superstitious, if the name superstition had a well-
It is suggested by Letronne that Xenophon may defined meaning.
It is suggested by Letronne that Xenophon may defined meaning.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - c
).
Here he was joined consist of a single book.
The number of books of
by his wife Philesia and his children. It has Xenophon thus estimated is thirty-seven, which is
been said that Philesia was his second wife ; but tolerably near the number mentioned by Diogenes,
when he married her, or where, is unknown. His and shows that a division of Xenophon's works
children were educated in Sparta, or at least Age- into books existed at that time. Of the historical
silaus advised him to educate them there. (Plut writings of Xenophon, the Anabasis, or the His-
Agesil. 20. ) Xenophon was now an exile, and a tory of the Expedition of the Younger Cyrus, and of
Lacedaemonian so far as he could become one. the retreat of the Greeks, who formed part of his
His time during his long residence at Scillas was army, has immortalised his name. It is a clear
employed in hunting, writing, and entertaining his and pleasing narrative, written in a simple style,
friends ; and probably his historical writings, the free from affectation ; and it gives a great deal of
Anabasis and the Hellenica, or part of the Hel curious information on the country which was
lenica, were composed here, as Diogenes Laërtius traversed by the retreating Greeks, and on the
says. The treatise on hunting and that on the manners of the people. It was the first work
horse were probably written during this time, when which made the Greeks acquainted with some
amusement and exercise of that kind formed part portions of the Persian empire, and it showed the
of his occupation. Xenophon was at last expelled weakness of that extensive monarchy. The skir-
from his quiet retreat at Scillus by the Eleans, but mishes of the retreating Greeks with their enemies
the year is uncertain. It is a conjecture of Krüger's and the battles with some of the barbarian tribes
that the Eleans did not take Scillus before B. C. 371, are not such events as elevate the work to the
the year in which the Lacedaemonians were de- character of a military history, nor can it as such
feated by the Thebans at the battle of Leuctra. be compared with Caesar's Commentaries. Indeed
Diogenes says that the Lacedaemonians did not those passages in the Anabasis which relate di-
come to the aid of Xenophon when he was attacked rectly to the military movements of the retreating
by the Eleans, a circumstance that may lead to the army are not always clear, nor have we any evi-
probable inference that they were too busily em- dence that Xenophon did possess any military
ployed in other ways either to prevent his expulsion talent for great operations, whatever skill he may
or to reinstate him ; and this is a reason why have had as a commander of a division. The
Letronne supposes that the Eleans probably attacked | editions of the Anabasis are numerous: one of the
Scillus in B. C. 368 during the invasion of Laconica most useful editions for the mere explanation of
by Epaminondas. Xenophon's residence at Scillus the Greek text is by Krüger. The work of Major
in either case was above twenty years. The sen- ! Rennell“ Illustrations chiefly geographical of the
40 2
.
rus, nor had he in fact served as
A the commencement of the thing
basis be states how he was calcio
4 in conducting the hazardous rizik
i attempting to return br the rai ly
ey ad ránced, where the soul ine
supplies, at least till they reaches its
ranean, the Greek leaders condectries
ag the Tigris and over the high table and
enia to Trapezus, now Trebizora, o Green
on the south-east caest of the Black
Trapezus the troops were conducted a
polis, which is opposite to Brzesoin.
s were in great distress, and stime elf the
Xenophon entered the service of Stalin
of Thrace, who wanted their aid, and promised
ş for it. The Greeks performed what they
d to do, but Seuthes was usmiling
it was with great difficulty that Xeopata na
him part of what he had promised to
ription which Xenophon gires (Anak szi
the manners of the Thracians i tertaru
| amusing. As the Lacedaemanisan zade
im bron were nor at vae with Tisspleno
d Pharnal azus, Xenophou and his coop met
## p. 1300 (#1316) ##########################################
1300
XENOPHON.
XENOPHON.
a perishat
leased fr
bears son
Bader, is
life (cha
the Cero
Author says,
The
Agesilau
Dophon.
proved t
of Cicer
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ertant
it may
panegy.
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1
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The
the du
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ܪ
there
Ilistory of the Expedition of Cyrus, &c. London, hands. The division into books proves nothing,
1807, 4to. ” is a useful commentary on the Anabasis, for that was posterior to Xenophon's time. (The
to which may be added various remarks in the Hellenica of Xenophon, and their division into
London Geographical Journal. (See the Index to books, by G. C. Lewis, Classical Museum, No. iv. )
the first ten volumes. ) The translation by Spel- The Hellenica is generally a dry narrative of
man is perhaps the best English version.
events, and there is nothing in the treatment of
In a passage in the Hellenica (iii. I. § 1), the them which gives a special interest to the work.
“Now how Cyrus got his army to- Some events of importance are briefly treated, but
gether and marched up the country with it against a few striking incidents are presented with some
his brother, and how the battle was fought, and particularity. There is an English translation of
how he died, and how after this the Greeks made the Hellenica by W. Smith, the translator of Thu-
their retreat to the sea, has been written by The- cydides.
mistogenes of Syracuse. " This passage seems The Cyropaedia (Kuporaidela) in eight books,
sufficiently to indicate the Anabasis, though the I is a kind of political romance, the basis of which
extract says nothing of the course which the | is the history of Cyrus, the founder of the Persian
Greeks took from Trapezus to Byzantium. Plus monarchy. It shows how citizens are to be made
tarch (De Gloria Athen. vol. ii. ed. Wyttenbach) | virtuous and brave ; and Cyrus is the model of a
says, that Xenophon attributed the Anabasis to wise and good ruler. As a history it has no autho-
Themistogenes in order that the work might have rity at all. Xenophon adopted the current stories
more credit, than if it appeared as the narrative of as to Cyrus and the chief events of his reign,
one who had to say so much about himself. We without any intention of subjecting them to a
might suppose that there was a work on the ex- critical examination ; nor have we any reason to
pedition of Cyrus by Themistogenes, and that suppose that his picture of Persian morals and
Xenophon wrote his Anabasis after he had written Persian discipline is any thing more than a fiction,
this passage in the Hellenica. But this is merely for we know that many of the usages of the
a conjecture, and not a satisfactory one. When Persians in the time of the first Dareius and his
we read the Anabasis we never doubt that Xeno successors were different from the usages which
phon was the author of it, for he speaks of himself Xenophon attributes to the Persians ; and Xeno-
in many places in a way in which no other person phon himself affirms this. Besides this, Xenophon
could speak: he records, for instance, dreams and could know no more of the Persians in the time of
thoughts, which no one could know except from the first Cyrus than other Greeks; and, setting
his evidence. The Anabasis, then, as we have it, aside the improbability of his picture, we are
was either written by Xenophon, or compiled certain that he could not know many things which
from his notes ; and the reference to the work of he has introduced into his romance.
His object
Themistogenes either proves that there was such a was to represent what a state might be, and he
work, or that Xenophon's work passed under the placed the scene of his fiction far enough off to
name of Themistogenes, at the time when the give it the colour of possibility. His own phila
passage in the Hellenica was written, if Xenophon sophical notions and the usages of Sparta were the
wrote the passage in the Hellenicah Bornemann's real materials ont of which he constructed his poli-
proposal to translate the words in the Hellenica, tical system. The Cyropuedia is evidence enough
Θεμιστογένει το Συρακουσίω γέγραπται, « das | that Xenophon did not like the political constitu-
habe ich für den Themistogenes geschrieben” is tion of his own country, and that a well-ordered
altogether inadmissible.
monarchy or kingdom appeared to him preferable
The Hellenica ('EXAnviká) of Xenophon are to a democracy like Athens. The genuineness of
divided into seven books, and comprehend the the Epilogus or conclusion, in which Xenophon
space of forty-eight years, from the time when the shows how the Persians had degenerated since the
history of Thucydides ends [THUCYDIDES) to the time of Cyrus, is doubted by some critics ; but
battle of Mantineja, B. C. 362. But the fact of there seem to be no sufficient reasons. The author
the assassination of Alexander of Pherae is men- here says that the “ Persians of his time, and the
tioned (vi. 4. 35), as to which the reference al- rest who were among them, were proved to be
ready made to Clinton's Fasti may be consulted. both less reverential towards the gods and less just
It is the opinion of Niebuhr and others that the to their kin, and more dishonest towards others,
Hellenica consists of two distinct parts or works and less courageous in war now than they were
written at different times. The History of Thu- before ; and if any man has a contrary opinion, he
cydides would be completed by the capture of will find, if he looks to their acts, that they testify
Athens, B. C. 404, which is described in the second to the truth of what I say. " The Cyropaedia is
book (Hellen. ii. 2); the remainder of this book one of the most pleasing of Xenophon's works,
carries the history to the restoration of Thrasybu- and it contains many good hints on the training of
lus and the exiles, B. C. 403. The second para- youth. Xenophon's remarks are practical; we do
graph of the third book in which Themistogenes not find in his writings any thoughts that strike us
is mentioned, may be considered as completing the as very profound or new, but we always discorer
history up to B. c. 399 ; and a new narrative ap. careful observation of human life, good sense, and
pears to begin with the third paragraph of the honest purpose The dying speech of Cyrus (viii.
third book ('Enel MéUTO Toroapépvns, &c. ). But 7) is worthy of the pupil of Socrates, and Cicero
there seems no sufficient reason to consider the (de Senectute, 22) has transferred the substance of
Hellenica as two works, because an expression at it to enforce his argument for the immortality of
the end of the second book refers to the Athenian the soul. This passage may be assumed as evi-
amnesty (ěti kal vũv quoû, &c. ) of B. c. 403, and dence of Xenophon's belief in the existence of the
because the death of Alexander of Pherae is re- soul (yuxń) independent of the organised being in
corded in the sixth. This would only prove that which it acts. “I never could be persuaded,"
Xenophon had the work a long time under his says Cyrus, "that the soul lives so long as it is in
again
desig
these
voice
T
after
att
a be
209
you
ma
tre
the
che
tre
su
in
L
h
V
1
a
## p. 1301 (#1317) ##########################################
OX.
1301
XENOPHON.
XENOPHON.
books peres medias
iezophoes une au
ind iber divine in
ssica. Nakom. Na
haly a dry stro
ang in the treatment of
de Interest to be pak
e are briefs treated, is:
are presented woo
an Ergissa tanud
ith, ibe translator II
.
etabela) in eight borais
rance, tbe beas e
the founder of the Persia
9* cutitens are to be ?
Cyrus is the moderna
is a history it has no aizbor
adopted the current sta
che events có 24 G.
i of subjecting the si
nor hare we any reast 1
are of Persian massa
or thing more than a toda
DY of the use of
of the first Dareios an: Da
rent from the sign stich
to the Persians; and I'm
this. Besides this, Xenon
of the Persians in bed
other Greeks; and, Rey
ty of bis pictes, **
À not know many cases **
into his romance. His
what a state mest be, and 2
Af his betion far ebeen of
of possiblity. His one per
6
a perishable body, and that it dies when it is re- of Athens ” was translated into English by James
leased from it. " The argument of Xenophon Morris, 1794, 8vo.
bears some resemblance to the argument of Bishop A treatise on the Revenues of Athens (11bpor
Butler, in his Analogy, where he treats of a future repi npoobdww) is designed to show how the
life (chap. i. ). There is an English translation of public revenue of Athens may be improved : it
the Cyropaedia, hy Maurice Ashley Cowper. treats of the mode of increasing the number of re-
The Agesilaus ('Ayncia aos) is a panegyric on sident strangers (MÉTOĽKOI), by improving their
Agesilaus II. , king of Sparta, the friend of Xe condition at Athens, which improvement would
nophon. That Xenophon wrote such a work is ultimately be beneficial to the revenue, and attract
proved by the list of Diogenes, and the testimony strangers ; and it recommends such facilities to be
of Cicero (ad Fam. v. 12), who considers it a given to strangers trading to Athens, as would
monument more glorious than all the statues of induce them to come to a port where they were
kings Some modern critics do not consider the not compelled, ns in many ports, to take mer-
extant work as deserving of high praise, to which chandise, for want of a good current coin, but
it may be replied, that it will be difficult to find a whero they could take silver as a commodity in
panegyric which is. It is a kind of composition in exchange, if they preferred it: he then proceeds to
which failure can hardly be avoided. However true discuss the mode of improving the revenue by a
it may be, it is apt to be insipid and to appear better management of the Athenian silver mines,
exaggerated.
and to show that provision may thus be made for
The Hipparchicus ('InTapxikós) is a treatise on the poorer citizens and other purposes, without
the duties of a commander of cavalry, and it con- levying contributions on the allies and the subject
tains many military precepts. One would be in- states. This treatise was translated into English
clined to suppose that it was written at Athens, by Walter Moyle, 1697, 8vo. , and is reprinted in
but this conclusion, like many others from internal his works. Böckh, in his Public Economy of
evidence, is not satisfactory. A strain of devotion Athens, translated into English by G. C. Lewis,
runs through the treatise ; and on this the author has discussed this treatise of Xenoplion, and the
makes the following remark near the end : “ Now matter of it.
if any one admire that I have often used the ex- In the Memorabilia of Socrates, in four books
pression “God willing,' he must know that if he (Atournuovevuara Lwkpátous) Xenophon defends
bappen to be frequently in a state of danger, he the memory of bis master against the charge of
will admire the less ; and if he consider, that when irreligion (i. 1) and of corrupting the Athenian
there is war, the hostile parties form their designs youth. Socrates is represented as holding a series
against one another, but very seldom know what of conversations, in which be developes and in-
designs are formed against them severally. But all culcates moral doctrines in his peculiar fashion. It
these things the gods kuow, and presignify them is entirely a practical work, such as we might
to whom they please by means of sacrifices, birds, expect from the practical nature of Xenophon's
voices, and dreams. "
mind, and it professes to exhibit Socrates as he
The treatise on the Horse ('ITALÝ) was written taught. It is true that it may exhibit only one
after the Hipparchicus, to which treatise he refers side of the Socratic argumentation, and that it does
at the end of the treatise on the Horse. “ Since," not deal in those subtleties and verbal disputes
says Xenophon, at the beginning of this treatise, which occupy 80 large a space in some of Plato's
it happens that I have been accustomed to riding dialogues. Xenophon was a hearer of Socrates, an
a horse for a long time, I consider that I am well admirer of his master, and anxious to defend his
acquainted with horses, and I wish to show my memory. The charges against Socrates for which
younger friends in what way I think that they he suffered were (Mem. i. 1), that “Socrates was
may best meddle in the matter of a horse. " The guilty of not believing in the gods which the state
treatise is not limited to horsenianship, as regards believed in, and in introducing other new daemons
the rider: it shows how a man is to avoid being (dawóvia): he was also guilty of corrupting the
cheated in buying a horse, how a horse is to be youth. ” Xenophon (c. 1, 2) replies to these two
trained, and the like. In the beginning of the charges specifically ; and he then goes on to show
treatise Xenophon refers to a treatise on the same (c. 3) what Socrates' mode of life was.
The
subject by Sinon. The 'Itrikh was translated whole treatise is intended to be an answer to the
into English, and printed by Henry Denham, charge for which Socrates was executed, and it is,
London, 1584, 4to.
therefore, in its nature, not intended to be a com-
The Cynegeticus (KuvnyetikÓS) is a treatise on plete exhibition of Socrates. That it is a genuine
hunting, an amusement of which Xenophon was picture of the man, is indisputable, and it is the
very fond ; and on the dog, and the breeding and most valuable memorial that we have of the prac-
training of dogs, on the various kinds of game, and tical pbilosophy of Socrates. The Memorabiliu
the mode of taking them. It is a treatise written will always be undervalued by the lovers of the
by a genuine sportsman, who loved the exercise transcendental, who give to an unintelligible jargon
and the excitement of the chase ; and it may be of words the name of philosophy: it comes too
read with delight by any
nan who deserves near the common understanding (communis sensus)
the name.
of mankind to be valued by those who would raise
The two treatises on the Spartan and Athenian themselves above this common understanding, and
states (Λακεδαιμονίων Πολιτεία, and 'Αθηναίων | who have yet to learn that there is not a single
Noditela) were not always recognised as genuine notion of philosophy which is not expressed or in-
works of Xenophon, even by the ancients. They volved by implication in the common language of
pass, however, under his name, and there is nothing life. The Memorabilia and the Apology of So-
in the internal evidence that appears to throw any | crates (Απολογία Σωκράτους προς τους δικαστές)
doubt on the authorship. The writer clearly prefers have been translated into English by Sarah Field-
Sputan to Athenian institutions. The “Republic ing. The Apology of Socrates contains the rensolis
403
66
od the usages of Santa Fe the
of which he constricted his paim
e gropaedia is evidence estar
id nos like the perccal cec
ountry, and that a related
adom appeared to biz meste
like Atheas. The respons
conclusion, in which Setter
Persians had dexenerated by
is doubled by state cu *
e no suficient reasons
. The
the "Persians of his size, Leth
| among them, were priced a
ential to cards the gods and loss
and more dishonest to coast
Acrous in mar por that there
í ant man has a contrat 43
e looks to their acis, chai che
of what I sar. " The Curines s
mºst pleasing of Yeneroae 'Fas
as many good hints on the treated
nophon's remarks are pria; *
lis writings any thoughes that cake is
ound or new, but se z'rare este
rration of human life, fordi Reis,
pose. The dring sperc) si (1:33
1r of the pupil of Gerales, and list
ste, 2) has transferred the maxi
te bis argument for the innat
This passage mar be 2013
Penophon's belief in the erster sta
) independent of the organes det er
acts. “I nerer cond be presente
tls, that the soul ii reso
## p. 1302 (#1318) ##########################################
1302
XENOPHON.
XENOPHON.
little correc
describe it a
the constitu
ment to the
laws for a
matter, the
1
the vitale
There a
of the se
rica, the
in type 1
elder Ald
as & supi
the rent
E. Bonis
Leo X.
66
100 con
treatise
teatise
wantin
specim
of Xer
printei
all the
thoug
Reach
and 1
linge:
text
Step
and
editi
which induced Socrates to prefer death to life. It seventh chapter is on the duty of a good wife, as
is not a first-rate performance ; and because they exemplified in the case of the wife of Ischomachus.
do not consider it worthy of Xenophon, some critics The wife's duty is to look after the interior of the
would deny that he is the author ; but this is an household: the husband labours out of doors and pro-
inconclusive reason. Laërtius states that Xenophon duces that which the wiſe must use with frugality.
wrote an Apologia, and the original is as likely to The wife's duty is to stay at home, and not to gad
have come down to us as a forgery.
abroad. It is an excellent chapter, abundani in
In the Symposium (Suurboiov), or 'Banquet of good things, worthy of a woman's careful perusal,
Philosophers, Xenophon delineates the character of and adapted to practice. A wife who is perpetually
Socrates. The speakers are supposed to meet at leaving her home, is not the wife that Xenophon
the house of Callias, a rich Athenian, at the cele would have. It is a notion which one sees in some
bration of the great Panathenaea. Socrates, Cra- modern writers, that the attachment of husband
tibulus, Antisthenes, Charınides, and others are and wife, independent of the sexual passion, and
the speakers. The accessories of the entertainment their permanent love after both have grown old, is
are managed with skill, and the piece is interesting a characteristic of modern society, and that the
as a picture of an Athenian drinking party, and of men of Greece and Rome were not susceptible of
the amusement and conversation with which it that affection which survives the decay of a woman's
was diversified. The nature of love and friendship youth and beauty. The notion is too absurd to
is discussed. Some critics think that the Sym- need confutation. The duties of a wife, says
posium is a juvenile performance, and that the Ischomachus, give her great opportunities, by ex-
Symposium of Plato was written after that of Xe- ercising which she will not have to fear " that as
nophon ; but it is an old tradition that the Sympo- she grows older she will receive less respect in the
sium of Plato was written before that of Xenophon. household, but may be assured that as she advances
The Symposium was translated into English by in life, the better companion she becomes to her
James Wellwood, 1710, reprinted 1750.
husband and the better guardian of her children,
The Hiero (ʻlépwr A Tupavvikós) is a dialogue the more respect she will receive. " This is one of
between king Hiero and Simonides, in which the the best treatises of Xenophon. It has been
king speaks of the dangers and difficulties incident several times translated into English. The last
to an exalted station, and the superior happiness translation appears to be by R. Bradley, London,
of a private man. The poet, on the other hand, 1727, 8vo.
enumerates the advantages which the possession of A man's character cannot be entirely derived
power gives, and the means which it offers of oblig- from his writings, especially if they treat of exact
ing and doing services. Hiero speaks of the burden science. Yet a man's writings are some index of
of power, and answers Simonides, who wonders his character, and when they are of a popular and
why a man should keep that which is so trouble varied kind, not a bad index. Xenophon, as we
some, by saying that power is a thing which a know him from his writings, was a humane man,
man cannot safely lay down. Simonides offers at least for his age, a man of good understanding
some suggestions as to the best use of power, and and strong religious feelings : we might call bim
the way of employing it for the public interest.
superstitious, if the name superstition had a well-
It is suggested by Letronne that Xenophon may defined meaning. Some modern critics, who can
have been led to write this treatise by what he judge of matters of antiquity with as much positive-
saw at the court of Dionysius ; and, as already ness as if all the evidence that exists were un-
stated, there is a story of his having visited Sicily doubted evidence, and as if they had all the evi-
in the lifetime of the tyrant of Syracuse. A trans- dence that is required, find much to object to in
lation of this piece, which is attributed to Elizabeth, Xenophon's conduct as a citizen. He did not like
queen of England, first appeared in an octavo vo Athenian institutions altogether ; but a man is
lume, published in 1743, entitled “ Miscellaneous under no moral or political obligation to like the .
Correspondence. ” It was also translated, in 1793, government under which he is born. His duty is
8vo. , by the Rev. James Graves, the translator of to conform to it, or to withdraw himself. There is
the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius.
no evidence that Xenophon, after his banishmento
The Oeconomicus (Oikovouerós) is a dialogue acted against his native country, even at the battle
between Socrates and Critobulus, in which Socrates of Coroneia. If we admit that his banishment was
begins by showing that there is an art called Oeco- merited, and that is more than can be proved, there
nomic, which relates to the administration of a is no evidence that he did any thing after his ba-
household and of a man's property. Socrates (c. nishment for which an exile can be blamed. If his
4), when speaking in praise of agriculture, quotes preference of Spartan to Athenian institutions is
the instance of the younger Cyrus, who was fond matter for blame, he is blameable indeed. If we
of horticulture, and once showed to the Spartan may form a conjecture of the man, he would have
Lysander the gardens which he had planned and made an excellent citizen and a good administrator
the trees which he had planted with his own under a constitutional monarchy ; but he was not
hands. Cicero copies this passage, in his treatise fitted for the turbulence of an Athenian democracy,
on Old Age (de Senectute, c. 17). Xenophon gives which, during a great part of his lifetime, was not
the same character of Cyrus, in this passage of more to the taste of a quiet man than France under
the Oeconomicis, which he gives in the Anabasis the Convention. All antiquity and all modern
(i. 8, 9), which tends to confirm his being the writers agree in allowing Xenophon great merit as
author of the Anabasis, if it needs confirmation. a writer of a plain, simple, perspicuous, and un-
In answer to the praises of agriculture, Critobulus affected style. His mind was not adapted for pure
speaks of the losses to which the husbandman is philosophical speculation : he looked to the practical
exposed from hail, frost, drought, and other causes. in all things; and the basis of his philosophy was
The answer of Socrates is that the husbandman a strong belief in a divine mediation in the govern-
must trust in heaven, and worship the gods. The ment of the world. His belief only requires a
8то.
the
Gai
rolu
tair
on
and
cor
Tet
Le
is
ve
(
ed
IE
0
&
:
## p. 1303 (#1319) ##########################################
XENOPHON.
1303
XENOPHON.
of a good wife, 1
fe of Khoats.
the interese
out of doon and pre-
i us with regar.
come, and not to a
chapter, aberdas:
pan's caretu perus
ife who is perpetuals
wife that Nepopean
which one was in one
ttachment of husband
De sera passion, and
both bare grond
society, and that the
were not sesceptibet
s the deas ei a Fora:)
potion is too aborda
duties of a wife, ay
reat opportunitas, by ex-
not have to fear *ibat
receive less respect a the
sured that as she ad raaces
anion she becomes to be
r guardian of her children,
I receive. " This is one of
Xenophon. It has been
led into Eng'ish The last
be by R. Brades, Lescah
,
I cannot be entirely derived
pecially if they treat of ext
is writings are some indes o
hen they are of a popular and
bad inder. Xenophen, a Fe
s writings, was a bimane mas,
, a man of good andersen
us feelings: we biskt allin
le name superstition had a ten
Some modern cities who a
of antiquity with as much positivo
le evidence that exists were ID-
4, and as if ther had all the
equired, find moch to objeet 10 i
duct as a citizen. He did out 3
tutions altogether; but a manis
W or political obligation to like the
der which he is born. His duty s
it or to withdraw bimsel There i
little correction and modification, to allow us to bability the author of a tepladous, mentioned by
describe it as a profound conviction that God, in Pliny (vii. 48; comp. Voss. de llist. Gr. p. 510,
the constitution of things, has given a moral govern- note 34).
ment to the world, as manifestly as he has given 4. A native of Antiocb, the author of an ama-
laws for the mechanical and chemical actions of tory narrative, or collection of narratives, entitled
matter, the organisation of plants and animals, and Babuwwird. (Suid. 8. v. )
the vital energies of all beings which live and move. 5. A native of Ephesus, the author of a romance,
There are numerous editions of the whole and still extant, entitled Ephesiaca, or the Loves of
of the separate works of Xenophon. The Helle- Anthia and Abrocomas (Εφεσιακά, τα κατά 'Αν.
nica, the first of Xenophon's works that appeared Olav Kal 'Alpokóun). The style of the work is
in type, was printed at Venice, 1503, fol. by the simple, and the story is conducted without confu-
elder Aldus, with the title of Paralipomena, and sion, notwithstanding the number of personnges in-
as a supplement to Thucydides, which was printed troduced. The adventures are of a very improbable
the year before. The first general edition is that of kind. Suidns is the only ancient writer who men-
E. Boninus, printed by P. Giunt, and dedicated to tions Xenophon. The age when he lived is un-
Leo X. , Florence, 1516, fol. ; but this edition does certain. Locella Assigns him to the age of the
not contain the Agesilaus, the Apology, and the Antonines. Peerlkamp regards him as the oldest
treatise on the Revenue of Athens. A part of the of the Greek romance writers, and thinks that he
treatise on the Athenian Commonwealth is also has discovered in other writers of this class traces
wanting. This edition of Giunta is a very good of an imitation of Xenophon. He also maintains
specimen of early printing, and useful to an editor that Xenophon was not the real name of the author,
of Xenophon. The edition by Andrea of Asola, and that, with the exception of Heliodorus, no
printed by Aldus at Venice, 1525, folio, contains Greek romance writer published his productions
all the works of Xenophon, except the Apology ; under liis real name.
though the Apology was already edited by J. Since Suidas, Angelus Politianus (in the 15th
Reuchlin, Hagenau, 1520, 4to. , with the Agesilaus century) was the first writer who mentioned the
and Hiero. The Basel edition, printed by N. Bry- Ephesiaca of Xenophon. But although he had
linger, 1545, fol. is the first edition of the Greek quoted a passage from the work, its existence was
text with a Latin translation. The edition of H. doubted or denied by several scholars of the 17th
Stephens, 1561, fol. , contains an amended text, century. Even after an Italian translation by A.
and the edition 1581 has a Latin version. The M. Salvini had been published (in 1723), and the
edition of Weiske, Leipzig, 1798-1804, 6 vols. Greek text had been printed in 1726, Lenglet du
8vo. , did something towards the improvement of Fresnoy, in 1734, denied the existence of the
the text. The most pretending edition is that of original.
Gail, Paris, 6 vols. 4to. 1797-1804 ; a seventh There is but a single manuscript of the work
volume, in three parts, published afterwards, con- known in the monastery of the Monte Cassino).
tains the various readings of three MSS. , notices The Greek text was first published by Ant. Cocchi,
on the MSS. and observations, literary and critical, with a Latin translation (London, 1726). This
and an Atlas of maps and plans. This edition edition contains numerous errors. A still worse
contains the Greek text, the Latin version, a French edition was published at Lucca (1781), containing,
version and notes ; the Latin version is that of besides the Latin translation of Cocchi, the Italian
Leunclavius, occasionally corrected ; and the French version of Salvini, and the French version of
is not entirely new, for the author took the French Jourdan. Xenophon was still more unfortunate in
versions already existing of various parts of Xeno his next editor, Polyzois Kontu (Vienna, 1793).
phon's works. Letronne, in his article on Xenophon | A very excellent and carefully prepared edition
(Biog. Univ. ), has given an account of this pompous was published by Baron de Locella (Vienna, 1796).
edition, which has very little merit. J. G. Schneider | He procured a fresh collation of the manuscript,
revised the edition of Zeune, and the various parts and availed himself of the critical remarks of
of the works of Xenophon appeared between 1791 Hemsterhuis, D'Abresch, and D'Orville (Miscel-
and 1815. The editions of the several works are laneae Observationes, vols. iii. —vi. ), and the labours
too numerous to be mentioned.
of F. J. Bast, who had made preparations for editing
Fabricius (Bibliotheca Graeca), Schöll (Geschichte the work. Locella also prepared a new translation
der Griechischen Literatur), Letronne (Biog. Univ. and a commentary. The Ephesiaca was reprinted
art. Xenophon), and Hoffmann (Lexicon Bibliogra- by C. W. Mitscherlich, in his Scriptores Erotici
phicum) will furnish full information about the Graeci. Another good edition is that of P. Hof-
numerous editions and translations. As to the mann Peerlkamp (Harlem, 1818). The most
seven Epistles attributed to Xenophon, among the recent edition is that of F. Passow (Lips. 1833, in
one and forty so-called Socratic Epistles, the same the Corpus Scriptorum Eroticorum Graecorum).
remark applies to them as to most of the Greek There are German translations by G. A. Bürger,
literary remains of that class ; they are mere rhe- Häuslin, E. C. Reiske (or rather his wife), in his
torical essays.
(G. L. ) collections entitled Zur Moral (Dessau and Leipzig,
XENOPHON (Eevopwv), minor literary per- 1782, and Hellas, Leipzig, 1791), and Krabinger,
80ns. 1. An Athenian, the brother of the poet besides one that appeared anonymously. In French
Pythostratus. He wrote a biography of Epaini. there are translations by P. Bauche (Paris, 1736).
nondas and Pelopidas, and some other works. and J. B. Jourdan (Paris, 1748). A translation of
(Diog. Laërt. ii. 59. )
the Ephesiaca also forms the seventh volume of the
2. An historical writer, the author of an account Bibliothèque des Romans traduits du Grec (Paris,
of Hannibal (ibid. ).
1797). An anonymous translation, with notes,
3. A native of Lampsacus, a writer on geo- was published at Paris in 1823. The Italian
graphy, mentioned by Pliny (H. N. iv. 13, vi. 31) translation of Salvini has several times been re-
and Solinus (c. 22, 60). "He was also in all pro- published. There is also an English translation by
4 04
hat Xenophon, after his barisbrest
his native country, even at the batte
If we admit that his banisheet 12
I that is more than can be proved
, toeta
oce that he did ant thing after his low
in which an esile can be based 11 23
of Spartan to Athenan institutions is
blame, be is blameable indeed. I've
3 conjecture of the man, be would be
Ncellent citizen and a good administratie
onstitutional monarcht; bat be w3 DK
the turbulence of an Athenian deputat,
uring a great part of his lifetime, vas pii
the taste of a quiet man than fra de
A vention. All antiquity and al' sadena
agree in allowing Xenophon great serti se
s of a plain, simple
, perspicuous and =>
i strle. His mind was not
phical speculation : be looked to the puzeta
things ; and the basis of his philcopes **
ng belief in a dirine mediation in the area
of the world. His belief euly reques :
adapted for per
## p. 1304 (#1320) ##########################################
1304
XERXES.
XERXES.
.
Rooke, London, 1727. (Comp. Schöll, Geschichle | Persia. Artabazanes, the eldest son of the formor
der Griech. Lilo vol. ii. p. 520, &c. ; Hoffmann, marriage, and Xerxes, the eldest son of the latter,
Icricon Bibliographicum, s. v. )
each laid claim to the succession ; bat Dareius
6. A native of Cyprus, the author of a work of decided in favour of Xerxes, no doubt through the
the same kind as the preceding, entitled Kumplakcha influence of his mother Atossa, who completely
(Suid. 8. v. )
ruled Dareius.
7. For some others of this name the reader is Xerxes succeeded his father at the beginning of
referred to Fabricius (Bill. Gr. vol. iii. p. ), note B. C. 485. Dareius had died in the midst of his
a. , p. 833 ; comp. Menag. ad Ding. Laërt. ii. preparations against Greece, which had been inter-
59).
by his wife Philesia and his children. It has Xenophon thus estimated is thirty-seven, which is
been said that Philesia was his second wife ; but tolerably near the number mentioned by Diogenes,
when he married her, or where, is unknown. His and shows that a division of Xenophon's works
children were educated in Sparta, or at least Age- into books existed at that time. Of the historical
silaus advised him to educate them there. (Plut writings of Xenophon, the Anabasis, or the His-
Agesil. 20. ) Xenophon was now an exile, and a tory of the Expedition of the Younger Cyrus, and of
Lacedaemonian so far as he could become one. the retreat of the Greeks, who formed part of his
His time during his long residence at Scillas was army, has immortalised his name. It is a clear
employed in hunting, writing, and entertaining his and pleasing narrative, written in a simple style,
friends ; and probably his historical writings, the free from affectation ; and it gives a great deal of
Anabasis and the Hellenica, or part of the Hel curious information on the country which was
lenica, were composed here, as Diogenes Laërtius traversed by the retreating Greeks, and on the
says. The treatise on hunting and that on the manners of the people. It was the first work
horse were probably written during this time, when which made the Greeks acquainted with some
amusement and exercise of that kind formed part portions of the Persian empire, and it showed the
of his occupation. Xenophon was at last expelled weakness of that extensive monarchy. The skir-
from his quiet retreat at Scillus by the Eleans, but mishes of the retreating Greeks with their enemies
the year is uncertain. It is a conjecture of Krüger's and the battles with some of the barbarian tribes
that the Eleans did not take Scillus before B. C. 371, are not such events as elevate the work to the
the year in which the Lacedaemonians were de- character of a military history, nor can it as such
feated by the Thebans at the battle of Leuctra. be compared with Caesar's Commentaries. Indeed
Diogenes says that the Lacedaemonians did not those passages in the Anabasis which relate di-
come to the aid of Xenophon when he was attacked rectly to the military movements of the retreating
by the Eleans, a circumstance that may lead to the army are not always clear, nor have we any evi-
probable inference that they were too busily em- dence that Xenophon did possess any military
ployed in other ways either to prevent his expulsion talent for great operations, whatever skill he may
or to reinstate him ; and this is a reason why have had as a commander of a division. The
Letronne supposes that the Eleans probably attacked | editions of the Anabasis are numerous: one of the
Scillus in B. C. 368 during the invasion of Laconica most useful editions for the mere explanation of
by Epaminondas. Xenophon's residence at Scillus the Greek text is by Krüger. The work of Major
in either case was above twenty years. The sen- ! Rennell“ Illustrations chiefly geographical of the
40 2
.
rus, nor had he in fact served as
A the commencement of the thing
basis be states how he was calcio
4 in conducting the hazardous rizik
i attempting to return br the rai ly
ey ad ránced, where the soul ine
supplies, at least till they reaches its
ranean, the Greek leaders condectries
ag the Tigris and over the high table and
enia to Trapezus, now Trebizora, o Green
on the south-east caest of the Black
Trapezus the troops were conducted a
polis, which is opposite to Brzesoin.
s were in great distress, and stime elf the
Xenophon entered the service of Stalin
of Thrace, who wanted their aid, and promised
ş for it. The Greeks performed what they
d to do, but Seuthes was usmiling
it was with great difficulty that Xeopata na
him part of what he had promised to
ription which Xenophon gires (Anak szi
the manners of the Thracians i tertaru
| amusing. As the Lacedaemanisan zade
im bron were nor at vae with Tisspleno
d Pharnal azus, Xenophou and his coop met
## p. 1300 (#1316) ##########################################
1300
XENOPHON.
XENOPHON.
a perishat
leased fr
bears son
Bader, is
life (cha
the Cero
Author says,
The
Agesilau
Dophon.
proved t
of Cicer
mnonime
ertant
it may
panegy.
which
it may
1
exagres
The
the du
tains
clined
but th
eriden
Tunst
makes
!
if any
pressi
bappe
will a
ܪ
there
Ilistory of the Expedition of Cyrus, &c. London, hands. The division into books proves nothing,
1807, 4to. ” is a useful commentary on the Anabasis, for that was posterior to Xenophon's time. (The
to which may be added various remarks in the Hellenica of Xenophon, and their division into
London Geographical Journal. (See the Index to books, by G. C. Lewis, Classical Museum, No. iv. )
the first ten volumes. ) The translation by Spel- The Hellenica is generally a dry narrative of
man is perhaps the best English version.
events, and there is nothing in the treatment of
In a passage in the Hellenica (iii. I. § 1), the them which gives a special interest to the work.
“Now how Cyrus got his army to- Some events of importance are briefly treated, but
gether and marched up the country with it against a few striking incidents are presented with some
his brother, and how the battle was fought, and particularity. There is an English translation of
how he died, and how after this the Greeks made the Hellenica by W. Smith, the translator of Thu-
their retreat to the sea, has been written by The- cydides.
mistogenes of Syracuse. " This passage seems The Cyropaedia (Kuporaidela) in eight books,
sufficiently to indicate the Anabasis, though the I is a kind of political romance, the basis of which
extract says nothing of the course which the | is the history of Cyrus, the founder of the Persian
Greeks took from Trapezus to Byzantium. Plus monarchy. It shows how citizens are to be made
tarch (De Gloria Athen. vol. ii. ed. Wyttenbach) | virtuous and brave ; and Cyrus is the model of a
says, that Xenophon attributed the Anabasis to wise and good ruler. As a history it has no autho-
Themistogenes in order that the work might have rity at all. Xenophon adopted the current stories
more credit, than if it appeared as the narrative of as to Cyrus and the chief events of his reign,
one who had to say so much about himself. We without any intention of subjecting them to a
might suppose that there was a work on the ex- critical examination ; nor have we any reason to
pedition of Cyrus by Themistogenes, and that suppose that his picture of Persian morals and
Xenophon wrote his Anabasis after he had written Persian discipline is any thing more than a fiction,
this passage in the Hellenica. But this is merely for we know that many of the usages of the
a conjecture, and not a satisfactory one. When Persians in the time of the first Dareius and his
we read the Anabasis we never doubt that Xeno successors were different from the usages which
phon was the author of it, for he speaks of himself Xenophon attributes to the Persians ; and Xeno-
in many places in a way in which no other person phon himself affirms this. Besides this, Xenophon
could speak: he records, for instance, dreams and could know no more of the Persians in the time of
thoughts, which no one could know except from the first Cyrus than other Greeks; and, setting
his evidence. The Anabasis, then, as we have it, aside the improbability of his picture, we are
was either written by Xenophon, or compiled certain that he could not know many things which
from his notes ; and the reference to the work of he has introduced into his romance.
His object
Themistogenes either proves that there was such a was to represent what a state might be, and he
work, or that Xenophon's work passed under the placed the scene of his fiction far enough off to
name of Themistogenes, at the time when the give it the colour of possibility. His own phila
passage in the Hellenica was written, if Xenophon sophical notions and the usages of Sparta were the
wrote the passage in the Hellenicah Bornemann's real materials ont of which he constructed his poli-
proposal to translate the words in the Hellenica, tical system. The Cyropuedia is evidence enough
Θεμιστογένει το Συρακουσίω γέγραπται, « das | that Xenophon did not like the political constitu-
habe ich für den Themistogenes geschrieben” is tion of his own country, and that a well-ordered
altogether inadmissible.
monarchy or kingdom appeared to him preferable
The Hellenica ('EXAnviká) of Xenophon are to a democracy like Athens. The genuineness of
divided into seven books, and comprehend the the Epilogus or conclusion, in which Xenophon
space of forty-eight years, from the time when the shows how the Persians had degenerated since the
history of Thucydides ends [THUCYDIDES) to the time of Cyrus, is doubted by some critics ; but
battle of Mantineja, B. C. 362. But the fact of there seem to be no sufficient reasons. The author
the assassination of Alexander of Pherae is men- here says that the “ Persians of his time, and the
tioned (vi. 4. 35), as to which the reference al- rest who were among them, were proved to be
ready made to Clinton's Fasti may be consulted. both less reverential towards the gods and less just
It is the opinion of Niebuhr and others that the to their kin, and more dishonest towards others,
Hellenica consists of two distinct parts or works and less courageous in war now than they were
written at different times. The History of Thu- before ; and if any man has a contrary opinion, he
cydides would be completed by the capture of will find, if he looks to their acts, that they testify
Athens, B. C. 404, which is described in the second to the truth of what I say. " The Cyropaedia is
book (Hellen. ii. 2); the remainder of this book one of the most pleasing of Xenophon's works,
carries the history to the restoration of Thrasybu- and it contains many good hints on the training of
lus and the exiles, B. C. 403. The second para- youth. Xenophon's remarks are practical; we do
graph of the third book in which Themistogenes not find in his writings any thoughts that strike us
is mentioned, may be considered as completing the as very profound or new, but we always discorer
history up to B. c. 399 ; and a new narrative ap. careful observation of human life, good sense, and
pears to begin with the third paragraph of the honest purpose The dying speech of Cyrus (viii.
third book ('Enel MéUTO Toroapépvns, &c. ). But 7) is worthy of the pupil of Socrates, and Cicero
there seems no sufficient reason to consider the (de Senectute, 22) has transferred the substance of
Hellenica as two works, because an expression at it to enforce his argument for the immortality of
the end of the second book refers to the Athenian the soul. This passage may be assumed as evi-
amnesty (ěti kal vũv quoû, &c. ) of B. c. 403, and dence of Xenophon's belief in the existence of the
because the death of Alexander of Pherae is re- soul (yuxń) independent of the organised being in
corded in the sixth. This would only prove that which it acts. “I never could be persuaded,"
Xenophon had the work a long time under his says Cyrus, "that the soul lives so long as it is in
again
desig
these
voice
T
after
att
a be
209
you
ma
tre
the
che
tre
su
in
L
h
V
1
a
## p. 1301 (#1317) ##########################################
OX.
1301
XENOPHON.
XENOPHON.
books peres medias
iezophoes une au
ind iber divine in
ssica. Nakom. Na
haly a dry stro
ang in the treatment of
de Interest to be pak
e are briefs treated, is:
are presented woo
an Ergissa tanud
ith, ibe translator II
.
etabela) in eight borais
rance, tbe beas e
the founder of the Persia
9* cutitens are to be ?
Cyrus is the moderna
is a history it has no aizbor
adopted the current sta
che events có 24 G.
i of subjecting the si
nor hare we any reast 1
are of Persian massa
or thing more than a toda
DY of the use of
of the first Dareios an: Da
rent from the sign stich
to the Persians; and I'm
this. Besides this, Xenon
of the Persians in bed
other Greeks; and, Rey
ty of bis pictes, **
À not know many cases **
into his romance. His
what a state mest be, and 2
Af his betion far ebeen of
of possiblity. His one per
6
a perishable body, and that it dies when it is re- of Athens ” was translated into English by James
leased from it. " The argument of Xenophon Morris, 1794, 8vo.
bears some resemblance to the argument of Bishop A treatise on the Revenues of Athens (11bpor
Butler, in his Analogy, where he treats of a future repi npoobdww) is designed to show how the
life (chap. i. ). There is an English translation of public revenue of Athens may be improved : it
the Cyropaedia, hy Maurice Ashley Cowper. treats of the mode of increasing the number of re-
The Agesilaus ('Ayncia aos) is a panegyric on sident strangers (MÉTOĽKOI), by improving their
Agesilaus II. , king of Sparta, the friend of Xe condition at Athens, which improvement would
nophon. That Xenophon wrote such a work is ultimately be beneficial to the revenue, and attract
proved by the list of Diogenes, and the testimony strangers ; and it recommends such facilities to be
of Cicero (ad Fam. v. 12), who considers it a given to strangers trading to Athens, as would
monument more glorious than all the statues of induce them to come to a port where they were
kings Some modern critics do not consider the not compelled, ns in many ports, to take mer-
extant work as deserving of high praise, to which chandise, for want of a good current coin, but
it may be replied, that it will be difficult to find a whero they could take silver as a commodity in
panegyric which is. It is a kind of composition in exchange, if they preferred it: he then proceeds to
which failure can hardly be avoided. However true discuss the mode of improving the revenue by a
it may be, it is apt to be insipid and to appear better management of the Athenian silver mines,
exaggerated.
and to show that provision may thus be made for
The Hipparchicus ('InTapxikós) is a treatise on the poorer citizens and other purposes, without
the duties of a commander of cavalry, and it con- levying contributions on the allies and the subject
tains many military precepts. One would be in- states. This treatise was translated into English
clined to suppose that it was written at Athens, by Walter Moyle, 1697, 8vo. , and is reprinted in
but this conclusion, like many others from internal his works. Böckh, in his Public Economy of
evidence, is not satisfactory. A strain of devotion Athens, translated into English by G. C. Lewis,
runs through the treatise ; and on this the author has discussed this treatise of Xenoplion, and the
makes the following remark near the end : “ Now matter of it.
if any one admire that I have often used the ex- In the Memorabilia of Socrates, in four books
pression “God willing,' he must know that if he (Atournuovevuara Lwkpátous) Xenophon defends
bappen to be frequently in a state of danger, he the memory of bis master against the charge of
will admire the less ; and if he consider, that when irreligion (i. 1) and of corrupting the Athenian
there is war, the hostile parties form their designs youth. Socrates is represented as holding a series
against one another, but very seldom know what of conversations, in which be developes and in-
designs are formed against them severally. But all culcates moral doctrines in his peculiar fashion. It
these things the gods kuow, and presignify them is entirely a practical work, such as we might
to whom they please by means of sacrifices, birds, expect from the practical nature of Xenophon's
voices, and dreams. "
mind, and it professes to exhibit Socrates as he
The treatise on the Horse ('ITALÝ) was written taught. It is true that it may exhibit only one
after the Hipparchicus, to which treatise he refers side of the Socratic argumentation, and that it does
at the end of the treatise on the Horse. “ Since," not deal in those subtleties and verbal disputes
says Xenophon, at the beginning of this treatise, which occupy 80 large a space in some of Plato's
it happens that I have been accustomed to riding dialogues. Xenophon was a hearer of Socrates, an
a horse for a long time, I consider that I am well admirer of his master, and anxious to defend his
acquainted with horses, and I wish to show my memory. The charges against Socrates for which
younger friends in what way I think that they he suffered were (Mem. i. 1), that “Socrates was
may best meddle in the matter of a horse. " The guilty of not believing in the gods which the state
treatise is not limited to horsenianship, as regards believed in, and in introducing other new daemons
the rider: it shows how a man is to avoid being (dawóvia): he was also guilty of corrupting the
cheated in buying a horse, how a horse is to be youth. ” Xenophon (c. 1, 2) replies to these two
trained, and the like. In the beginning of the charges specifically ; and he then goes on to show
treatise Xenophon refers to a treatise on the same (c. 3) what Socrates' mode of life was.
The
subject by Sinon. The 'Itrikh was translated whole treatise is intended to be an answer to the
into English, and printed by Henry Denham, charge for which Socrates was executed, and it is,
London, 1584, 4to.
therefore, in its nature, not intended to be a com-
The Cynegeticus (KuvnyetikÓS) is a treatise on plete exhibition of Socrates. That it is a genuine
hunting, an amusement of which Xenophon was picture of the man, is indisputable, and it is the
very fond ; and on the dog, and the breeding and most valuable memorial that we have of the prac-
training of dogs, on the various kinds of game, and tical pbilosophy of Socrates. The Memorabiliu
the mode of taking them. It is a treatise written will always be undervalued by the lovers of the
by a genuine sportsman, who loved the exercise transcendental, who give to an unintelligible jargon
and the excitement of the chase ; and it may be of words the name of philosophy: it comes too
read with delight by any
nan who deserves near the common understanding (communis sensus)
the name.
of mankind to be valued by those who would raise
The two treatises on the Spartan and Athenian themselves above this common understanding, and
states (Λακεδαιμονίων Πολιτεία, and 'Αθηναίων | who have yet to learn that there is not a single
Noditela) were not always recognised as genuine notion of philosophy which is not expressed or in-
works of Xenophon, even by the ancients. They volved by implication in the common language of
pass, however, under his name, and there is nothing life. The Memorabilia and the Apology of So-
in the internal evidence that appears to throw any | crates (Απολογία Σωκράτους προς τους δικαστές)
doubt on the authorship. The writer clearly prefers have been translated into English by Sarah Field-
Sputan to Athenian institutions. The “Republic ing. The Apology of Socrates contains the rensolis
403
66
od the usages of Santa Fe the
of which he constricted his paim
e gropaedia is evidence estar
id nos like the perccal cec
ountry, and that a related
adom appeared to biz meste
like Atheas. The respons
conclusion, in which Setter
Persians had dexenerated by
is doubled by state cu *
e no suficient reasons
. The
the "Persians of his size, Leth
| among them, were priced a
ential to cards the gods and loss
and more dishonest to coast
Acrous in mar por that there
í ant man has a contrat 43
e looks to their acis, chai che
of what I sar. " The Curines s
mºst pleasing of Yeneroae 'Fas
as many good hints on the treated
nophon's remarks are pria; *
lis writings any thoughes that cake is
ound or new, but se z'rare este
rration of human life, fordi Reis,
pose. The dring sperc) si (1:33
1r of the pupil of Gerales, and list
ste, 2) has transferred the maxi
te bis argument for the innat
This passage mar be 2013
Penophon's belief in the erster sta
) independent of the organes det er
acts. “I nerer cond be presente
tls, that the soul ii reso
## p. 1302 (#1318) ##########################################
1302
XENOPHON.
XENOPHON.
little correc
describe it a
the constitu
ment to the
laws for a
matter, the
1
the vitale
There a
of the se
rica, the
in type 1
elder Ald
as & supi
the rent
E. Bonis
Leo X.
66
100 con
treatise
teatise
wantin
specim
of Xer
printei
all the
thoug
Reach
and 1
linge:
text
Step
and
editi
which induced Socrates to prefer death to life. It seventh chapter is on the duty of a good wife, as
is not a first-rate performance ; and because they exemplified in the case of the wife of Ischomachus.
do not consider it worthy of Xenophon, some critics The wife's duty is to look after the interior of the
would deny that he is the author ; but this is an household: the husband labours out of doors and pro-
inconclusive reason. Laërtius states that Xenophon duces that which the wiſe must use with frugality.
wrote an Apologia, and the original is as likely to The wife's duty is to stay at home, and not to gad
have come down to us as a forgery.
abroad. It is an excellent chapter, abundani in
In the Symposium (Suurboiov), or 'Banquet of good things, worthy of a woman's careful perusal,
Philosophers, Xenophon delineates the character of and adapted to practice. A wife who is perpetually
Socrates. The speakers are supposed to meet at leaving her home, is not the wife that Xenophon
the house of Callias, a rich Athenian, at the cele would have. It is a notion which one sees in some
bration of the great Panathenaea. Socrates, Cra- modern writers, that the attachment of husband
tibulus, Antisthenes, Charınides, and others are and wife, independent of the sexual passion, and
the speakers. The accessories of the entertainment their permanent love after both have grown old, is
are managed with skill, and the piece is interesting a characteristic of modern society, and that the
as a picture of an Athenian drinking party, and of men of Greece and Rome were not susceptible of
the amusement and conversation with which it that affection which survives the decay of a woman's
was diversified. The nature of love and friendship youth and beauty. The notion is too absurd to
is discussed. Some critics think that the Sym- need confutation. The duties of a wife, says
posium is a juvenile performance, and that the Ischomachus, give her great opportunities, by ex-
Symposium of Plato was written after that of Xe- ercising which she will not have to fear " that as
nophon ; but it is an old tradition that the Sympo- she grows older she will receive less respect in the
sium of Plato was written before that of Xenophon. household, but may be assured that as she advances
The Symposium was translated into English by in life, the better companion she becomes to her
James Wellwood, 1710, reprinted 1750.
husband and the better guardian of her children,
The Hiero (ʻlépwr A Tupavvikós) is a dialogue the more respect she will receive. " This is one of
between king Hiero and Simonides, in which the the best treatises of Xenophon. It has been
king speaks of the dangers and difficulties incident several times translated into English. The last
to an exalted station, and the superior happiness translation appears to be by R. Bradley, London,
of a private man. The poet, on the other hand, 1727, 8vo.
enumerates the advantages which the possession of A man's character cannot be entirely derived
power gives, and the means which it offers of oblig- from his writings, especially if they treat of exact
ing and doing services. Hiero speaks of the burden science. Yet a man's writings are some index of
of power, and answers Simonides, who wonders his character, and when they are of a popular and
why a man should keep that which is so trouble varied kind, not a bad index. Xenophon, as we
some, by saying that power is a thing which a know him from his writings, was a humane man,
man cannot safely lay down. Simonides offers at least for his age, a man of good understanding
some suggestions as to the best use of power, and and strong religious feelings : we might call bim
the way of employing it for the public interest.
superstitious, if the name superstition had a well-
It is suggested by Letronne that Xenophon may defined meaning. Some modern critics, who can
have been led to write this treatise by what he judge of matters of antiquity with as much positive-
saw at the court of Dionysius ; and, as already ness as if all the evidence that exists were un-
stated, there is a story of his having visited Sicily doubted evidence, and as if they had all the evi-
in the lifetime of the tyrant of Syracuse. A trans- dence that is required, find much to object to in
lation of this piece, which is attributed to Elizabeth, Xenophon's conduct as a citizen. He did not like
queen of England, first appeared in an octavo vo Athenian institutions altogether ; but a man is
lume, published in 1743, entitled “ Miscellaneous under no moral or political obligation to like the .
Correspondence. ” It was also translated, in 1793, government under which he is born. His duty is
8vo. , by the Rev. James Graves, the translator of to conform to it, or to withdraw himself. There is
the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius.
no evidence that Xenophon, after his banishmento
The Oeconomicus (Oikovouerós) is a dialogue acted against his native country, even at the battle
between Socrates and Critobulus, in which Socrates of Coroneia. If we admit that his banishment was
begins by showing that there is an art called Oeco- merited, and that is more than can be proved, there
nomic, which relates to the administration of a is no evidence that he did any thing after his ba-
household and of a man's property. Socrates (c. nishment for which an exile can be blamed. If his
4), when speaking in praise of agriculture, quotes preference of Spartan to Athenian institutions is
the instance of the younger Cyrus, who was fond matter for blame, he is blameable indeed. If we
of horticulture, and once showed to the Spartan may form a conjecture of the man, he would have
Lysander the gardens which he had planned and made an excellent citizen and a good administrator
the trees which he had planted with his own under a constitutional monarchy ; but he was not
hands. Cicero copies this passage, in his treatise fitted for the turbulence of an Athenian democracy,
on Old Age (de Senectute, c. 17). Xenophon gives which, during a great part of his lifetime, was not
the same character of Cyrus, in this passage of more to the taste of a quiet man than France under
the Oeconomicis, which he gives in the Anabasis the Convention. All antiquity and all modern
(i. 8, 9), which tends to confirm his being the writers agree in allowing Xenophon great merit as
author of the Anabasis, if it needs confirmation. a writer of a plain, simple, perspicuous, and un-
In answer to the praises of agriculture, Critobulus affected style. His mind was not adapted for pure
speaks of the losses to which the husbandman is philosophical speculation : he looked to the practical
exposed from hail, frost, drought, and other causes. in all things; and the basis of his philosophy was
The answer of Socrates is that the husbandman a strong belief in a divine mediation in the govern-
must trust in heaven, and worship the gods. The ment of the world. His belief only requires a
8то.
the
Gai
rolu
tair
on
and
cor
Tet
Le
is
ve
(
ed
IE
0
&
:
## p. 1303 (#1319) ##########################################
XENOPHON.
1303
XENOPHON.
of a good wife, 1
fe of Khoats.
the interese
out of doon and pre-
i us with regar.
come, and not to a
chapter, aberdas:
pan's caretu perus
ife who is perpetuals
wife that Nepopean
which one was in one
ttachment of husband
De sera passion, and
both bare grond
society, and that the
were not sesceptibet
s the deas ei a Fora:)
potion is too aborda
duties of a wife, ay
reat opportunitas, by ex-
not have to fear *ibat
receive less respect a the
sured that as she ad raaces
anion she becomes to be
r guardian of her children,
I receive. " This is one of
Xenophon. It has been
led into Eng'ish The last
be by R. Brades, Lescah
,
I cannot be entirely derived
pecially if they treat of ext
is writings are some indes o
hen they are of a popular and
bad inder. Xenophen, a Fe
s writings, was a bimane mas,
, a man of good andersen
us feelings: we biskt allin
le name superstition had a ten
Some modern cities who a
of antiquity with as much positivo
le evidence that exists were ID-
4, and as if ther had all the
equired, find moch to objeet 10 i
duct as a citizen. He did out 3
tutions altogether; but a manis
W or political obligation to like the
der which he is born. His duty s
it or to withdraw bimsel There i
little correction and modification, to allow us to bability the author of a tepladous, mentioned by
describe it as a profound conviction that God, in Pliny (vii. 48; comp. Voss. de llist. Gr. p. 510,
the constitution of things, has given a moral govern- note 34).
ment to the world, as manifestly as he has given 4. A native of Antiocb, the author of an ama-
laws for the mechanical and chemical actions of tory narrative, or collection of narratives, entitled
matter, the organisation of plants and animals, and Babuwwird. (Suid. 8. v. )
the vital energies of all beings which live and move. 5. A native of Ephesus, the author of a romance,
There are numerous editions of the whole and still extant, entitled Ephesiaca, or the Loves of
of the separate works of Xenophon. The Helle- Anthia and Abrocomas (Εφεσιακά, τα κατά 'Αν.
nica, the first of Xenophon's works that appeared Olav Kal 'Alpokóun). The style of the work is
in type, was printed at Venice, 1503, fol. by the simple, and the story is conducted without confu-
elder Aldus, with the title of Paralipomena, and sion, notwithstanding the number of personnges in-
as a supplement to Thucydides, which was printed troduced. The adventures are of a very improbable
the year before. The first general edition is that of kind. Suidns is the only ancient writer who men-
E. Boninus, printed by P. Giunt, and dedicated to tions Xenophon. The age when he lived is un-
Leo X. , Florence, 1516, fol. ; but this edition does certain. Locella Assigns him to the age of the
not contain the Agesilaus, the Apology, and the Antonines. Peerlkamp regards him as the oldest
treatise on the Revenue of Athens. A part of the of the Greek romance writers, and thinks that he
treatise on the Athenian Commonwealth is also has discovered in other writers of this class traces
wanting. This edition of Giunta is a very good of an imitation of Xenophon. He also maintains
specimen of early printing, and useful to an editor that Xenophon was not the real name of the author,
of Xenophon. The edition by Andrea of Asola, and that, with the exception of Heliodorus, no
printed by Aldus at Venice, 1525, folio, contains Greek romance writer published his productions
all the works of Xenophon, except the Apology ; under liis real name.
though the Apology was already edited by J. Since Suidas, Angelus Politianus (in the 15th
Reuchlin, Hagenau, 1520, 4to. , with the Agesilaus century) was the first writer who mentioned the
and Hiero. The Basel edition, printed by N. Bry- Ephesiaca of Xenophon. But although he had
linger, 1545, fol. is the first edition of the Greek quoted a passage from the work, its existence was
text with a Latin translation. The edition of H. doubted or denied by several scholars of the 17th
Stephens, 1561, fol. , contains an amended text, century. Even after an Italian translation by A.
and the edition 1581 has a Latin version. The M. Salvini had been published (in 1723), and the
edition of Weiske, Leipzig, 1798-1804, 6 vols. Greek text had been printed in 1726, Lenglet du
8vo. , did something towards the improvement of Fresnoy, in 1734, denied the existence of the
the text. The most pretending edition is that of original.
Gail, Paris, 6 vols. 4to. 1797-1804 ; a seventh There is but a single manuscript of the work
volume, in three parts, published afterwards, con- known in the monastery of the Monte Cassino).
tains the various readings of three MSS. , notices The Greek text was first published by Ant. Cocchi,
on the MSS. and observations, literary and critical, with a Latin translation (London, 1726). This
and an Atlas of maps and plans. This edition edition contains numerous errors. A still worse
contains the Greek text, the Latin version, a French edition was published at Lucca (1781), containing,
version and notes ; the Latin version is that of besides the Latin translation of Cocchi, the Italian
Leunclavius, occasionally corrected ; and the French version of Salvini, and the French version of
is not entirely new, for the author took the French Jourdan. Xenophon was still more unfortunate in
versions already existing of various parts of Xeno his next editor, Polyzois Kontu (Vienna, 1793).
phon's works. Letronne, in his article on Xenophon | A very excellent and carefully prepared edition
(Biog. Univ. ), has given an account of this pompous was published by Baron de Locella (Vienna, 1796).
edition, which has very little merit. J. G. Schneider | He procured a fresh collation of the manuscript,
revised the edition of Zeune, and the various parts and availed himself of the critical remarks of
of the works of Xenophon appeared between 1791 Hemsterhuis, D'Abresch, and D'Orville (Miscel-
and 1815. The editions of the several works are laneae Observationes, vols. iii. —vi. ), and the labours
too numerous to be mentioned.
of F. J. Bast, who had made preparations for editing
Fabricius (Bibliotheca Graeca), Schöll (Geschichte the work. Locella also prepared a new translation
der Griechischen Literatur), Letronne (Biog. Univ. and a commentary. The Ephesiaca was reprinted
art. Xenophon), and Hoffmann (Lexicon Bibliogra- by C. W. Mitscherlich, in his Scriptores Erotici
phicum) will furnish full information about the Graeci. Another good edition is that of P. Hof-
numerous editions and translations. As to the mann Peerlkamp (Harlem, 1818). The most
seven Epistles attributed to Xenophon, among the recent edition is that of F. Passow (Lips. 1833, in
one and forty so-called Socratic Epistles, the same the Corpus Scriptorum Eroticorum Graecorum).
remark applies to them as to most of the Greek There are German translations by G. A. Bürger,
literary remains of that class ; they are mere rhe- Häuslin, E. C. Reiske (or rather his wife), in his
torical essays.
(G. L. ) collections entitled Zur Moral (Dessau and Leipzig,
XENOPHON (Eevopwv), minor literary per- 1782, and Hellas, Leipzig, 1791), and Krabinger,
80ns. 1. An Athenian, the brother of the poet besides one that appeared anonymously. In French
Pythostratus. He wrote a biography of Epaini. there are translations by P. Bauche (Paris, 1736).
nondas and Pelopidas, and some other works. and J. B. Jourdan (Paris, 1748). A translation of
(Diog. Laërt. ii. 59. )
the Ephesiaca also forms the seventh volume of the
2. An historical writer, the author of an account Bibliothèque des Romans traduits du Grec (Paris,
of Hannibal (ibid. ).
1797). An anonymous translation, with notes,
3. A native of Lampsacus, a writer on geo- was published at Paris in 1823. The Italian
graphy, mentioned by Pliny (H. N. iv. 13, vi. 31) translation of Salvini has several times been re-
and Solinus (c. 22, 60). "He was also in all pro- published. There is also an English translation by
4 04
hat Xenophon, after his barisbrest
his native country, even at the batte
If we admit that his banisheet 12
I that is more than can be proved
, toeta
oce that he did ant thing after his low
in which an esile can be based 11 23
of Spartan to Athenan institutions is
blame, be is blameable indeed. I've
3 conjecture of the man, be would be
Ncellent citizen and a good administratie
onstitutional monarcht; bat be w3 DK
the turbulence of an Athenian deputat,
uring a great part of his lifetime, vas pii
the taste of a quiet man than fra de
A vention. All antiquity and al' sadena
agree in allowing Xenophon great serti se
s of a plain, simple
, perspicuous and =>
i strle. His mind was not
phical speculation : be looked to the puzeta
things ; and the basis of his philcopes **
ng belief in a dirine mediation in the area
of the world. His belief euly reques :
adapted for per
## p. 1304 (#1320) ##########################################
1304
XERXES.
XERXES.
.
Rooke, London, 1727. (Comp. Schöll, Geschichle | Persia. Artabazanes, the eldest son of the formor
der Griech. Lilo vol. ii. p. 520, &c. ; Hoffmann, marriage, and Xerxes, the eldest son of the latter,
Icricon Bibliographicum, s. v. )
each laid claim to the succession ; bat Dareius
6. A native of Cyprus, the author of a work of decided in favour of Xerxes, no doubt through the
the same kind as the preceding, entitled Kumplakcha influence of his mother Atossa, who completely
(Suid. 8. v. )
ruled Dareius.
7. For some others of this name the reader is Xerxes succeeded his father at the beginning of
referred to Fabricius (Bill. Gr. vol. iii. p. ), note B. C. 485. Dareius had died in the midst of his
a. , p. 833 ; comp. Menag. ad Ding. Laërt. ii. preparations against Greece, which had been inter-
59).
