No More Learning

** *
On 19 shawwa? l/9 November the Sultan gave an audience and summoned the Prince
of Sidon to hear his message and statement. He appeared with a whole group of com- panions--I was present at the audience--and Saladin treated him with great honour. He entered into conversation with him and had a sumptuous banquet served for them. After the meal he led them aside; their proposal was for the Sultan to make peace with the Marquis with whom various great Frankish lords had made common cause, among them the Prince of Sidon himself and other distinguished persons. We have already stated his position. A condition of accepting his offer was that he should break openly with the Franks of Out- remer, because of his great fear of them and because of the matter of his wife. The Sultan appeared to be disposed to accept his proposal on certain conditions, by which he hoped to create discord among the Franks and to set them at loggerheads. Now, after listening to him, the Sultan promised to give him a reply later, and the ambassador retired for the day to the tent erected for him.
That night an ambassador came from the King of England: the son of Humphrey, one of the great Frankish leaders and kings (in his train was an old man who was said to be a hundred years old). The Sultan sent for him and listened to what he had to say. His message was: 'The King says: your friendship and affection are dear to me. I told you that I would give these regions of Palestine to your brother, and I want you to be the judge between us in the division of the land. But we absolutely must have a foothold in Jerusalem. I want you to make a division that will not bring down on you the wrath of the Muslims, or on me the wrath of the Franks. '
The Sultan replied immediately with fine promises and allowed the messenger to return at once. He was impressed by the message. He sent someone after the ambassador to check on the matter of prisoners, which was treated separately from the terms of the peace. 'If there is peace,' he said,1 'it will be a general peace, and if there is no peace the matter of prisoners will be of no account. ' The Sultan's real object was to under-mine the founda- tions of peace on those terms. When the audience was at an end and the Franks had gone, he turned to me and said: 'When we have made peace with them, there will be nothing to prevent their attacking us treacherously. If I should die the Muslims would no longer be able to muster an army like this and the Franks would have the upper hand. It is better to carry on the Holy War until we have expelled them from Palestine, or death overtakes us. ' This was his opinion, and he only moved toward peace in response to external pressures.
1
Presumably the king of England's ambassador, but could possibly refer to Saladin
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On 21 shawwa? l1 (11 November) the Sultan summoned his ami? rs and counsellors and explained to them the terms of the agreement sought by the Marquis, which for his part he was inclined to accept. The terms were that they should hand Sidon over to him in return for his military support against the Franks in open warfare. On the other hand, he was impressed by the terms proposed by King (Richard)--that either he should have certain points on the coast and we the mountain region, or we should divide the total number of settlements in half. In both cases the Franks stipulated that their priests should have the churches and oratories of Jerusalem, and the King of England left us to decide between the alternatives. Saladin explained the situation to the ami? rs and asked them to reveal their hearts to him and tell him which plan, the King's or the Marquis', seemed preferable to them, and if the former, which of the two divisions mentioned above, proposed by the King of England. The counsellors held that peace must be made with the King, since it was improbable that Franks and Muslims would live amiably side by side, and they had no security against treacherous attacks.
So the treaty (with the Marquis) came to nothing and the peace negotiations continued, ambassadors coming and going to settle the terms. A basic condition was that the King should give his sister in marriage to al-'Adil who would, as her hus-band, acquire the whole of Palestine, Muslim and Frankish, the Frankish regions from the Princess' brother and the Muslim from al-'Adil's brother, the Sultan. But the King's final message on this matter said: 'The Christian people disapprove of my giving my sister in marriage without consulting the Pope, the head and leader of Christianity. I have therefore sent a messenger who will be back in three months. If he authorizes this wedding, so much the better. If not, I will give you the hand of one of my nieces, for whom I shall not need Papal consent. '1 While all this was going on the hostilities continued and took their inevitable course.
The Prince of Sidon sometimes went riding with al-'Adil, and they would go and inspect the Frankish positions. Every time the Franks saw him they would reiterate their offers of peace, for fear of an alliance between the Muslims and the Marquis, and their strength of mind weakened. This continued until 25 shawwa? l.
** *
Yusuf, one of the Prince of Sidon's pages, came from the Marquis to seek peace from
the Muslims. One of the conditions imposed by the Sultan was that the Marquis should undertake to fight his compatriots and to detach himself from them. The Frankish territories that he himself took after the peace were to be his, those taken by us alone were to be ours, and of those taken by both together, he should have the city and we the Muslim prison- ers and whatever else the place contained. He was to release all the Muslim prisoners in his domains, and if the King of England should make him governor of the city by some agreement between them, peace between him and us should be based on the conditions laid down between us and the King of England, except for Ascalon and the region beyond, which should not be subject to the treaty. The coastal region was to be his and the region
The text has 11th, which does not fit in with the preceding chronology.
Because, as Baha? ' ad-Din states elsewhere, whereas Richard's sister was a widow, Papal autho- rization was not necessary in the case of a virgin. In fact all these marriage projects were ship- wrecked on Christian objections to marriage with a Muslim.
1 1
Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 137 held by us, ours, and the area between was to be divided between us. The messenger left to
carry these terms to the Marquis. 1
** *
(In sha'ba? n 588/late August 1192) al-'Adl2 came to Jaffa and was lodged in a tent out-
side the city while the King was informed of his arrival. He was then sent for with the rest of the delegation, and presented the text of the treaty. The King, who was ill, said: 'I have not the strength to read it now. But I agree to the peace, and here is my hand on it. ' The Muslim delegates conferred with Count Henry and Ibn Barza? n3 and submitted the docu- ment to them. They accepted the division of Lydda and Ramla, and everything else in the text. They agreed to take the oath on Wednesday morning, as they had already eaten that day and it is not their custom to take an oath after they have broken their fast. Al-'Adl sent the news to the Sultan.
On Wednesday 22 sha'ba? n/2 September the whole Muslim delegation was conducted into the King's presence. They took his hand and meant to take the oath with him, but he excused himself, saying that kings do not take oaths, and the Sultan was content with this declaration. So they took the oath at the hands of Count Henry and his nephew, whom he had made ruler of Palestine, and of Balia? n ibn Barza? n, Lord of Tiberias, with the agreement of the Templars, the Hospitallers and other Frankish leaders. In the course of that day they returned to the Sultan's tent and joined him for the evening prayer, accompanied from the Frankish side by Humphrey's son, Ibn Barza? n and a group of their generals. They were received with great honour and a tent worthy of them was erected. Al-'Adil presented his report to the Sultan. Next day, 23 sha'ba? n, the King's ambassador presented himself to the Sultan, took his noble hand and undertook to keep the peace on the terms laid down. They proposed that oaths to this effect should be sworn by al-Malik al-'Adil, al-Malik al-Afdal, al-Malik az-Zahir, 'Ali ibn Ahmad al-Mashtu? b, Badr ad-Din Yildiri? m, al-Malik al-Mansu? r, and all the rulers whose territories bordered on those of the Franks, such as Ibn al-Muqaddam of Shaizar. The Sultan for his part promised that he would send a messenger with them to all their neighbours to extract the oath from them. The King's ambassador also took the oath on behalf of the Prince of Antioch and Tripoli, on condition that the Muslims did the same on behalf of the other Muslims. If not, the treaty was annulled. Then the Sultan ordered a proclamation to be issued to all military camps and markets stating that a general peace extended over the whole territory and that unrestricted coming and going was permitted between their land and ours. He also proclaimed that the route of the Pilgrimage through Syria was open and expressed his intention of going on the Pilgrimage himself, an idea that occurred to him when I was with him. He also sent a hundred sappers under the command of a great ami? r to break down the walls of Ascalon1 and to enable the Franks to evacuate it. A Frankish delegation was to accompany them until the walls were down, for fear that we should leave them standing.
The assassin's dagger soon put an end to these intrigues with Conrad, who did not see the conclu- sion of the truce; see below.
The Muslim plenipotentiary.
Henry of Champagne, later King, and Balia? n II of Ibelin.
One of the clauses of the treaty.
1
2 3 1
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It was a memorable day, one on which the two sides expressed unimaginable joy and happiness. But it is well known that the peace did not entirely please the Sultan. In con- versation with me he said: 'I am afraid of making peace. I do not know what might happen to me,2 and the enemy would gain strength from my death because these lands are still in their hands: they would take the opportunity of attacking us and recovering the rest. You see how each of them is perched on his own hilltop', meaning their forts; and he concluded. 'As soon as I am gone, the Muslims will be destroyed. '
These were his words, and it happened just as he said. Yet he felt that the peace was a good thing in that the army was tired and openly hostile (to a continuation of the war). It was indeed a good thing, as God in his prescience knew, for Saladin died soon afterward, and if he had died during a campaign Isla? m would have been in danger. Peace was therefore an act of divine providence and a fortunate occurrence for Isla? m.
('IMA? D AD-DIN 434-6)
When the King of England perceived that the (Muslim) army was united, his own prob- lems more serious, Jerusalem irrecoverable and (divine) punishment hanging over him, he submitted and humbled himself, his boasts became less outrageous and he realized that he could not overcome one who was aided by fortune nor stand up against the hosts drawn up against him. He therefore declared that if he did not obtain a truce he would stay there and seek death, going to meet the worst; whereas he had decided to return to his own country to settle some matters there. 'Now,' he said, 'the time is close when the sea becomes unnavi- gable and the crests of the waves swell up on high. If you agree to a truce and enable me to, I shall fulfil my desire (to go); but if you fight and oppose me I shall pitch my tents and fix my dwelling here. Both sides are tired, both companies1 are exhausted. I have renounced Jerusalem and will now renounce Ascalon. But do not be misled by this mass of troops assembled from everywhere, for it is destined to disperse when winter comes. If we persist in our miserable conflict we shall destroy ourselves. So fulfil my desire and win my friend- ship; make a pact with me and let me go; agree with me and accept my respect. '
The Sultan called his ami? rs and counsellors and consulted them on this development, explained the approach that had been made to him and asked their advice, expounding the situation fully to them. 'We,' he said, 'thanks be to God, are in a strong position and within sight of the victory we have longed for. Our auxiliaries who have migrated to our side1 are men of faith, nobility and valour. We have become accustomed to fighting the Holy War and in it we have achieved our aim. Now it is difficult to break off what has become customary, and with God's help so far not one has broken with us. We have no other occupation and aim than that of making war, for we are not among those who are beguiled by games and led astray by dissipation. If we give up this work, what shall we do? If we destroy our hope of defeating them, what shall we hope for? I am afraid that with nothing to do death will
This fear of death appears often in Saladin's speeches; see the next passage.
I. e. the two antagonists.
A play on words alluding to the two categories of Companions of the Prophet: the Auxiliaries of Medina and the Emigrants of Mecca.
2 1 1
Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 139
overcome me; and how will he who is accustomed to being adorned become used to being unadorned? My feeling is to reject the idea of a truce, and in preferring war, to prefer my honour and make it my leader. I do not seek to stand idle if it means wanting my present state to change. This duty has been placed upon me; it is my job, and with God's help I shall take the most determined and resolute course. ' To this the ami? rs replied: 'It is as you say; you must act as you think, and the right decision is the one that you make. 2 Only what you settle stays firm, and what you establish remains stable. Divine grace assist you in all you bind and loose, all that you give and take away. But you (alone) have looked to yourself, as one accustomed to happiness, to the desire to serve God, to the acquisition of eternal virtue, to the taking of measures necessary to success, to disdain for idleness and dislike of keeping oneself aloof. In yourself you find force and tenacity, and your indestructible faith marks you out as the one to achieve the aims we strive for. But look too at the state of the country, ruined and trampled underfoot, at your subjects, beaten down and confused, at your armies, exhausted and sick, at your horses, neglected and ruined. There is little forage, food is short, supply bases are far away, the necessities of life are dear. All supplies have to come from Egypt, confronting the murderous perils of the desert. Again, this concentra- tion of troops may well decide to disperse, and your lengthy explanation of the situation will in that case have little effect, with provisions cut off, roads blocked, the rich reduced to hunger, the poor to destitution, straw more precious than gold, barley unobtainable at any price. And if they fail to get their truce they will devote all their energies to strengthen- ing and consolidating their position; they will face death with high courage in the course of achieving their aims, and for love of their Faith will refuse to submit to humiliation. The best thing is for you to remember the verse revealed by God: "and if they incline to peace, you too should incline to it". 1 Then the farmers and inhabitants will return to their lands, and harvests and fruits will abound during the time of the truce. The armies can renew their equipment and rest throughout the time of peace. When war returns again we too shall return, reinforced and augmented, with supplies of food and forage, untroubled by exhaustion and strife. During peacetime we shall prepare for war, and shall renew the means of striking a blow with point and blade. This does not mean abandoning the service of God, but is simply a means of increasing our usefulness and our strength and success. The Franks will not keep faith long, or abide by sworn treaties; therefore make a truce with them all, which will enable them to break up and disperse, enduring the blows they have suffered and leaving no one in Palestine capable of resisting and standing up to us. '
The assembly continued to impress this view on the Sultan until he gave way and con- sented to their demands. The distance between the two armies was not more than a day's march, and the clouds of dust were already gathering over the outposts; if we had moved we should have dislodged them and thrown them into complete confusion. But God's will prevailed, and the King of England's request for peace was granted. I helped to draw up the treaty and wrote the text, fixing the boundaries and specifying the terms, and this was
Observe the Oriental method of beginning with an apparent agreement when about to express an opposing view.
Qur'a? n VIII, 63.
2
1
140 Arab Historians of the Crusades
Tuesday 21 sha'ba? n 588, which corresponds to 1 September (1192). The truce lasted three years and eight months. They believed that the breathing-space coincided with their arrival by sea and the possibility of continuous reinforcements of men arriving and settling there. So they stipulated a general truce by land and sea, plains and mountains, desert and cit- ies. The Franks were assigned the land from Jaffa to Caesarea and from Acre to Tyre. The Franks, even when abandoning land formerly held by them, appeared happy and content, and included Tripoli and Antioch in the terms, and the near and distant provinces.
CHAPTER SEVEN
The gallant Marquis of Montferrat did not see this peace, nor did he grasp the royal crown that he had coveted. There is a certain disagreement in the Muslim texts about who armed the assassins who killed him at Tyre in April 1192: Baha? ' ad-Din and 'Ima? d ad-Din expressly name Richard of England (into whose negotiations Conrad, as we have seen, insinuated himself with his own scheme, repeating the personal approach made to Saladin by the Count of Tripoli before Hitti? n), whereas Ibn al-Athi? r suggests Saladin himself, attempting to kill Conrad and Richard at the same time. This seems very unlikely (consider on this point 'Ima? d ad-Din's persuasive suggestion that Conrad died at an inopportune moment for the Muslims), but the episode is strangely reflected, in a manner that reinforces suspicion of Saladin, in a later account, corrupted by legend, of the murder of a Frankish King at Acre enjoined upon the faithful by the Watcher of the Mountain to please his friend the Sultan. This strange text, which here follows accounts by 'Ima? d ad-Din and Ibn al-Athi? r, is from an Isma'ilite source: an anecdotal and edifying biography of the contemporary Grand Master of the Assassins, Rashid ad-Din Sina? n. In fact the assassins tried more than once to kill Saladin, whose rigid orthodoxy was irreconcilable with their heterodox beliefs.
THE ASSASSINATION OF CONRAD OF MONTFERRAT ('IMA? D AD-DIN, 420-2)
On Tuesday 13 rabi? ' II (588/28 April 1192) he was entertained by the Bishop of Tyre and ate his last meal, for his last day was come. He who would cut off all his hope was even now at the door. He was condemned to Hell, where (the angel) Malik was awaiting his arrival, and Tartarus was on the watch for his coming; the deepest circle of Hell-fire was burning, the blaze blazed and the flame flamed as it waited for him. The moment was at hand when the abyss would receive him and the fires of Hell would burn for him, and the Angels of Justice were even now building the foul place where they would torment him. Hell had already opened its seven gates, gaping to engorge him. Meanwhile he lounged carelessly on his couch eating his food. He ate and made his collation, unaware of the precipice ahead of him; he ate and drank, sated and solaced himself, and went out and rode his horse. Suddenly two men fell upon him like two mangy wolves and with their daggers stopped his movement and struck him down near those shops. Then one of them fled and entered a church, having put out that vile soul. The Marquis, at death's door, but still with a flicker of life in him, said 'Take me into the church', and they took him in thinking that he was safe there. But when that one of the two murderers saw him, he fell on him to finish him off and struck him again, blow on blow. The Franks seized the two companions, and found that they were two apostates of the Brotherhood of Isma'ilites. 1 They asked them
1
I. e. the Assassins, considered to be outside the Faith by orthodox Muslims.
142 Arab Historians of the Crusades
who had commanded them to commit this murder, and the assassins said it was the king of England. They also said that they had been Christians for six months and had begun a life of asceticism and purification, frequenting churches and living lives of rigorous piety. One was in service with Ibn Barza? n and one with the Prince of Sidon so that they could both be close to the Marquis, ensuring his confidence in them by their constant presence. Then they seized hold of his saddle-bow and slaughtered him. They were both subjected to cruel punishments and were reduced to the depths of degradation.
An extraordinary case of two Unbelievers shedding an Unbeliever's blood, two criminals killing a criminal!
When the Marquis was dead and hung head downward in Hell, the King of England assumed control of Tyre and conferred it upon Count Henry,2 arranging it all with him. Henry married the Marquis' wife on the same night,1 maintaining that he had first right to the dead man's wife. She was pregnant, but this-did not prevent his uniting himself with her, something even more disgusting than the coupling of the flesh. I asked one of their courtiers to whom paternity would be awarded and he said: 'It will be the Queen's child. ' You see the licentiousness of these foul Unbelievers!
The death of the Marquis in such circumstances was of little benefit to us, although he was one of the ringleaders of error, because he was one of the King of England's enemies, his rival for the kingdom and the throne and his competitor in all and for all. He was in con- tact with us in the hope of our help to get back what the King had taken from him. When- ever the King of England heard that the Marquis' ambassador was at the Sultan's court he at once sent messages full of humility and docility, and resumed negotiations for peace, and it was possible to hope that light would dawn on his night of error. When the Marquis was killed the fear in his heart was calmed, his troubled disquiet vanished, he became serene again, his affairs returned to normal and the evil he represented for Isla? m increased. In his opposition to the Marquis he had taken the part of the old King (Guy), showing him the affection of a loving relative and investing him with the island of Cyprus and all its territory, attempting by his appointment to cure all its ills. Once the Marquis was dead he realized that he had been wrong to support Guy, and was afraid that he would have to fly from his hostility and that he was not secure from attack by him. When his enemy vanished he found his calm again, tranquillity returned, his madness ebbed, his wrath dispersed, his good fortune excited him and he poured out all the brutality of the fountain of unbelief. In spite of all this he did not break off relations with Guy or discard him, but continued to send him pleasing messages and to try to charm and beguile him.
(IBN AL-ATHI? R, XII, 51)
In this year, on 13 rabi? ' II, the Frankish Marquis, the ruler of Tyre--God damn him! --was killed. He was the greatest devil of all the Franks. The cause of his death was Saladin's negotiation with Sina? n,1 leader of the Isma'ilites, to send a man to kill the King of England; if he then killed the Marquis he would get 2,000 dinar. It was not possible to kill the King of England, and it did not seem to Sina? n to be in their interests, in that it would free Saladin
Henry of Champagne.
He became governor of Tyre and married Isabella on the same night.
The Old Man of the Mountain, or Grand Master of the Assassins; see the next section.
2 1 1
Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 143
of all worry about the Franks and he would then turn on the Isma'ilites themselves. On the other hand, he was anxious to have the money, and so he resolved to organize the death of the Marquis. He sent two men in monk's robes, who entered the service of Ibn Barza? n of ar-Ramla and the Prince of Sidon. They stayed with them for six months, showing great devotion, and the Marquis felt secure and confident with them. After this time the Bishop of Tyre held a banquet for the Marquis. He went, ate at his table, drank his wine, and then left. The two Batinites2 fell on him and inflicted mortal wounds upon him, then one of them fled and went into a church to hide. When he realized that the Marquis had been brought into the same church to have his wounds bandaged he fell on him and killed him. After his death the two assassins were also killed. The Franks attributed the murder to a command from the King of England, so that he could be sole ruler of Palestine. When he was dead Count Henry, a Frankish Count from abroad, became governor of Tyre and married the Queen (Conrad's widow) the same night, and consummated the marriage with her although she was pregnant, this being no impediment to marriage among them.
This Count Henry was a nephew of the King of France on his father's side and of the King of England on his mother's. He was to rule the Frankish parts of Palestine after the English King's return home, and he lived until 594 (1197), when he fell from a balcony and died. He was a capable man, pleasant and tolerant. When the King of England left for home, Henry sent a messenger to Saladin to conciliate him and win his goodwill. He asked him for the gift of a robe of honour, and said: 'You know that to put on the qaba? and the sharbu? sh1 is not approved of among us, but I would put them on if they came from you, because of the regard I have for you. ' Saladin sent him sumptuous robes of honour, among them a qaba? and a sharbu? sh, and he wore them in Acre.
(MANAQIB RASHID AD-DIN, 463-6)
A trusted and virtuous Companion told us that when Saladin took Acre a Frankish King came against him from overseas with an army that attacked Acre and took it, killing all the Muslims there. Then a tent was put up for him opposite Saladin's and his army took up its position facing Saladin's army, so that war between them was imminent. Saladin no longer knew how to get rid of him. Then our Lord, who at that time was at the Fortress of Kahf2 said--peace be to us from him! --3 'Our friend Saladin is now in a difficulty. ' So he called two of his assassins whom he had taught to speak the Frankish language, and when they came he had them given two Frankish costumes and two Frankish swords. Then he said: 'Go to King Saladin with my letter. Go by night to such and such a place'--and he told them where to spend each night--'You will arrive at Acre on such and such a day at the hour of noon. If you do not arrive on the appointed day and hour you will not achieve your aim.
Another name for the Isma'ilites, or Self-Sacrificers, or Assassins. Literally 'followers of esoteric doctrines'.
The qaba? is a sort of cassock, open at the front. The sharbu? sh is a tall triangular biretta. Both were part of Oriental costume of the period.
One of the Isma'ilite forts near Baniya? s in northern Syria. 'Our Lord' is the Old Man of the Mountain, Rashid ad-Din Sina? n, whose deeds are celebrated in this text.
Note the heterodox formula used in place of the orthodox 'peace be upon him'.
2
1
2
3
144 Arab Historians of the Crusades
When the time comes, God willing, and you are presented to Saladin, salute him from me, assure him of my regard, and hand over my letter. When he has read it and absorbed it and understood its meaning, tell him that I have sent you to his enemy the King of the Franks, to kill him that night. Leave Saladin at sunset, leave the (Muslim) army and approach the Frankish army along the seashore, mingling with them in the darkness of night. Find your way by night to the King's pavilion, and when you have found him, drunk and sleepy, with head drooping and no one at his side, cut off his head and take his sword-belt and sword. If anyone addresses you reply in Frankish, and no one will notice what you are doing. When you get back to Saladin, set the head before him with the sword-belt and sword. He will immediately attack the Frankish army, drive them off, cut them to pieces, please God, and kill many of them, and he will be victorious and happy. Then he will want to recompense you, and will ask you to express whatever desires you may have. You will not ask for gold, silver or any such thing, but will say simply: 'We are men who have thrown away our lives to obey God and have left behind the world and all its possessions and renounced them. We therefore desire none of them, but for one thing: when we left our families, our children had no flour. Would the King make a gift of some flour to each of us, that is all. ' 'We obey,' answered the two assassins, and left our Lord Rashid ad-Din Sina? n--peace be to us from him! --and went to Acre, obeying all the instructions given to them and acting according to all his precepts. They reached Acre precisely at the moment, and presented themselves to Saladin, handed over the letter, saluted him from their Lord, and said: 'Our Lord has commanded us to kill the Frankish King today, and has told us the precise moment, saying that we shall find him at that moment with his face on the ground, drunk, with no one at his side. He also said that if we do not find him precisely at the appointed moment we shall be unable to do anything, and shall not even reach him. '
When Saladin heard the speech they made he was very much cheered by it, and treated them with great honour. They stayed with him until the sun began to set, and then put their Frankish costumes on again and spoke to one another in the Frankish language. Saladin was amazed by the clothing and the language they used. He smiled, amused by the plan. The two set out and moved away from the two armies, then they turned toward the seashore and the Frankish army, and mixed with the soldiers in the darkness of night. They drew close to the (enemy) King, and at the time and moment appointed went in to Richard and found him dead asleep with his head on the ground, as the Lord had said, drunk, and without a living soul near him. They cut off his head, put it in a sack, took his sword and sword-belt, left the Frankish camp quickly and soon reached Saladin again. They put the head down before him with the sword and belt. He kissed both their foreheads and ordered the army to saddle up at once. He himself leapt into the saddle and attacked the Frankish army, putting it to flight, cutting it to pieces and almost exterminating it. Happy and content, the victorious conqueror, he asked for the two Faithful, and when they appeared he rose in their honour, showed them every courtesy, and his viziers and courtiers likewise rose to their feet. Then he gave them robes of honour, made them sit beside him, and said: 'Tell me whatever you desire, ask me for whatever you want. My duty is to content you. ' They replied: 'God with His angels assist Your Majesty and cast your enemies into Hell! This world is nothing, and whoever deludes himself will repent when penitence is of no avail. We are of those who have turned away from worldly goods and renounced them. In truth, we ask nothing but two portions of flour, one for each of us, for our families. '
Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 145
Then the Sultan Saladin ordained that in each province near the forts of the Company1 of right guidance ten villages should be inscribed (as tributaries), and that in every city a 'House of the Company' should be built as a centre for the Company of right guidance. So in Cairo, Damascus, Hims, Hama? t, Aleppo and other centres this was done, and all the houses are known by the name of 'the Company'. As well as this he loaded the two Breth- ren with gifts and sent a splendid gift to our Lord Rashid ad-Din.
1
Literally, mission, propaganda (da'wa), meaning here the Isma'ilite sect. 'Propaganda' would serve very well also a little further on, where the author speaks of the sect's centres in various cities.
CHAPTER EIGHT
Saladin's illness and death, shortly after the truce with the Franks, are described in the most minute detail by the faithful Baha? ' ad-Din. Disregarding a certain pettiness and pedantry common to n early all these Muslim sources, his account reveals a sincere devotion to its hero, and recognition that he was an exceptional person who won the regard of both East and West. His pious end, and the complete attachment to the spirit and letter of his Faith that marked Saladin's real life, banish Lessing's fantasies of the liberal and enlightened ruler.
SALADIN'S ILLNESS AND DEATH (BAHA? ' AD-DIN, 361-9)
On the Friday evening he felt a great weariness, and even before midnight had an attack of bilious fever, more evident internally than externally. On the morning of Saturday 16 safar 589/ 21 February 1193 he woke up feeling weak and with traces of fever, but this was not apparent to the ordinary observer. The qadi al-Fadil and I presented ourselves, together with his son al-Malik al-Afdal, and we spent a long time with him. He complained of a disturbed night, and spoke cheerfully with us until almost midday. Then we left him, but we left our hearts with him. He invited us to a luncheon presided over by al-Malik al-Afdal; al-Fadil never attended luncheons, so he retired, and I went to the southern chamber where the meal was served. Al-Malik al-Afdal sat in his father's place. Then I too retired, unable to remain because of the turmoil in my soul; and indeed several people wept, taking as a sinister omen the sight of the son in the Sultan's place.
From that time the illness grew more serious. We continued to present ourselves regu- larly morning and evening, and the qadi al-Fadil and I were admitted at various times during the day when the sickness abated somewhat. His illness was in the head; one of the signs that his life was now at an end was the absence of his personal doctor, who knew his constitution and looked after him at home and when he was travelling. The doctors decided to bleed him and did so on the fourth day, but the illness grew worse and the humours of his body, of which the dry predominated, began to fail. The progress of the illness eventually produced an extreme weakness.
On the sixth day we sat him up, supporting his back on a cushion, and sent for warm water for him to drink, shortly after he had drunk an emollient medicine. He found the water too hot and complained of it, so a second cup was brought, which he found too cold, but without becoming enraged or crying out. He simply said: 'Dear God, can no one produce water of the right temperature? ' At this the qadi and I left the room, weeping hot tears, and the qadi said to me: 'What a spirit Isla? m is about to lose! By Allah, any other man would have thrown the cup at the head of whoever brought it. . . . '
Part Two: Saladin and the Third Crusade 147
On the sixth, seventh and eighth days the illness grew steadily worse, obscuring the lucidity of his mind. On the ninth day he lost consciousness and could not take his potion. Great fear spread through the city: the merchants, terrified, began to remove their wares from the markets,1 and everyone was overcome by sadness and grief beyond words.
The qadi al-Fadil and I sat together every night until almost a third of the night had passed, and we would then present ourselves at the Palace gates and if the way were clear would go in to him to see how he was before retiring, or else we would get news of his condition and then retire. We would find people standing and waiting for us to come out, to judge his condition from our faces as we passed. On the tenth day he was twice given an enema, which gave him some relief, and he was able to take a little barley water. This news caused great public rejoicing. As usual, we waited until a part of the night had gone by and then went to the Palace gate, where we met Jama? l ad-Daula Iqba? l. We asked him to tell us what was happening, and he went in and sent al-Malik al-Mu'azzam Turansha? h to tell us that Saladin had begun to sweat at the legs. We gave thanks to God, and begged al- Malik al-Mu'azzam to feel the rest of his body and let us know how the sweating went. He examined him and came out to tell us that Saladin was sweating freely, so we went away very much relieved. But on the morning of the eleventh day of his illness, Tuesday 26 safar, when we came to the gate to ask for news we were told that he was sweating so copiously that it soaked the mattress and the matting and even the ground, and that the violence of his thirst was beyond belief, and caused the doctors to abandon hope.
When al-Malik al-Afdal saw his father's condition and was convinced that there was no hope he hurriedly arranged for the oaths of loyalty to be taken. 1 He held audience for the purpose in the Palace of Ridwa? n, so called because he2 had lived there. He sent for the qadis and had ready a brief formula comprising an oath of loyalty to the Sultan as long as he lived and to al-Afdal after his father's death. He apologized for this in public, saying that the Sultan was worse and that he did not know what would happen but this was simply a precautionary measure following normal procedure among rulers. The first to be called on to take the oath was Sa'd ad-Din Mas'u? d, brother of Badr ad-Din Maudu? d and governor of the city. He took the oath immediately, without making any conditions. Then it was the turn of Nasir ad-Din of Sahyu? n, who took the oath on condition that the fortress he held should continue in his hands. Next came Sabiq ad-Din of Shaizar, who omitted the divorce clause,1 with the excuse that he never used that formula in an oath. Then came Khushtari? n Husa? in al-Hakkari, then Nushirwa? n az-Zarzari, who made it a condition that he should
The ruler's death was often the occasion of riots and looting.
The details that follow show clearly the fragility of these empires based on an archaic military feudalism, when they found themselves without an energetic character like Saladin, or later al- 'Adil and al-Kamil, as ruler. All the prccautions taken here by the first-born, al-Afdal, to secure the succession in Syria and the dominant position throughout the Ayyubid empire fell to the ground chiefly because of the independence of the ami? rs, whose only aim was personal advantage and privilege. The future betrayed the hopes of this and all Saladin's sons, and the primacy passed to his brother al-Malik al-'Adil.
Ami? r of Aleppo during the First Crusade.
A common feature of Muslim oaths was for the taker to declare that if he broke his word his wives would be repudiated by him.
1 1
2 1
148 Arab Historians of the Crusades
receive a satisfactory fief, then 'Alka? n and Mankala? n. At this point luncheon was served and everyone ate. Proceedings were resumed in the afternoon. Maimu? n al-Qasri and the old man Shams ad-Din Sunqur presented themselves, and said: 'We swear on condition that we are never asked to draw sword against any of your brothers', undertaking instead to defend their states. Maimu? n al-Qasri said the same. Sunqur refused for a while to take the oath, then he said: 'You will receive my word as governor of Natru? n, on condition that I keep the city. ' Then it was Sa'ama's turn, and he said: 'I have no fief: tell me what I have to swear by', and after some argument finally took the oath on condition that a satisfactory fief were given him. Sunqur the Disfigured took the oath on condition that he received satisfaction, and so did Aibek the Snub-nosed, who omitted the divorce clause. Finally came Husa? m ad- Din Bishara, leader of them all. Al-Afdal had not summoned any of the Egyptian ami? rs or asked anything of them,2 but only made those mentioned take the oath so as to have things in order. I may have omitted the names of one or two more obscure ami? rs. The formula of the oath was; 'First, from this moment I dedicate and consecrate all my deepest feeling to al-Malik an-Nasir for as long as he lives, binding myself to sacrifice in the defence of his state myself, my possessions, my sword and my men, in obedience to his orders and await- ing his pleasure; and after him to his son al-Afdal 'Ali and his heirs. In God's name I shall be loyal to him, defend his state and territory with my person, my wealth, my sword and my men, and obey his command and prohibition. This I both profess openly and inwardly adhere to. God is the guarantee of what I say. '
The night before Wednesday 27 safar 589, which was the twelfth of his illness, the Sul- tan's condition deteriorated, his strength diminished and the women who tended him would not allow us to visit him. That night the qadi al-Fadil, Ibn az-Zaki (qadi of Damascus) and I met together. Ibn az-Zaki did not usually come at this hour, and al-Malik al-Afdal invited us to spend the night with him. This did not seem a good idea to al-Fadil, as people were waiting for us to leave the citadel, and he was afraid that if we did not emerge alarmist rumours would run through the city and looting would follow. He advised us therefore to go down, and suggested that Shaikh Abu Ja'far, ima?