The genuine patriot, it would appear, can appreciate the values and ways of other nations, and can be permissive
1 During the war at least, the status of the last-named groups was a focal issue in Cali- fornia-more so than in most other states.
? 108 THE AUTHORIT ARIAN PERSONALITY
TABLE 3 (IV) ETHNOCENTRISM ScALE Patriotism Subscale (P)
3? Patriotism and loyalty are the first and most important requirements of a good citizen.
7? There will always be superior and inferior nations in the world and, in the interests of all concerned, it is best that the superior ones be in control of world affairs.
IO. Minor forms of military training, obedience, and discipline, such as drill, marching and simple commands, should be made a part of the elementary school educational program.
12. The main threat to basic American institutions during this century has come from the infiltration of foreign ideas, doctrines, and agitators. ?
13. Present treatment of conscientious objectors, draft evaders, and enemy aliens is too lenient and mollycoddling. If a person won't fight for his . country, he deserves a lot worse than just prison or a work camp.
18. In view of the present national emergency, it is highly important to limit responsible government jobs to native, white, Christian Americans.
20. European refugees may be in need, but it would be a big mistake to lower our immigration quotas and allow them to flood the country.
23. It has become clear that the Germans and Japanese are racially war-minded and power-seeking, and the only guarantee of future peace is to wipe out most of them and to keep the rest under careful control.
26. Mexico can never advance to the standards of living and civilization of the U. S. , due mainly to the innate dirtiness, laziness, and general backwardness of Mexicans.
33? There will always be wars because, for one thing, there will always be races who ruthlessly try to grab more than their share.
toward much that he cannot personally accept for himself. He is free of rigid conformism, outgroup rejection, and imperialistic striving for power. lngroup opinions and attitudes are expressed in Items 3, 7, and 10. They are intended to express a general value for obedience and discipline, the opinion that nations are arranged hierarchically from superior to inferior, and the attitude that the superior ones should be dominant-with the assump- tion that we are one of the superior nations. The rigidity of the value for obedience is shown by the punitive attitude toward those who disobey (Item
I 3: Punishment of conscientious objectors and draft evaders).
The glorification of the national ingroup is shown further in the tendency to regard other nations as inferior when they are distant (Item 26), and threatening when they come too close (Items I 2, 20, and 2 3). W e are there- fore morally justified in excluding refugees, in "wiping out" the Germans and Japanese,2 in excluding foreigners and others from government jobs,
2 This item (23), so relevant during the war, can of course no longer be used. Ot should be pointed out that one could actively support the war without such a destructive attitude toward the enemy or such national smugness. ) I f these attitudes are correlated with rejec- tion of most other nations, then the people who made high (ethnocentric) scores on this scale may be the ones who now show similar attitudes toward our wartime allies and sup- port militaristic, imperialistic, "tough-minded policies guaranteeing American sovereignty and interests. "
? THE STUDY OF ETHNOCENTRIC IDEOLOGY 109
and in maintaining our dominant position as a nation. The cynicism about peace and the moralistic attribution of war to "ruthless, grabbing races" also indicate the sense of thre~t from outgroups and the moral righteousness of the ingroup. The fact that this theory of the cause of war is held by many college students who have been exposed to sociological explanations in terms of socioeconomic organization and conflicts raises the question: What are the inner barriers in some individuals which make them unreceptive to non- moralistic explanations? This problem, to be taken up in later chapters, concerns the personality dynamics underlying ethnocentric ideology.
If people who make high scores on this subscale are also high on the others, then it would appear that although they hold America to be superior and inviolable, they actually reject the great majority of the people in this coun- try. Item I 8 brings this out directly: it is only the native, white, Christian Americans who can be trusted. And various items from the "Minorities" subscale indicate that large sections of this population are also in the out- group category.
2. THE TOT AL ETHNOCENTRISM (E) SCALE
The total E scale is intended to measure the individual's readiness to accept or oppose ethnocentric ideology as a whole. The scale consists of 34 items3 and comprises the three subscales N, M, and P. It is presented in Table 4 (IV), with instructions to subjects, just as it was administered.
C. RESULTS: STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF THE SCALE
The subjects were allowed the same six choices of response for each item (+3 to -3, with no neutral response), and the responses were converted into scores in the same way (-3= I point, -2 = 2 points, etc. ) as was the case with the A-S scale. All the items were regarded as pro-ethnocentric. For the 34 items, then, the total scores can range between 34 points (I point on each item, indicating strong anti-ethnocentrism) and 2 38 points (7 points on each item, strong ethnocentrism). When the total score is divided by 34 we obtain the mean score per item; thus, a total score of 5I can also be stated as
a mean per item of 1. 5.
This scale was administered as part of the questionnaire which also con-
tained the initial (52 item) A-S scale. As reported in Chapter III, this ques- tionnaire was given in April, I944? to a class in Introductory Psychology at the University of California. The data presented here are based on the ques- tionnaires of the I44 women subjects, including nineteen members of major minorities.
3 Items r, 3, 4, 7, 9, 10 of the present scale were taken, in some cases with slight modifica- tions, from the "Unlabelled Fascist Attitudes" Scale of Edwards (22). Both Edwards' study and the present one have profitted from previous studies by Gundlach (46), Katz and Cantril (17), and Stagner (rn, rq). Several of the "Negro" items have been taken from Murphy and Likert (84).
? I IO THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
TABLE 4 (IV)
THE ToTAL ETHNocENTRISM ScALE Public Opinion Questionnaire E
The following statements refer to opinions regarding a number of social groups and issues, about which some people agree and others disagree. Please mark each statement in the left-hand margin according to your agreement or disagreement, as follows:
+ r : slight support, agreement +2: moderate support, "
+3: strong support, "
- 1 : slight opposition, disagreement -2: moderate opposition, "
-3: strong opposition, "
_ _ _ 1.
___ 2.
3? 4?
5?
6.
___7?
___ 8. ___9?
___IO.
___I1. ___12. ___IJ.
_ _ _ 14.
The many political parties tend to confuse national issues, add to the expense of elections, and raise unnecessary agitation. For this and other reasons, it would be best if all political parties except the two major ones were abolished.
If there are enough Negroes who want to attend dances at a local dance hall featuring a colored band, a good way to arrange this would be to have one all-Negro night, and then the whites could dance In peace the rest of the time.
Patriotism and loyalty are the first and most important requirements of a good citizen.
Certain religious sects whose beliefs do not permit them to salute the flag should be forced to conform to such a patriotic action, or else be abolished.
The Negroes would solve many of their social problems by not being so irresponsible, lazy, and ignorant.
Any group or social movement which contains many foreigners should be watched with suspicion and, whenever possible, be investigated by the FBI.
There will always be superior and inferior nations in the world and, in the interests of all concerned, it is best that the superior ones be in con. trol of world affairs.
Negro musicians are sometimes as good as white musicians at swing music and jazz, but it is a mistake to have mixed Negro-white bands. Although women are necessary now in the armed forces and in indus- try, they should be returned to their proper place in the home as soon as the war ends.
Minor forms of military training, obedience, and discipline, such as drill, marching and simple commands, should be made a part of the elementary school educational program.
It would be a mistake to have Negroes for foremen and leaders over whites.
The main threat to basic American institutions during this century has come from the infiltration of foreign ideas, doctrines, and agitators. Present treatment of conscientious objectors, draft-evaders, and enemy aliens is too lenient and mollycoddling. If a person won't fight for his country, he deserves a lot worse than just a prison or a work camp. Negroes may have a part to play in white civilization, but it is best to keep them in their own districts and schools and to prevent too much intermixing with whites.
One main difficulty with allowing the entire population to participate
__15.
? __I6. _ _ 17. __I8.
___19.
___20. __2I.
__22.
__23.
_ _ 24.
fully in government affairs (voting, jobs, etc. ) is that such a large percentage is innately deficient and incapable.
Manual labor and menial jobs seem to fit the Negro mentality and abil- ity better than more skilled or responsible work.
It is a mistake to allow any Japanese to leave internment camps and enter the army where they would be free to commit sabotage.
In view of the present national emergency, it is highly important to limit responsible government jobs to native, white, Christian Ameri- cans.
In a community of I,ooo whites and 50 Negroes, a drunken Negro shoots and kills an officer who is trying to arrest him. The white pop- ulation should immediately drive all the Negroes out of town.
European refugees may be in need, but it would be a big mistake to lower our immigration quotas and allow them to flood the country.
The many faults, and the general inability to get along, of the Okla- homans ("Okies"), who have recently flooded California, prove that we ought to send them back where they came from as soon as condi- tions permit.
The people who raise all the talk about putting Negroes on the same level as whites and giving them the same privileges are mostly radical agitators trying to stir up conflicts.
It has become clear that the Germans and Japanese are racially war- minded and power-seeking, and the only guarantee of fumre peace is to wipe out most of them and to keep the rest under careful control.
A large-scale system of sterilization would be one good way of breed- ing out criminals and other undesirable elements in our society and so raise its general standards and living conditions.
THE STUDY OF ETHNOCENTRIC IDEOLOGY I I I
_ _ 25. An occasional lynching in the South is a good thing because there
_ _ _ 26.
_ _ 27. _ _ _ 28.
_ _ _ 29.
_ _ 30. - - 3 ! . - - 3 2 ? - - 3 3 ? - - 3 4 ?
is a large percentage of Negroes in many communities and they need a scare once in a while to prevent them from starting riots and dismrb- ances.
Mexico can never advance to the standards of living and civilization of the U. S. , due mainly to the innate dirtiness, laziness, and general backwardness of Mexicans.
Filipinos are all right in their place, but they carry it too far when they dress lavishly, buy good cars, and go around with white girls.
It would be best to limit Negroes to grammar and trade school educa- tion since more schooling just gives them ambitions and desires
which they are unable to fulfill in white competition.
Zootsuiters demonstrate that inferior groups, when they are given too much freedom and money, just misuse their privileges and create disturbances.
The most vicious, irresponsible, and racketeering unions are, in most cases, those having largely foreigners for leaders.
There is something inherently primitive and uncivilized in the Negro, as shown in his music and his extreme aggressiveness.
W e are spending too much money for the pampering of criminals and the insane, and for the education of inherently incapable people. There will always be wars because, for one thing, there will always be races who ruthlessly try to grab more than their share.
Most Negroes would become officious, overbearing, and disagreeable if not kept in their place.
? II2 THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
1. RELIABILITY
Data indicating the reliability and related statistical properties of the E scale and its subscales are given in Table 5(IV).
TABLE 5 (IV)
RELIABILITY OF THE E. "I'HNOCENTRIS'If (E) SCALE AND ITS SUBSCALES
Property E Scale Reliabilitya . 91
Negroes
? 91 12
2. 72 2. 65 2. 78
1. 25 1. 25 1. 42
1. 0-5. 6
Minorities
? 82 12
3. 32 3. 23 3. 40
1. 21 1. 37 1. 28
1. 0-6. 0
Patriotism
. 80 10
3. 53 3. 88 3. 18
1. 26 1. 26 1. 46
1. 0-6. 1
Number? of iterns Mean (total) b Mean (odd half) Mean (even half) S. D. (total)b S. D. (odd half) S.
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
logical problem for those who have the same imagery, but who at the same time want to support democratic values of equality, nonviolence, and the like. The negative imagery of Jews, and the accompanying sense of threat, involve two main fears which form the basis for attitudes. There is, first, the fear of contamination: the fear that Jews may, if permitted intimate or inten- sive contact with Gentiles, have a corrupting or degenerating influence. Various forms of corruption may occur: moral, political, intellectual, sensual, and so on. Among the many ideas which have been attributed to "Jewish contamination" are free love, radicalism, atheism, moral relativism, modern trends in art and literature. Gentiles who support ideas such as these tend to be regarded as unwitting victims who have been psychologically contaminated in the same way that one may be organically infected by a disease. The notion that one Jew can "infect" many Gentiles is very useful in rationalizing many apparent contradictions. It permits one to attribute great influence to the Jews and thus to blame most social problems on them, despite their relatively very small number. It justifies one's hostile feelings and discriminatory actions. Furthermore, an idea or social movement can be called "Jewish" even when most of its supporters are Gentile, since the latter are regarded as merely dupes or victims of Jewish contamination. An indi- vidual who accepts this reasoning feels compelled, no matter how great his value for tolerance, to protect the Gentile group by restricting the activities
of the Jewish group.
Viewed psychologically, this way of thinking raises several questions.
Why is it necessary for anti-Semites to regard Jews as the source of all these ideas, that is, why do they regard these ideas as imposed on Gentile but originating in Jews? One hypothesis is that this represents an attempt on the part of the prejudiced individual to resolve an inuer moral conflict by externalizing or projecting his own immoral tendencies; the inner conflict is replaced by a new conflict between groups: the sterotypically moral "we" and the stereotypically immoral "they. " That the inner conflict persists unconsciously in full force is shown by emphasis on external immorality and by the fear that this immorality will corrupt all who are exposed to it. The investigation of this and other hypotheses is reported in later chapters.
In addition to the fear of contamination there is the fear of being over- whelmed. This anxiety is related to the imagery of Jews as prying and power- seeking. If Jews are given the opportunity of free participation in commu- nity affairs then, granted that they have these tendencies, they will form a small sectarian clique interested only in their own power and material inter- ests. To gain these aims they will shrewdly use even the most ruthless and dishonest methods. There is thus great danger that the Gentile group will be persecuted, victimized, exploited-in short, overwhelmed.
It is difficult indeed, for a person with such hostile imagery and such anxiety, to have entirely democratic attitudes regarding Jewish-Gentile
? THE STUDY OF ANTI-SEMITIC IDEOLOGY
99
interaction. Most pseudodemocratic attitudes ~epresent attempts, conscious or unconscious, at compromise between the tendency to express the under- lying hostility directly (aggressive attack) and the tendency to conform to democratic values (tolerance, equality). The demand for total Jewish assim- ilation represents one such compromise, since total assimilation is, so to speak, a nonviolent way of liquidating the Jews. If there were no Jews then at least one source of anxiety and one object of hostility would be removed. Unfor- tunately, partial assimilation (the phase in which some Jews attempt to assim- ilate while others do not) seems to be more disturbing to anti-Semites than none at all. As long as the anti-Semites have some sense of the presence of a Jewish group-and thus an image of "the Jew" which can be applied stereo- typically to all individual Jews-those Jews who seem to be assimilating will be suspected of evil motives. It is an oft-repeated historical paradox that those who demand total assimilation do the most to prevent it, since their hostility and discrimination tend on the one hand to increase Jewish nation- alism and pride, and on the other hand to provide external barriers repelling those Jews who attempt assimilation into the dominant group. Conversely, Jewish assimilation has proceeded most rapidly in those communities which
have accepted them without totalitarian demands for submission and all-out assimilation.
A second way of nonviolently eliminating the Jews, and thus of solving the problem of interaction by simply not having any, is for them to "stay on their side of the fence and we stay on ours. " If they cannot be entirely absorbed-and, despite their demand for total assimilation, most anti-Semites seem to feel that the "basic Jewishness" is permanent-then they should. be totallyseparate. The separation could be made complete if the Jews would "form a nation of their own and keep more to themselves" (Item II-24). ! 2
Some individuals, including Jews, have supported the idea of separation (fraternal organizations, neighborhoods, and the like) on grounds of differ- ences in interests and culture. There can be no objection, from a democratic
point of view, to an organization devoted primarily to Jewish culture and conducted in the Yiddish language, nor to one concerned mainly with Chris-
12 The idea of a Jewish nation, particularly the important issue of Jewish settlement in Palestine, has been supponed by various ideological camps. Much suppon in America has come from open or pseudodemocratic anti-Semites who wish that all Jews would settle there and who are afraid that, if the doors of Palestine are closed, America would have to open its doors to the refugees.
Many non-anti-Semites have also supponed the idea of a Jewish homeland, but not for reasons of separation and exclusion. The main democratic reasoning, in general, is that there should be a geographical-political unit in which Jewish culture can be the primary one, that this nation should be a pan of the family of nations, and that all indi- viduals should be free to settle in whatever nation they choose, without the demand for total assimilation or the threat of exclusion. Since the Jewish group contains the same diversity of ideologies and personalities as any other major grouping, it is not surprising that there is much disagreement on this issue among Jews. In the present discussion, how- ever, the main concern is with non-Jews.
? IOO THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
tian religion or any other cultural form. But consistency with democratic values does require that, once the primary aims and functions of the organi- zation are laid down, membership be open to any individual who accepts its principles and meets its requirements. It is undemocratic to exclude any group as a whole, that is, to be unwilling to consider any applicant on the basis of his individual merits and faults. The exclusionism of some Jewish groups, while understandable as a defensive "pride" reaction, is no more justified than the equivalent policy in other groups. The total exclusion of one group by another, whether on ethnic, religious, social class, skin color, or other grounds, is necessarily based on stereotypy, hostility and anxiety, conscious or not. It is sometimes said that "a Jew (or Negro or Catholic) would not be comfortable here. " This usually means that he would be ex- posed to some degree of prejudice, subtle or crude, and it is the others who would be uncomfortable.
Discrimination takes a variety of other forms, all designed to limit Jewish- Gentile interaction by restricting the full participation of Jews in community and national affairs. All forms of discrimination (exclusion, segregation, sup- pression, and so forth) against all groups have the double function of restrict- ing intergroup contact and of maintaining the dominant social position of the group doing the discriminating.
There are many economic, political, religious, and other institutional forces involved in the subordination of various American groups. These broader social forces were, however, beyond the scope of this research. We were concerned, as stated in Chapter I, with the problem of the consumption of ideology by the individual: granted that various ideologies are present in the social environment, why is it that some individuals consume (assimilate, accept) the more undemocratic forms while others consume the more demo- cratic forms? The general assumption made was that, granted the possibility
of choice, an individual will be most receptive to that ideology which has most psychological meaning for him and the most significant function within his over-all adjustment. Accordingly, there was much concern with the psychological content of anti-Semitic ideology in an attempt to form hypotheses regarding the deeper psychological trends, if any, which underlie and motivate the surface opinions and attitudes.
Numerous trends underlying anti-Semitic ideology are suggested by the present scale results: stereotypy; rigid adherence to middle-class values; the tendency to regard one's own group as morally pure in contrast to the immoral outgroup; opposition to and exaggeration of prying and sensuality; extreme concern with dominance and power (fear of Jewish power and desire for Gentile power); fear of moral contamination; fear of being over- whelmed and victimized; the desire to erect social barriers in order to separate one group from another and to maintain the morality and the dominance of one's own group.
? THE STUDY OF ANTI-SEMITIC IDEOLOGY 101
Can it be demol1Strated that these personality trends are actually present in anti-Semitic individuals? In the chapters which follow, there are several lines of evidence bearing on this question: (a) If these trends are present, then they should also be found in various other ideological areas. (b) These trends should be expressed in nonideological forms as well, that is, in ways of thinking about people and life generally. (c) Intensive clinical study should reveal these and other trends directly, as well as their organization and function in the total personality, and their course of development. ?
? CHAPTER IV
THE STUDY OF ETHNOCENTRIC IDEOLOGY
Daniel f. Levinson
A. INTRODUCTION
Our attention turns now to the problem of prejudice, broadly conceived. The term "prejudice" is not entirely adequate, since it has num~rous mean- ings and connotations which might obscure or distort the ideas guiding this research. The term "ethnocentrism" is preferable because its traditional meaning comes much closer to that used here. First introduced and used descriptively by Sumner (II5) in 1906, the term had the general meaning of provincialism or cultural narrowness; it meant a tendency in the individual to be "ethnically centered," to be rigid in his acceptance of the culturally "alike" and in his rejection of the "unlike. "
The traditional conception of ethnocentrism, from which the present one is derived, differs in several important respects from the usual notion of prejudice. Prejudice is commonly regarded as a feeling of dislike against a specific group; ethnocentrism, on the other hand, refers to a relatively con- sistent frame of mind concerning "aliens" generally. Usually, in discussions of prejudice against groups there is specific reference to "race prejudice" or "prejudice against racial and religious minorities. " This terminology is used even by people who know that "race" is a socially harmful idea as ordinarily understood, and who know that many groups (zootsuiters, "Okies," and so forth) are discriminated against on neither racial nor religious grounds. Ethnocentrism refers to group relations generally; it has to do not only with numerous groups toward which the individual has hostile opinions and atti- tudes but, equally important, with groups toward which he is positively disposed.
A theory of ethnocentrism offers a starting point for the understanding of the psychological aspect of group relations-why individuals are inclined toward competition, or conflict, or harmonious interaction, and so on. It is concerned with such questions as: What kinds of general attitudes do indi- viduals have about their own and other groups? What underlying ideas or themes run through an individual's thinking about groups and group rela-
102
? THE STUDY OF ETHNOCENTRIC IDEOLOGY 103
tions? How do these ideas develop? How are they related to trends in the individual's thinking about other social processes? What personality trends, if any, are they related to, and in what way? How are they related to mem- bership in class, church, political party, and so forth?
The term "ethnocentrism" shifts the emphasis from "race" to "ethnic group. " The everyday use of the term "race" has been criticized from many sides and on many grounds. It was originally suggested as one type of broad classification of human beings on the basis of skin color. Other anthropo- metric measures such as head shape and blood type were also suggested. Each of these organic bases of classification divides human beings (also known as the human "race") into groups which are mixed with respect to the other organic characteristics. Thus, the Negroes, a "race" according to the skin color criterion, are mixed with respect to head shape and blood type. But, apart from the arbitrariness of the organic basis of classification, the greatest dangers of the race concept lie in its hereditarian psychological implications and in its misapplication to cultures. Psychologically, the race theory implies, whether or not this is always made explicit, that people of a given race (e. g. , skin color) are also very similar psychologically because they have a common hereditary family tree. This notion has been contro- verted in the past few decades by work in psychology on the problem of "heredity vs. environment" and by work in cultural anthropology on the tremendous psychological variations within any given culture. Furthermore, the term "race" is often applied to groups which are not races at all in the technical sense. Sometimes this term is applied to nations, e. g. , "the German race" or even "the American race. " Sometimes it is misused in connection with American ethnic minorities, such as Italians or Greeks. There is no adequate term, other than "ethnic," by which to describe cultures (that is, systems of social ways, institutions, traditions, language, and so forth) which are not nations, that is, which do not form politico-geographical entities. This confusion, which is more than merely terminological and which per- meates much thinking on social problems, has plagued the Jews particularly; they are a good example of an ethnic group which is neither a formal nation nor a race. From the point of view of sociology, cultural anthropology, and social psychology, the important concepts are not race and heredity but social organization (national, regional, subcultural, communal) and the interaction of social forms and individual personalities. To the extent that relative uniformities in psychological characteristics are found within any cultural grouping, these uniformities must be explained primarily in terms of social organization rather than "racial heredity. " The use and develop- ment of the concept of "ethnic group," as part of a broad educational pro-
gram dealing with individual development and social change, 'can do much to clarify everyday thinking about social processes and problems.
The conception of ideology presented in earlier chapters has been utilized
? 104
THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
here. Ethnocentrism is conceived as an ideological system perta1mng to groups and group relations. A distinction is made between ingroups (those groups with which the individual identifies himself) and outgroups (with which he does not have a sense of belonging and which are regarded as antithetical to the ingroups). Outgroups are the objects of negative opinions and hostile attitudes; ingroups are the objects of positive opinions and un- critically supportive attitudes; and it is considered that outgroups should be socially subordinate to ingroups.
The basic questions for research were raised in Chapter II. They concern the inclusiveness of ideas regarding a given group, the generality of out- group rejection, the content of ideas about ingroups and outgroups, and the amount of stereotypy in thinking about groups generally.
There were numerous indications that some generality of ingroup and outgroup ideology within the individual would be found (I 3, 25, 85, 90). Sumner found such consistency in his anthropological studies. Fascistic social movements have shown consistent tendencies to oppose a variety of minority groups. Many historians, literary men, and political analysts have, in a nontechnical, nonquantitative way, had this conception of ideology (2I, 69, 72, 92, 93, 95, IOI). One meets consistent outgroup rejection in everyday parlor and street-corner discussions.
A quantitative indication of consistency was found in a previous study of anti-Semitism (7I). Increasing degrees of anti-Semitism were shown to be closely related to increasing opposition to labor unions and racial equality, and to increasing support of Father Coughlin. Members of college sororities -which tend to have a strong ingroup ideology-were significantly more anti-Semitic on the average than nonmembers. And subjects reporting some ideological friction with parents-indicating ability to criticize the family, a major ingroup-were significantly less anti-Semitic than those reporting no such friction.
To obtain a more conclusive answer to the questions raised in Chapter II, it seemed that the best method-in terms of rigor and quantification-was an opinion-attitude scale for the measurement of ethnocentrism. The construc- tion of this scale was, therefore, the first step taken. It was constructed in such a way that an analysis of its statistical properties and internal relation- ships might help to answer the major questions concerning the structure of ethnocentric ideology.
B. CONSTRUCTION OF THE ETHNOCENTRISM (E) SCALE
The procedure followed in the construction of the E scale was the same as that for the anti-Semitism scale (Chapter III). Once again, and by the same reasoning, the Likert method of scaling was used. Again, all items were nega-
? THE STUDY OF ETHNOCENTRIC IDEOLOGY 105
tive, that is, hostile to the group in question, and finally, the same general rules of item formulation were followed.
1. MAJOR SUBDIVISIONS OR AREAS: THE SUBSCALES
Subscales were used in order to insure broad coverage of the total field and to permit statistical analysis of certain relationships with ethnocentric ideology. Since one of the primary research questions concerned the gener- ality of ethnocentrism, each subscale dealt with a different set of ingroup- outgroup rel~tions. Within each subscale an attempt was made to cover a variety of common pseudodemocratic-and a few openly antidemocratic- opinions and attitudes.
The E scale in its initial forms did not include items about Jews; rather, the initial anti-Semitism scale was included separately in the questionnaire
TABLE 1 (IV) ETHNOCENTRISM ScALE Negro Subscale (N)
2. If there are enough Negroes who want to attend dances at a local dance hall featuring a colored band, a good way to arrange this would be to have one all-Negro night, and then the whites could dance in peace the rest of the time.
5? The Negroes would solve many of their social problems by not being so ir- responsible, lazy, and ignorant.
8. Negro musicians are sometimes as good as white musicians at swing music and jazz, but it is a mistake to have mixed Negro-white bands.
11. It would be a mistake to have Negroes for foremen and leaders over whites. 14. Negroes may have a part to play in white civilization, but it is best to keep them in their own districts and schools and to prevent too much intermixing
with whites.
16. Manual labor and menial jobs seem to fit the Negro mentality and ability
better than more skilled or responsible work.
19. In a community of r,ooo whites and 50 Negroes, a drunken Negro shoots and
kills an officer who is trying to arrest him. The white population should im-
mediately drive all the Negroes out of town.
22. The people who raise all the talk about putting Negroes on the same level
as whites and giving them the same privileges are mostly radical agitators
trying to stir up conflicts.
25. An occasional lynching in the South is a good thing because there is a large
percentage of Negroes in many communities and they need a scare once in a
while to prevent them from starting riots and disturbances.
28. It would be best to limit Negroes to grammar and trade school education since more schooling just gives them ambition and desires which they are
unable to fulfill in white competition.
31. There is something inherently primitive and uncivilized in the Negro, as
shown in his music and his extreme aggressiveness.
34? Most Negroes would become officious, overbearing, and disagreeable if not
kept in their place.
? Io6 THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
so that correlations between the two scales might be obtained. The develop- ment of a more complete E scale, including items about Jews, will be reported later in this chapter.
The initial E scale consists of thirty-four items arranged in three subscales dealing respectively with Negroes, various other minorities, and patriotism (extranational outgroups). Tnese will now be discussed.
a. NEGROES. Since Negroes are a large and severely oppressed group and since imagery of "the Negro" has become so elaborated in American cultural mythology, they merited a subscale of their own. The twelve items presented in Table I (IV) constitute the Negro subscale. (The items are numbered as they appear in the total scale. )
These items attempt to cover most of the current ideology regarding Negroes and Negro-white relations. Negroes are described as lazy and igno- rant (Item 5) and as not really wanting equality with whites (Item 2 2: it is "radical agitators" who stir them up). Do individuals with the opinion that
TABLE 2 (IV) ETHNOCENTRISM ScALE Minority Subscale (M)
1. The many political parties tend to confuse national issues, add to the ex- pense of elections, and raise unnecessary agitation. For this and other reasons, it would be best if all political parties except the two major ones were abol- ished.
4? Certain religious sects whose beliefs do not permit them to salute the flag should be forced to conform to such a patriotic action, or else be abolished. 6. Any group or social movement which contains many foreigners should be watched with suspicion and, whenever possible, be investigated by the FBI. 9? Although women are necessary in the armed forces and in industry, they should be returned to their proper place in the home as soon as the war ends. I5. One main difficulty with allowing the entire population to participate fully in government affairs (voting, jobs, etc. ) is that such a large percentage is
innately deficient and incapable.
I7. It is a mistake to allow any Japanese to leave internment camps and enter
the army where they would be free to commit sabotage.
2I. The many faults, and the general inability to get along, of the Oklahomans
("Okies") who have recently flooded California, prove that we ought to send
them back where they came from as soon as conditions permit.
24. A large-scale system of sterilization would be one good way of breeding out criminals and other undesirable elements in our society and so raise its gen-
eral sta1. 1dards and living conditions.
2 7? Filipinos are all right in their place, but they carry it too far when they
dress lavishly, buy good cars, and go around with white girls.
29. Zootsuiters demonstrate that inferior groups, when they are given too much
freedom and money, just misuse their privileges and create disturbances.
30. The most vicious, irresponsible, and racketeering unions are, in most cases,
those having largely foreigners for leaders.
p.
We are spending too much money for the pampering of criminals and the
insane, and for the education of inherently incapable people.
? THE STUDY OF ETHNOCENTRIC IDEOLOGY I 07
Negroes are "naturally" lazy or unambitious also have the attitude that when Negroes do strive for higher status they should be "kept in their place" (Item 34) and prevented from having positions of leadership (Item I I ) ? Is the attitude that Negroes should be segregated (Items 2 , 8, I 4) held by the same persons who regard Negroes as threatening and inferior and who favor more active subordination of Negroes? These are some of the questions underlying this subscale, and the statistical results should offer at least a partial answer to them.
b. MINORITIES. The second subscale (see Table 2 (IV)) contains twelve items dealing with various American minority groups (other than Jews and Negroes) about which negative opinions and imagery often exist and toward which attitudes of subordination, restriction of social functioning, segrega- tion, and the like are often directed. Included are organized groups such as minority political parties and religious sects as well as social movements and labor unions "containing many foreigners"; also ethnic minorities such as Japanese-Americans, Oklahomans (in California), and Filipinos. 1 Zootsuiters, criminals, the insane, "inherently incapable people" and "undesirable ele- ments," which constitute moral minorities or outgroups, are also objects of hostile opinions and attitudes.
Although prejudice is usually thought of as directed against minorities- in the sense of small numbers, and as opposed to a vague "majority"-one may ask if prejudice is not sometimes directed against a group containing more than half of the population. The phenomena of "contempt for the masses" and the subordination of women were considered examples of ethno- centrism of this type; Items 9 and I 5 were included to determine how closely such attitudes are correlated with the others. Can the attitude that "women's place is in the home" be considered a prejudice? It would appear that it is, to the extent that people with this attitude have others which are more obviously ethnocentric. A more conclusive proof would require a detailed study of ideology regarding women, oriented within a general theory of ethnocentric vs. nonethnocentric approaches.
c. P A TRIOTISM. This subscale (see Table 3(IV)) contains ten items dealing with international relations and viewing America as an ingroup in relation to other nations as outgroups. The term "patriotism" as used here does not mean "love of country. " Rather, the present concept involves blind attachment to certain national cultural values, uncritical conformity with the prevailing group ways, and rejection of other nations as outgroups. It might better be termed pseudopatriotism and distinguished from genuine patriotism, in which love of country and attachment to national values is based on critical understanding. The genuine patriot, it would appear, can appreciate the values and ways of other nations, and can be permissive
1 During the war at least, the status of the last-named groups was a focal issue in Cali- fornia-more so than in most other states.
? 108 THE AUTHORIT ARIAN PERSONALITY
TABLE 3 (IV) ETHNOCENTRISM ScALE Patriotism Subscale (P)
3? Patriotism and loyalty are the first and most important requirements of a good citizen.
7? There will always be superior and inferior nations in the world and, in the interests of all concerned, it is best that the superior ones be in control of world affairs.
IO. Minor forms of military training, obedience, and discipline, such as drill, marching and simple commands, should be made a part of the elementary school educational program.
12. The main threat to basic American institutions during this century has come from the infiltration of foreign ideas, doctrines, and agitators. ?
13. Present treatment of conscientious objectors, draft evaders, and enemy aliens is too lenient and mollycoddling. If a person won't fight for his . country, he deserves a lot worse than just prison or a work camp.
18. In view of the present national emergency, it is highly important to limit responsible government jobs to native, white, Christian Americans.
20. European refugees may be in need, but it would be a big mistake to lower our immigration quotas and allow them to flood the country.
23. It has become clear that the Germans and Japanese are racially war-minded and power-seeking, and the only guarantee of future peace is to wipe out most of them and to keep the rest under careful control.
26. Mexico can never advance to the standards of living and civilization of the U. S. , due mainly to the innate dirtiness, laziness, and general backwardness of Mexicans.
33? There will always be wars because, for one thing, there will always be races who ruthlessly try to grab more than their share.
toward much that he cannot personally accept for himself. He is free of rigid conformism, outgroup rejection, and imperialistic striving for power. lngroup opinions and attitudes are expressed in Items 3, 7, and 10. They are intended to express a general value for obedience and discipline, the opinion that nations are arranged hierarchically from superior to inferior, and the attitude that the superior ones should be dominant-with the assump- tion that we are one of the superior nations. The rigidity of the value for obedience is shown by the punitive attitude toward those who disobey (Item
I 3: Punishment of conscientious objectors and draft evaders).
The glorification of the national ingroup is shown further in the tendency to regard other nations as inferior when they are distant (Item 26), and threatening when they come too close (Items I 2, 20, and 2 3). W e are there- fore morally justified in excluding refugees, in "wiping out" the Germans and Japanese,2 in excluding foreigners and others from government jobs,
2 This item (23), so relevant during the war, can of course no longer be used. Ot should be pointed out that one could actively support the war without such a destructive attitude toward the enemy or such national smugness. ) I f these attitudes are correlated with rejec- tion of most other nations, then the people who made high (ethnocentric) scores on this scale may be the ones who now show similar attitudes toward our wartime allies and sup- port militaristic, imperialistic, "tough-minded policies guaranteeing American sovereignty and interests. "
? THE STUDY OF ETHNOCENTRIC IDEOLOGY 109
and in maintaining our dominant position as a nation. The cynicism about peace and the moralistic attribution of war to "ruthless, grabbing races" also indicate the sense of thre~t from outgroups and the moral righteousness of the ingroup. The fact that this theory of the cause of war is held by many college students who have been exposed to sociological explanations in terms of socioeconomic organization and conflicts raises the question: What are the inner barriers in some individuals which make them unreceptive to non- moralistic explanations? This problem, to be taken up in later chapters, concerns the personality dynamics underlying ethnocentric ideology.
If people who make high scores on this subscale are also high on the others, then it would appear that although they hold America to be superior and inviolable, they actually reject the great majority of the people in this coun- try. Item I 8 brings this out directly: it is only the native, white, Christian Americans who can be trusted. And various items from the "Minorities" subscale indicate that large sections of this population are also in the out- group category.
2. THE TOT AL ETHNOCENTRISM (E) SCALE
The total E scale is intended to measure the individual's readiness to accept or oppose ethnocentric ideology as a whole. The scale consists of 34 items3 and comprises the three subscales N, M, and P. It is presented in Table 4 (IV), with instructions to subjects, just as it was administered.
C. RESULTS: STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF THE SCALE
The subjects were allowed the same six choices of response for each item (+3 to -3, with no neutral response), and the responses were converted into scores in the same way (-3= I point, -2 = 2 points, etc. ) as was the case with the A-S scale. All the items were regarded as pro-ethnocentric. For the 34 items, then, the total scores can range between 34 points (I point on each item, indicating strong anti-ethnocentrism) and 2 38 points (7 points on each item, strong ethnocentrism). When the total score is divided by 34 we obtain the mean score per item; thus, a total score of 5I can also be stated as
a mean per item of 1. 5.
This scale was administered as part of the questionnaire which also con-
tained the initial (52 item) A-S scale. As reported in Chapter III, this ques- tionnaire was given in April, I944? to a class in Introductory Psychology at the University of California. The data presented here are based on the ques- tionnaires of the I44 women subjects, including nineteen members of major minorities.
3 Items r, 3, 4, 7, 9, 10 of the present scale were taken, in some cases with slight modifica- tions, from the "Unlabelled Fascist Attitudes" Scale of Edwards (22). Both Edwards' study and the present one have profitted from previous studies by Gundlach (46), Katz and Cantril (17), and Stagner (rn, rq). Several of the "Negro" items have been taken from Murphy and Likert (84).
? I IO THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
TABLE 4 (IV)
THE ToTAL ETHNocENTRISM ScALE Public Opinion Questionnaire E
The following statements refer to opinions regarding a number of social groups and issues, about which some people agree and others disagree. Please mark each statement in the left-hand margin according to your agreement or disagreement, as follows:
+ r : slight support, agreement +2: moderate support, "
+3: strong support, "
- 1 : slight opposition, disagreement -2: moderate opposition, "
-3: strong opposition, "
_ _ _ 1.
___ 2.
3? 4?
5?
6.
___7?
___ 8. ___9?
___IO.
___I1. ___12. ___IJ.
_ _ _ 14.
The many political parties tend to confuse national issues, add to the expense of elections, and raise unnecessary agitation. For this and other reasons, it would be best if all political parties except the two major ones were abolished.
If there are enough Negroes who want to attend dances at a local dance hall featuring a colored band, a good way to arrange this would be to have one all-Negro night, and then the whites could dance In peace the rest of the time.
Patriotism and loyalty are the first and most important requirements of a good citizen.
Certain religious sects whose beliefs do not permit them to salute the flag should be forced to conform to such a patriotic action, or else be abolished.
The Negroes would solve many of their social problems by not being so irresponsible, lazy, and ignorant.
Any group or social movement which contains many foreigners should be watched with suspicion and, whenever possible, be investigated by the FBI.
There will always be superior and inferior nations in the world and, in the interests of all concerned, it is best that the superior ones be in con. trol of world affairs.
Negro musicians are sometimes as good as white musicians at swing music and jazz, but it is a mistake to have mixed Negro-white bands. Although women are necessary now in the armed forces and in indus- try, they should be returned to their proper place in the home as soon as the war ends.
Minor forms of military training, obedience, and discipline, such as drill, marching and simple commands, should be made a part of the elementary school educational program.
It would be a mistake to have Negroes for foremen and leaders over whites.
The main threat to basic American institutions during this century has come from the infiltration of foreign ideas, doctrines, and agitators. Present treatment of conscientious objectors, draft-evaders, and enemy aliens is too lenient and mollycoddling. If a person won't fight for his country, he deserves a lot worse than just a prison or a work camp. Negroes may have a part to play in white civilization, but it is best to keep them in their own districts and schools and to prevent too much intermixing with whites.
One main difficulty with allowing the entire population to participate
__15.
? __I6. _ _ 17. __I8.
___19.
___20. __2I.
__22.
__23.
_ _ 24.
fully in government affairs (voting, jobs, etc. ) is that such a large percentage is innately deficient and incapable.
Manual labor and menial jobs seem to fit the Negro mentality and abil- ity better than more skilled or responsible work.
It is a mistake to allow any Japanese to leave internment camps and enter the army where they would be free to commit sabotage.
In view of the present national emergency, it is highly important to limit responsible government jobs to native, white, Christian Ameri- cans.
In a community of I,ooo whites and 50 Negroes, a drunken Negro shoots and kills an officer who is trying to arrest him. The white pop- ulation should immediately drive all the Negroes out of town.
European refugees may be in need, but it would be a big mistake to lower our immigration quotas and allow them to flood the country.
The many faults, and the general inability to get along, of the Okla- homans ("Okies"), who have recently flooded California, prove that we ought to send them back where they came from as soon as condi- tions permit.
The people who raise all the talk about putting Negroes on the same level as whites and giving them the same privileges are mostly radical agitators trying to stir up conflicts.
It has become clear that the Germans and Japanese are racially war- minded and power-seeking, and the only guarantee of fumre peace is to wipe out most of them and to keep the rest under careful control.
A large-scale system of sterilization would be one good way of breed- ing out criminals and other undesirable elements in our society and so raise its general standards and living conditions.
THE STUDY OF ETHNOCENTRIC IDEOLOGY I I I
_ _ 25. An occasional lynching in the South is a good thing because there
_ _ _ 26.
_ _ 27. _ _ _ 28.
_ _ _ 29.
_ _ 30. - - 3 ! . - - 3 2 ? - - 3 3 ? - - 3 4 ?
is a large percentage of Negroes in many communities and they need a scare once in a while to prevent them from starting riots and dismrb- ances.
Mexico can never advance to the standards of living and civilization of the U. S. , due mainly to the innate dirtiness, laziness, and general backwardness of Mexicans.
Filipinos are all right in their place, but they carry it too far when they dress lavishly, buy good cars, and go around with white girls.
It would be best to limit Negroes to grammar and trade school educa- tion since more schooling just gives them ambitions and desires
which they are unable to fulfill in white competition.
Zootsuiters demonstrate that inferior groups, when they are given too much freedom and money, just misuse their privileges and create disturbances.
The most vicious, irresponsible, and racketeering unions are, in most cases, those having largely foreigners for leaders.
There is something inherently primitive and uncivilized in the Negro, as shown in his music and his extreme aggressiveness.
W e are spending too much money for the pampering of criminals and the insane, and for the education of inherently incapable people. There will always be wars because, for one thing, there will always be races who ruthlessly try to grab more than their share.
Most Negroes would become officious, overbearing, and disagreeable if not kept in their place.
? II2 THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
1. RELIABILITY
Data indicating the reliability and related statistical properties of the E scale and its subscales are given in Table 5(IV).
TABLE 5 (IV)
RELIABILITY OF THE E. "I'HNOCENTRIS'If (E) SCALE AND ITS SUBSCALES
Property E Scale Reliabilitya . 91
Negroes
? 91 12
2. 72 2. 65 2. 78
1. 25 1. 25 1. 42
1. 0-5. 6
Minorities
? 82 12
3. 32 3. 23 3. 40
1. 21 1. 37 1. 28
1. 0-6. 0
Patriotism
. 80 10
3. 53 3. 88 3. 18
1. 26 1. 26 1. 46
1. 0-6. 1
Number? of iterns Mean (total) b Mean (odd half) Mean (even half) S. D. (total)b S. D. (odd half) S.
