On 1 January 519 Theodoric's son-in-law and heir Eutharic became
Consul as colleague of the Emperor Justin; and there was a constant
interchange of ambassadors between Constantinople and Ravenna during
the years that followed.
Consul as colleague of the Emperor Justin; and there was a constant
interchange of ambassadors between Constantinople and Ravenna during
the years that followed.
Cambridge Medieval History - v2 - Rise of the Saracens and Foundation of the Western Empire
615, BEC.
For Chartres read Chartes.
628, Pears. For Contemporary Review read EHR.
630, Julian. After Rheinisches Museum add xlii (1887), pp. 15–27 and
delete Frankfurt-a-M. 1827. . . .
631, l. 19. For Nicephorus, Callistus read Nicephorus Callistus.
. 633, Kellerbauer. For x1, pp. 81–121 read Ix, pp. 181–221.
634, l. 1. Delete full stop after Julian.
641, Teuffel. For geschichtlichen Wiss. read Geschichtswiss.
Strauss. For Thron read Throne.
653, Ståhelin. For 1908 read 1905.
680, l. 11. Haury refers to Sauerbrei's art. below.
. 724, last line. Delete Heraclius [the mag. mil. ].
726. Delete Isokasios, quaestor of Antioch, 113 and (three lines above) read
Is. of Antioch, Cilician philosopher, quaestor, 113, 472.
Vol. II.
. 131, l. 15 from foot. For Worms read Würzburg.
200, l. 9. For Garibal read Garibald.
. 213, last line. For Zachary read Zacharias.
287. Despite Theophanes 296*, Alexandria probably did not fall till 609.
Heraclius probably sailed from Africa in 610.
. 299. A hitherto unnoticed passage in a contemporary document—the
'Emāvobos row Xelvdvou roi dyiov adprupos "Avagraortov ex IIeportóos eis rô
uovaariptov airot (Acta Martyris Anastasii Persae, ed. Usener, p. 12, 34a)
—seems to show that Heraclius did not reach Jerusalem until A. p. 630,
whence he travelled to Constantina.
. 414, l. 6 from foot. For six synods read sixth synod.
442, last line of text. Delete later than 641.
496, note. Substitute SPAW 1904 (xxvi).
506, l. 4 from foot. For ire-all read ire, all.
525, l. 13. For seemed read seem.
690, l. 17. For Martin V read Martin I.
## p. 1 (#31) ###############################################
CHAPTER I.
JUSTINIAN.
THE IMPERIAL RESTORATION IN THE WEST.
I.
On 9 July 518 the Emperor Anastasius died, leaving nephews only
as his heirs. The succession was therefore quite undecided. An
obscure intrigue brought the Commander-in-Chief of the Guard, the
comes excubUorum Justin, to the throne. This adventurer had found his
way to Constantinople from the mountains of his native Illyricum in
search of fortune, and now became, at the age of almost seventy years,
the founder of a dynasty.
The position of the new prince did not lack difficulties. Ever since
484, when the schism of Acacias embroiled the Eastern Empire with
the Papacy, incessant religious and political agitations had shaken the
monarchy. Under pretence of defending the orthodox faith, the
ambitious Vitalianus had risen against Anastasius several times, and
proved a constant menace to the new sovereign, since he had made
himself almost independent in his province of Thrace. The Monophysite
party, on the other hand, which had been warmly supported by
Anastasius, suspected the intentions of Justin, and upheld the family of
its former protector against him. Placed between two difficulties, the
Emperor found that he could rely neither on the army, whose allegiance
was uncertain, nor on the disturbed capital, torn by the struggles of the
Greens and Blues, nor yet on the discontented provinces, ruined as they
were by war, and crushed under the weight of the taxes. He saw that
nothing short of a new political direction could keep his government
from foundering.
The part played by Justin himself in the new order of things was a
subordinate one. He was a brave soldier, but almost completely lacking
in comprehension of things beyond the battle-field. Quite uncultured, he
could hardly read, still less write. Historians tell us that when he
became Emperor, and was obliged to sign official documents, a plaque
of wood was made for him, with holes cut in it corresponding to the
C. MED. B. VOL. II. CR. I. 1
## p. 2 (#32) ###############################################
2 Justinian [518-565
letters of the imperial title. By means of these cracks the sovereign
guided his halting hand. Having little acquaintance with the civil
administration, ignorant of the intricacies of politics, diplomacy and
theology, he would have been quite overwhelmed by his position, had he
not had someone behind him, to help and guide him. This was his sister's
son, Flavius Petrus Sabbatius Justinianus, known to us as Justinian.
Justinian, as well as his uncle, was born in Macedonia, in the village
of Tauresium, near Uskub. He was a peasant of the Latin race, and by
no means a Slav as romantic traditions of a much later date affirm. To
these traditions a value has long been assigned which they do not possess.
Justinian went early to Constantinople by his uncle's request, and
received a thoroughly Roman and Christian education in the schools
of the capital. When, through a piece of good luck, Justin became
Emperor, his nephew was about thirty-six years old; he was experienced
in politics, his character was formed and his intellect matured. He was
quite prepared for the position of coadjutor to the new Caesar, and
immediately assumed it. The good will of his uncle brought him step
by step nearer to the foot of the throne. He became in turn Count, vir
illustris, patrician. He was Consul in 521, Commander-in-Chief of the
troops which garrisoned the capital (magister equitum et peditum
praesentcdis), nob'dissimus, and finally, in 527, Justin adopted him and
associated him in the Empire itself. Under these various titles it was
he who really governed in his uncle's name, while he waited until he
should himself ascend the throne (1 August 527). Thus, during nearly
half a century, from 518 to 565 Justinian's will guided the destinies of
the Roman Empire in the East.
Of all the prominent men who fill the pages of history, few are more
difficult to depict and understand than Justinian. Throughout his reign
the testimony of contemporaries is abundant and ranges from the
extreme of extravagant adulation to that of senseless invective, thus
furnishing the most contradictory portrait that exists of any sovereign.
From the unmeasured praise of the Book of Edifices, and the often
foolish gossip of the Secret History it is by no means easy to arrive
at the truth. Besides, it must not be forgotten that Justinian reigned
for thirty-eight years, and died at the age of eighty-three; and that as
he drew near the end of his reign, already too long, a growing slackness
and lack of grip marked his last years. It is hardly fair to judge him
by this period of decrepitude, when he almost seems to have outlived
himself. However, this man, who left so deep an impress on the world
of the sixth century, cannot lightly be passed by; and, after all, it is
possible to estimate his character.
The official portrait is to be found in the mosaic of San Vitale in
Ravenna, which dates from 547, though it obviously represents him as
somewhat younger than he was. It gives us a good idea of Justinian's
## p. 3 (#33) ###############################################
527-565] Justinian's Character 3
features. As to his moral attributes, contemporaries praise the simplicity
of his manners, the friendliness of his address, the self-control which he
exercised, specially over his violent temper, and, above all, the love of
work which was one of his most characteristic traits. One of his courtiers
nicknamed him "The Emperor who never sleeps," and in fact, early to
rise, and late to retire, the Emperor claimed to know everything, examine
everything and decide everything; and brought to this task a great love
of order, a real care for good administration and an attention to minute
detail which was unceasing. Above everything else, he strove to fill
worthily the position of a king.
Endowed with an autocratic disposition, Justinian was naturally
inclined to give his attention to all subjects, and to keep the direction
of all affairs under his own control, whether they related to war or
diplomacy, administration or theology. His imperial pride, increased
by an almost childish vanity, led him to claim complete knowledge
in every department. He was jealous of anyone who appeared to be
sufficiently great or independent to question his decisions. Those who
served him most faithfully were at all times liable to become the object
of their master's suspicion, or of the libels to which he was always ready
and glad to listen. During his whole life Justinian envied and distrusted
the fame of Belisarius, and constantly permitted and even encouraged
intrigues against that loyal general. Under an unyielding appearance,
he hid a weak and vacillating soul. His moods were liable to sudden
changes, rash passions and unexpected depression. His will was swayed
by the decision and energy of those around him, by that of his wife
Theodora, who, in the opinion of contemporaries, governed the Empire
equally, or to a greater extent than he did, and by that of his minister
John of Cappadocia, who dominated the prince for ten years by means
of his bold cleverness. Naturally so weak a man changed with changing
circumstances, and might become untrustworthy through deceit at one
time, or cruel through fear at another. It followed that, as he was
always in need of money—less for himself than for the needs of the
State—he was troubled by no scruple as to the means by which he
obtained it. Thus, in spite of his undoubted good qualities, his badly-
balanced mind, his nature full of contrasts, his weak will, childish
vanity, jealous disposition and fussy activity, make up a character of
only mediocre quality. But, if his character was mediocre, Justinian's
soul did not lack greatness. This Macedonian peasant, seated on the
throne of the Caesars, was the successor and heir of the Roman Emperors.
He was, to the world of the sixth century, the living representative of
two great ideas, that of the Empire, and that of Christianity. This
position he was determined to fill; and because he filled it, he was a
great sovereign.
Few princes have realised the imperial dignity in a more marked
degree than this parvenu, or have done more to maintain the ancient
CH. i. 1—2
## p. 4 (#34) ###############################################
Justinians Aims [527-565
Roman traditions. From the day when he first mounted the throne of
Constantine, he claimed in its full extent the ancient Roman Empire.
Sovereign of a State in which Latin was still the official tongue, and which
was still styled the " Roman Empire11 in official documents, Justinian was
less a Byzantine than the last of the Roman Emperors. The mast
essential part of his imperial duty seemed to him to be the restoration of
that Roman Empire whose fragments the barbarians had divided, and
the recovery of those unwritten but historic rights over the lost West
which his predecessors had so carefully maintained. The thought of the
insignia of the Empire, symbols of supreme authority, which, since they
had been stolen by Gaiseric in the sack of Rome had been held by the
barbarians, inflicted an intolerable wound upon his pride, and he felt
himself bound, with the help of God, to reconquer "the countries
possessed by the ancient Romans, to the limits of the two oceans,11 to
quote his own words.
Justinian considered himself the obvious overlord of the barbarian
kings who had established themselves in Roman territory, and thought
he could withdraw, if he wished, the delegated imperial authority which
they held. This fact was the keystone of the arch of his foreign policy,
while at the same time the imperial idea lent inspiration to his domestic
government. The Roman Emperor was practically the law incarnate,
the most perfect representative of absolute power that the world has
known. This was Justinian's ideal. He was, according to Agathias the
historian, "the first of the Byzantine Emperors to shew himself, by
word and deed, the absolute master of the Romans. 11 The State, the
law, the religion; all hung on his sovereign will. In consequence of the
necessary infallibility attaching to his imperial function, he desired
equally to be lawgiver and conqueror, and to unite, as the Roman
Emperors had done, the majesty of law to the lustre of arms. Anxious
to wield the imperial power for the good of the Empire, he wished to be
a reformer; and the mass of Novellae promulgated by him attests the
trouble that he took to secure good administration. Desirous, further-
more, of surrounding the imperial position with every luxury, and of
adorning it with all magnificence, he determined that the trappings of
the monarchy should be dignified and splendid. He felt the need of
resounding titles and pompous ceremonial, and counted the cost of
nothing that might increase the splendour of his capital. St Sophia
was the incomparable monument of this imperial pride. >
But since the time of Constantine, the Roman Emperor could not
claim to be heir of the Caesars only: he was also the champion of religion,
and the supreme head of the Church. Justinian gladly received this
part of his inheritance. Of a disposition naturally devout, and even
superstitious, he had a taste for religious controversy, a considerable
amount of theological knowledge, and a real talent for oratory. He
therefore willingly gave his time to the consideration of matters relating
## p. 5 (#35) ###############################################
527-56ft] Justinian's Aims
to the Church. His decisions were as unhesitating on matters of dogma
as on matters of law and reform, and he brought the same intolerant
despotism to bear on church government as on everything else. But
above all, as Emperor, he believed himself to be the man whom the Lord
had specially chosen and prepared for the direction of human affairs, and
over whom the divine protection would ever rest throughout his life.
He considered himself to be the most faithful of servants to the God
who aided him. If he made war, it was not simply in order to collect
the lost provinces into the Roman Empire, but also to protect the
Catholics from their enemies the Arian heretics, "persecutors of souls
and bodies. "" His military undertakings had therefore something of the
enthusiasm of a Crusade. Furthermore, one of the chief aims of his
diplomacy was to lead the heathen peoples into the Christian fold.
Missions were one of the most characteristic features of the Byzantine
policy in the sixth century. By their means Justinian flattered himself,
according to a contemporary, that he "indefinitely increased the extent
of the Christian world. " Thus the Emperor allied care for religion with
every political action. If this pious ardour which consumed the prince
had its dangers, in that it quickly led to intolerance and persecution,
yet it was not without grandeur; since the progress of civilisation
always follows evangelisation. As champion of God, as protector of
the Church, and as ally and dictator to the Papacy, Justinian was the
great representative of what has been called "Caesaropapism. "
From the day when, under Justin's name, he originally undertook the
government of the Empire, these ideas inspired Justinian's conduct.
His first wish was to come to some agreement with Rome in order to
end the schism. The announcement made to Pope Hormisdas, of the
accession of the new sovereign, together with the embassy despatched
soon afterwards to Italy to request that peace might be restored, made
it dear to the pontifical court that they had but to formulate their
requests in order to have them granted. The Roman legates proceeded
to Constantinople, where because of Justinian's friendship they received
a splendid welcome, and obtained all that they demanded. The
Patriarch John with the greater number of Eastern prelates in his train
signed the profession of orthodoxy brought by the papal envoys. The
names of Acacius and other heretical patriarchs with those of the
Emperors Zeno and Anastasius were effaced from the ecclesiastical
diptychs. After this the Pope was able to congratulate Justinian upon
his real for the peace of the Church, and the energy with which he
sought to restore it. In consequence of the prince's attitude, and at
the pressing request of the pontifical legates, who remained in the East
for eighteen months, the dissentient Monophysites were vigorously
pereecuted throughout the Empire. In Syria the Patriarch Severus of
Antioch was deposed and anathematised by the Synod of Tyre (518),
## p. 6 (#36) ###############################################
6 Last Years of Theodoric [518-526
and more than fifty other bishops were soon afterwards chased from
their sees. For three years (518-521) the persecution continued. The
chief heretical meetings were scattered, the convents closed, the monks
reduced to flight, imprisoned or massacred. However, the orthodox
reaction lacked strength to attack Egypt, where the exiles found shelter,
while the Monophysite agitation was secretly continuing to spread its
propaganda in other parts of the East, and even in the capital itself.
None the less, Rome had scored a decisive victory, and the new dynasty
could celebrate a success which did much to establish it securely.
But it was not only religious zeal that moved Justinian. From this
time he fully realised the political importance of an agreement with the
Papacy. Without doubt the new government set itself, at any rate at first,
to maintain friendly relations with the Ostrogothic kingdom of Italy.
On 1 January 519 Theodoric's son-in-law and heir Eutharic became
Consul as colleague of the Emperor Justin; and there was a constant
interchange of ambassadors between Constantinople and Ravenna during
the years that followed. From this moment, however, Justinian dreamed
of the fall of the Ostrogothic power, and watched events in Italy with
great attention.
In spite of the prudent toleration that Theodoric had always
maintained, neither the senatorial aristocracy nor the Roman Church
had forgotten their enmity towards a master obnoxious as a barbarian
and an Arian. Naturally they turned their gaze ceaselessly upon
Byzantium, where an orthodox prince was striving to restore the faith
and to defend religion. In 524 Theodoric, exasperated by the intercourse
which he suspected, had Boethius and Symmachus arrested and con-
demned to death, and furthermore in the following year sent Pope John
on an embassy to Constantinople to protest against the Emperor's harsh
measures towards those who would not conform. Justinian was ready
to treat the matter in a way calculated to further his own ends. A
solemn and triumphant reception was prepared for the pontiff" in the
capital. The Emperor, with the populace, sallied forth twelve miles to
meet the first pope who had ever entered Constantinople. Sovereign
honours were lavished upon him, and Justin desired to be reconsecrated
by his hands. When on his return Theodoric, misdoubting the success
of the embassy, arrested and imprisoned the unhappy John, who died
miserably in his prison soon afterwards (18 May 526), no Italian could
help comparing this heretical and persecuting prince with the pious
basileus who reigned in the East. It followed that when death claimed
Theodoric in his turn (Aug. 526) and when the regent Amalasuntha
was involved in difficulties, the population of the peninsula was intoxi-
cated by hope, and only waited an opportunity for changing their master,
and eagerly cried out for a deliverer.
Meanwhile Justinian's domestic policy successfully overcame the
obstacles which, one after another, threatened the security of the new
## p. 7 (#37) ###############################################
505-565] T/ie Persian War
government. Vitalianus was a rival not to be despised, and at first he was
tactfully treated. He was given the title of magiiter militum praesentalis
and became Consul in 520. He appeared to be all-powerful in the palace,
and afterwards Justinian got rid of him by means of an assassin. The
Greens were partisans of Anastasius. Against them the Emperor raised
up for himself a devoted party amongst the Blues, to whom every
privilege, and every opportunity to harm their foes was given throughout
the Empire. Further, to please the mob of the capital, great largess
was distributed. The imperial Consulate in 521 was unrivalled for the
magnificence of its shows, which cost 288,000 solidi, more than £200,000
sterling to-day. In this way Justinian became popular amongst all
classes in Byzantium, with the Church by his orthodoxy, with the senate
by his flattery, and with the aristocracy and the populace. Feeling
thus secure, he launched forth on his career. At this time his con-
nexion with Theodora began, which ended in a somewhat scandalous
marriage. Neither Justin nor Byzantium appear to have been much
shocked by it. To please his nephew the Emperor conferred on his
mistress the high dignity of patrician; he then, in order that the
marriage might take place, abrogated the law by which alliances between
senators and high officials and actresses were forbidden. When, in 527,
Justinian was officially associated in the Empire, Theodora was crowned
with him on Easter Day in the church of St Sophia, by the hands of
the patriarch. When Justin died (1 Aug. 527), his nephew succeeded
him without opposition. He was to reign over the Roman Empire in
the East for nearly forty years (527-565), and to begin to realise the
ambitious dreams which had long filled his soul.
II.
However, during the first years of his reign, before beginning to
carry out the far-reaching plans which he had made, or even thinking of
the reconstruction of the Roman Empire on its ancient plan, Justinian
had to deal with numerous and serious difficulties.
The Persian war, stopped by the peace of 505, had again broken out
in the last months of Justin's reign. The old king Kawad declared war,
worried by the encroaching policy of Byzantium, and specially menaced
by the increase of Roman influence during Justin's reign in the
Caucasus region among the Lazi, the Iberians and even the Huns, and
furthermore indignant at the attack that the imperialists attempted on
Nisibis. The vassals of the two States were already at daggers drawn on
the Syrian and Armenian frontiers, and in Mesopotamia open war was
on the point of breaking out. To Justinian this was specially annoying,
since it necessitated the mobilisation of the greater part of the Byzantine
army under Belisarius, its most famous general, on the Asiatic frontier.
The Emperor had only one care, which was not to proceed to extremities,
## p. 8 (#38) ###############################################
8 Justinian's Ministers [517—532
and to end the war as soon as possible. Not realising, perhaps not
wishing to realise, the greatness of the Eastern peril, and anxious only to
free his hands for the conquest and liberation of the West, he shewed
himself ready to make the largest concessions in order to heal the breach.
In this way the peace of 532 was concluded, and gave to Justinian the
disposition of his entire forces.
At home, other difficulties presented themselves. The special favour
shewn by the government to the Blues, led to a dangerous agitation in
the capital. Sure of imperial support the Blues took all possible licence
against their adversaries without let or hindrance from police or justice.
Thus injured, the Greens opposed violence to violence, and since they
were still attached to the family of their old protector Anastasius, whose
nephews Hypatius and Pompeius dwelt in Constantinople, their opposition
soon took on a political and dynastic complexion. This resulted in a
perilous state of unrest in the capital, still further aggravated by the
deplorable condition of the public administration.
At the beginning of his reign Justinian had chosen as ministers
Tribonian, nominated in 529 Quaestor of the Sacred Palace, and John
of Cappadocia, invested in 531 with the high post of praetorian praefect
in the East. The former was a remarkable man. An eminent jurist,
and the greatest scholar of the day, he was unfortunately capable of any
action for the sake of money, and as ready to sell justice as to amend
the law. The latter was a skilful administrator, and a real statesman,
but harsh, unscrupulous, greedy and cruel. Nothing could check him in
his efforts to tear from the subjects the money needed for the Emperor's
ceaseless expenditure, and although he won the favour of the prince by
his great skill in finding resources, his harshness and exactions made him
otherwise universally detested. Under such ministers, the officials in
every rank of the government service thought only of imitating their
chiefs. The rapacity of the government ruined the taxpayers, while the
partiality of the administration of justice resulted in a general feeling of
insecurity. Under the weight of these miseries the provinces, according
to an official document, had become " quite uninhabitable. 11 The country
was depopulated, the fields deserted, and complaints poured into
Constantinople from all sides against "the wickedness of the officials. 11
An incessant stream of immigration brought a host of miserable folk to
the capital, adding new elements of disorder and discontent to those
already there. From these causes sprang, in January 532, the dangerous
rising known as the Nika Riot, which shook Justinian's throne.
The Emperor was hissed at in the Circus (11 Jan. 532), and the
disturbance spread beyond the boundaries of the hippodrome, and soon
reached all quarters of the city. Greens and Blues made common cause
against the hated government, and soon to the accompaniment of cries
of NIKA (Victory) the crowd was tearing at the railings of the imperial
palace, demanding the dismissal of the praefect of the city, and of the
## p. 9 (#39) ###############################################
532] The Nika Riot 9
two hated ministers, Tribonian and John of Cappadocia. Justinian
gave way, but too late. His apparent weakness only encouraged the
mob, and the revolt became a revolution. The fires kindled by the
rebels raged for three days, and destroyed the finest quarters of the
capital. Justinian, almost destitute of means of defence, shut himself
up in the palace without attempting to do anything, and the obvious
result followed. As might have been expected, the mob proclaimed
emperor Hypatius, the nephew of Anastasius, and, swelled by all
malcontents, the insurrection became a definite political movement.
"The Empire,'" wrote an eye-witness, "seemed on the verge of its fall. '"
Justinian, in despair of curbing the riot which had continued for six
days, lost his head, and thought of saving himself by flight. He had
already ordered to load the imperial treasure in ships. It was then that
Theodora rose in the Council, to recall to their duty the Emperor and
ministers who were abandoning it. She said " When safety only remains
in flight still I will not flee. Those who have worn the crown should
not survive its fall. I will never live to see the day when I shall no
longer be saluted as Empress. Flee if you wish, Caesar; you have
money, the ships await you, the sea is unguarded. As for me, I stay. I
hold with the old proverb which says that the purple is a good winding-
sheet" This display of energy revived the courage of all. As soon as
discord had been sown among the rebels by a lavish distribution of gold,
Belisarius and Mundus with their barbarian mercenaries threw them-
selves on the crowd collected in the hippodrome. They gave no quarter,
but continued their bloody work throughout the night (18 January).
More than 30,000 corpses according to one computation, more than
50,000 according to other witnesses, flooded the arena with blood.
Hypatius and Pompeius were arrested, and both executed the next
morning. Other condemnations followed, and, thanks to the frightful
bloodshed which ended this six days' battle, order was established once
more in the capital, and thenceforth the imperial power became more
absolute than ever.
In spite of every difficulty the imperial diplomacy never lost sight of
any event that might further the accomplishment of Justinian's plans.
Occurrences in the Vandal kingdom in Africa and the Ostrogothic
kingdom in Italy were carefully watched for the profit of the Empire.
In Africa, as in Italy, everything was in favour of the imperial restoration.
The Roman people, governed by barbarian kings, had kept alive the
memory of the Empire, and looked impatiently to Constantinople for
a deliverer. According to Fustel de Coulanges "they persisted in
regarding the Roman Empire as their supreme head; the distant power
seemed to them to be an ancient and sacred authority, a kind of far-off
providence, to be called upon as the last hope and consolation of the
anfortunate. " They felt still more keenly, perhaps, the misery of being
ruled by heretical sovereigns. In Africa, where rigorous persecution of
s
## p. 10 (#40) ##############################################
10 Justinian s Designs in the West [523-533
Catholics had long been carried on, everyone hoped for the end of the
"horrible secular captivity. '" In Italy, Theodoric's prolonged toleration
had reconciled no one to him, and his ultimate severity exasperated his
Roman subjects. A dumb agitation held sway in the West, and the
coming of the Emperor's soldiers was eagerly awaited and desired.
What is more surprising is that the barbarian kings themselves
acknowledged the justice of the imperial claims. They also still
reverenced the Empire whose lands they had divided, they thought of
themselves as vassals of the basilem, received his commands with respect
and bowed before his remonstrance. Hilderic, who had reigned over the
Vandal kingdom since 523, was proud to proclaim himself the personal
friend of Justinian. The two interchanged presents and embassies, and
the Emperor's head replaced that of the king on the Vandal coinage.
Amalasuntha, who had governed Italy since 526 in the name of her son
Athalaric, made it her first care to recommend the youth of the new
prince to Justinian's kindness: and the prince himself begged for the
imperial favour the day after his accession. He recalled with pride the
fact that his father had been adopted by Justin, and that he could
therefore claim kinship with the basileus. So great was the prestige of
the Roman Empire throughout the West that even the opponents of
the imperial policy, such as Witigis or Totila, were willing to acknowledge
themselves the Emperor's vassals.
Justinian realised this: he also realised the essential weakness of the
barbarian kingdoms—their internal dissensions, and inability to make
common cause against a foe. Therefore from the first he took up the
position of their overlord, waiting until circumstances should furnish him
with an opportunity for more active interference. This occurred, as far
as Africa was concerned, in 531. At this time a domestic revolution
substituted Gelimer, another descendant of Gaiseric, for the weakly
Hilderic. Hilderic at once appealed to Byzantium, begging the Emperor
to support the cause of his dethroned vassal. Byzantine diplomacy at
once interfered in the haughtiest manner, demanding the restoration, or
at any rate the liberation of the unhappy king, and evoking the decision
of the dispute to the Emperor's court. Gelimer alone, perhaps, among
the barbarian princes, recognised the fact that concessions, however large,
would only postpone the inevitable struggle. Therefore he flatly refused
the satisfaction required, and replied to the Byzantine demands by
redoubled severity towards his political and religious enemies. The
struggle had begun, and all was ready for the imperial restoration.
III.
Besides holding several trump cards, Justinian possessed another
advantage in the redoubtable war machine constituted by the Byzantine
army with its generals. The imperial army, in Justinian's time, was
## p. 11 (#41) ##############################################
533] The Army 11
formed essentially of mercenaries, recruited from all the barbarians of the
East and West. Huns, Gepids, Heruls, Vandals, Goths and Lombards,
Antae and Slavs, Persians, Armenians, men from the Caucasus, Arabs
from Syria, and Moors from Africa served in it side by side, glad to sell
their services to an Emperor who paid well, or to attach themselves to
the person of a celebrated general, to whom they would form the guard
and staff (inratrrriaTai). The greater number of these soldiers were
mounted. Only the smallest part of the troops consisted of infantry
which, being heavily equipped, was more notable for solidity than
mobility. The cavalry, on the other hand, was excellent. Barbed with
iron, armed with sword and lance, bow and quiver, the heavy regiments
of Byzantine cuirassiers (cataphracti) were equally formed to break the
enemy's ranks from a distance by a flight of arrows, or to carry all before
them by the splendid dash of their charge. This cavalry generally
sufficed to win battles, and the old regiments, proved as they were
by a hundred fights, and matchless in bravery, made incomparable
soldiers.
However, in spite of these qualities, the troops were not lacking in
the faults inseparable from mercenary armies. Convinced that war
should maintain war, and owning no fatherland, they pillaged merci-
lessly wherever they went. With an insatiable greed of gold, wine and
women, and with thoughts always bent on plunder, they easily slipped
the yoke of discipline, and imposed unheard-of conditions on their
generals. Even treason was not below them, and more than one victory
was lost by the defection of the troops on the field of battle, or their
disorganisation in the rush for plunder. After a victory, things were
still worse. Only anxious for leisure in which to enjoy their ill-gotten
gains, they were deaf to entreaty, and the efforts of the generals to
restore discipline frequently led to mutiny in the camp. The officers, of
whom the greater number were barbarians, were not much more to be
trusted than the men. They also were greedy, undisciplined and jealous
of each other, always a willing prey to intrigue and treason.
Certainly the faulty organisation of the army explained some of these
failings. The commissariat was badly arranged, pay generally in arrears,
while the treasury officials and the generals sought, under various
pretexts, to cheat the soldiers. Thus if the army was to be of any use,
everything really depended on the Commander-in-Chief. Justinian had
the good fortune to find excellent generals at the head of his armies;
they were adored by the troops, and able, by a mixture of skilful energy
and firm kindness, to keep them in hand and lead them where they
wished. Such were the patrician Germanus, the Emperor's nephew, who
commanded in turn in Thrace, Africa and Syria; Belisarius, the hero of
the reign, conqueror of the Persians, Vandals and Ostrogoths of Africa
and Italy, and the last resource of the Empire in every peril; and
lastly the eunuch Narses, who concealed under a frail appearance
e
## p. 12 (#42) ##############################################
12 Conquest of Africa [533
indomitable energy, prodigious activity and a strong will. He was a
wonderful general, who completed the ruin of the Goths, and chased the
Alemannic hordes from Italy.
The numerical force of the imperial armies must not be exaggerated.
Belisarius had scarcely 15,000 men with which to destroy the Vandal
kingdom, he had still less in his attack on the Ostrogothic realm, only
10,000 or 11,000; and altogether 25,000 to 30,000 sufficed to break
down the Ostrogothic resistance. The weakness of this force added to
the faulty organisation explains the interminable length of Justinian's
wars, specially during the second half of the reign. It also illustrates
the fundamental vice of the government, which was the perpetual
disproportion between the end aimed at, and the means employed for its
accomplishment. Lack of money always led to reduction of expenses
and curtailment of effort.
However, when in 583 the chance of intervention in Africa presented
itself, Justinian did not hesitate. Grave doubts as to the success of the
distant enterprise were felt at court, and in the Council John of Cappadocia
pointed out its many perils with a somewhat brutal clearness. Before
this opposition, added to the critical condition of the treasury and the
discontent of the soldiers, Justinian himself began to waver. On the
other hand, the African bishops, surrounded as they were with the halo
of martyrdom, revived the prince's nagging zeal and promised him victory.
As soon as it became known that imperial intervention was probable,
risings against the Vandal domination broke out in Tripolitana and
Sardinia. Furthermore, Justinian could not hesitate long, because of
the strength of the motives impelling him forward, his burning desire of
conquest, and his absolute trust in the justice of his claims and in divine
protection. He himself took the initiative in making the final decision,
and events proved that in doing so he was wiser than his more prudent
ministers.
The African campaign was equally rapid and triumphant. On
22 June 533 Belisarius embarked for the West. Ten thousand infantry,
and from five to six thousand cavalry were shipped in five hundred
transport-ships, manned by twenty thousand sailors. A fleet of war-ships
(dromons) manned by two thousand oarsmen convoyed the expedition.
The Vandals could offer little resistance to these forces. During the last
hundred years they had lost in Africa the energy which had once made
them invincible; and in spite of his boasted bravery, their king Gelimer
proved himself, by his indecision, sensitiveness, lack of perseverance and
want of will power, the worst possible leader for a nation in danger.
The neutrality of the Ostrogoths, which Byzantine diplomacy had secured,
gave Belisarius every chance of fair play. Early in September 533 he
was able to disembark unhindered on the desert headland of Caput-Vada.
He was well received by the African people, and marched on Carthage,
## p. 13 (#43) ##############################################
533-546] Conquest of Africa 13
while the imperial fleet turned back, skirting the coast in a northerly
direction. On September 13 the battle of Decimum was fought, and
shattered Gelimer's hopes by a single blow, while Carthage, the chief
town and only fortress in Africa, fell into the conqueror's hands un-
defended. In vain the Vandal king recalled the forces which he had
detached for service in Sardinia, and endeavoured to regain his capital.
He was forced to raise the blockade, and on the day of Tricamarum
(mid-Dec. 533) the Byzantine cavalry again overcame the impetuosity of
the barbarians. This was the final and decisive defeat. All Gelimer's
towns, his treasures and family fell in turn into Belisarius1 hands. He
himself, hemmed in in his retreat on Mt Pappua, was forced to surrender,
on receiving a promise that his life should be spared, and that he should
be honourably treated (March 534). In a few months, contrary to all
expectations, a few cavalry regiments had destroyed Gaiseric's kingdom.
Justinian, always optimistic, considered the war at an end. He
recalled Belisarius, who was decreed the honours of a triumph; while he
himself, somewhat arrogantly, assumed the titles of Vandalicus and
Africanus. Furthermore he adorned the walls of the imperial palace
with mosaics representing the events of the African war, and Gelimer
paying homage to the Emperor and Theodora. He hastened to restore
Roman institutions in the conquered province, but at this very moment
the war broke out afresh. The Berber tribes had passively allowed the
Vandals to be crushed; now it was their turn to rise against the imperial
authority. The patrician Solomon, who had succeeded Belisarius,
energetically put down the revolt in Byzacena (534) but he was unable
to break through the group of Aures in Numidia (535): and soon the
discontented troops, dissatisfied with a general who was strict and
demanded too much from them, broke into a serious mutiny (536).
Belisarius was obliged to leave Sicily for Africa at once, and arrived just
in time to save Carthage, and defeat the rebels in the plains of
Membressa. To complete the pacification it was found necessary to
appoint the Emperor's own nephew Germanus governor of Africa.
After performing prodigies of courage, skill and energy, he succeeded at
last in crushing out the insurrection (538). But four years had been
lost in useless and exhausting struggles. Only then was the patrician
Solomon, invested a second time with the rank of Governor-General,
able to complete the pacification of the country (539). By a bold march
he forced Iabdas, the strongest of the Berber princes and the great chief
of the Aures, into submission. He overran Zab, Hodna and Mauretania
Sitifensis, forcing the petty kings to acknowledge the imperial suzerainty.
Under his beneficent rule (539-544) Africa once more experienced peace
and security. His death occasioned another crisis. The revolted Berbers
made common cause with the mutinous soldiers. A usurper Guntharic
murdered Areobindus, the Governor-General, and proclaimed his own
independence (546). Africa seemed on the point of slipping from the
## p. 14 (#44) ##############################################
14 Invasion of Italy [533-548
Empire, and the fruits of Belisarius1 victories were, to quote Procopius'
phrase, "as completely annihilated as though they had never existed. 11
This time again, the energy of a general, John Troglita, overcame
the danger. After two years of warfare (546-548) he beat down the
Berber resistance, and restored, permanently at last, the imperial
authority.
After fifteen years of war and strife Africa once more took her place
in the Roman Empire. Doubtless it was not the Africa that Rome had
once possessed, and of which Justinian dreamed. It included Tripolitana,
Byzacena, Proconsularis, Numidia, and Mauretania Sitifensis. The Byzan-
tines also occupied Sardinia, Corsica and the Balearic Isles, all dependencies
of the African government. But with the exception of several scattered
places on the coast, of which the most important was the citadel of
Septem (Ceuta) at the Pillars of Hercules, the whole of West Africa
broke away from Justinian. Mauretania Caesariensis and Mauretania
Tingitana always remained independent, joined to the Empire only by
the loosest bond of vassalage. However, within these limited boundaries
the work of the imperial restoration was not in vain. It is clear that
Justinian's reign left a lasting impress on the lands drawn once more
into the bosom of the monarchy.
The conquest of Africa by Belisarius furnished Justinian with a
splendid base for operations in Italy, where he hoped to carry out his
ambitious projects. As had been the case in Africa, circumstances
provided him, in the nick of time, with a pretext for interference in the
peninsula.
Amalasuntha, daughter of Theodoric, and regent for her young son
Athalaric, had soon succeeded in arousing the discontent of her barbarian
subjects by her Roman sympathies. Made uneasy by the growing
opposition, she put herself into communication with the Court at
Constantinople, begging of the imperial benevolence an asylum in the
East should she need it. In return she offered all facilities for therfleet
of Belisarius to revictual in Sicily in 533, and finally allowed herself to
be persuaded to propose to Justinian the conquest of Italy (534). The
death of the young Athalaric (October 534) further complicated the
princess's position. In order to strengthen it, she made her cousin
Theodahad her partner; but a few months later a national revolution,
like that which had hurled Hilderic from the throne in Africa, deposed
Theodoric's daughter. Amalasuntha was imprisoned by order of her
royal husband, and soon afterwards assassinated (April 535). As had
been the case in Africa, but even with increased imperiousness, the
Byzantine diplomacy demanded satisfaction for the arrest of a princess
allied to and protected by Justinian. Her death proved to be the
wished-for casus belli.
As if to complete the remarkable parallelism presented by Italian
## p.
628, Pears. For Contemporary Review read EHR.
630, Julian. After Rheinisches Museum add xlii (1887), pp. 15–27 and
delete Frankfurt-a-M. 1827. . . .
631, l. 19. For Nicephorus, Callistus read Nicephorus Callistus.
. 633, Kellerbauer. For x1, pp. 81–121 read Ix, pp. 181–221.
634, l. 1. Delete full stop after Julian.
641, Teuffel. For geschichtlichen Wiss. read Geschichtswiss.
Strauss. For Thron read Throne.
653, Ståhelin. For 1908 read 1905.
680, l. 11. Haury refers to Sauerbrei's art. below.
. 724, last line. Delete Heraclius [the mag. mil. ].
726. Delete Isokasios, quaestor of Antioch, 113 and (three lines above) read
Is. of Antioch, Cilician philosopher, quaestor, 113, 472.
Vol. II.
. 131, l. 15 from foot. For Worms read Würzburg.
200, l. 9. For Garibal read Garibald.
. 213, last line. For Zachary read Zacharias.
287. Despite Theophanes 296*, Alexandria probably did not fall till 609.
Heraclius probably sailed from Africa in 610.
. 299. A hitherto unnoticed passage in a contemporary document—the
'Emāvobos row Xelvdvou roi dyiov adprupos "Avagraortov ex IIeportóos eis rô
uovaariptov airot (Acta Martyris Anastasii Persae, ed. Usener, p. 12, 34a)
—seems to show that Heraclius did not reach Jerusalem until A. p. 630,
whence he travelled to Constantina.
. 414, l. 6 from foot. For six synods read sixth synod.
442, last line of text. Delete later than 641.
496, note. Substitute SPAW 1904 (xxvi).
506, l. 4 from foot. For ire-all read ire, all.
525, l. 13. For seemed read seem.
690, l. 17. For Martin V read Martin I.
## p. 1 (#31) ###############################################
CHAPTER I.
JUSTINIAN.
THE IMPERIAL RESTORATION IN THE WEST.
I.
On 9 July 518 the Emperor Anastasius died, leaving nephews only
as his heirs. The succession was therefore quite undecided. An
obscure intrigue brought the Commander-in-Chief of the Guard, the
comes excubUorum Justin, to the throne. This adventurer had found his
way to Constantinople from the mountains of his native Illyricum in
search of fortune, and now became, at the age of almost seventy years,
the founder of a dynasty.
The position of the new prince did not lack difficulties. Ever since
484, when the schism of Acacias embroiled the Eastern Empire with
the Papacy, incessant religious and political agitations had shaken the
monarchy. Under pretence of defending the orthodox faith, the
ambitious Vitalianus had risen against Anastasius several times, and
proved a constant menace to the new sovereign, since he had made
himself almost independent in his province of Thrace. The Monophysite
party, on the other hand, which had been warmly supported by
Anastasius, suspected the intentions of Justin, and upheld the family of
its former protector against him. Placed between two difficulties, the
Emperor found that he could rely neither on the army, whose allegiance
was uncertain, nor on the disturbed capital, torn by the struggles of the
Greens and Blues, nor yet on the discontented provinces, ruined as they
were by war, and crushed under the weight of the taxes. He saw that
nothing short of a new political direction could keep his government
from foundering.
The part played by Justin himself in the new order of things was a
subordinate one. He was a brave soldier, but almost completely lacking
in comprehension of things beyond the battle-field. Quite uncultured, he
could hardly read, still less write. Historians tell us that when he
became Emperor, and was obliged to sign official documents, a plaque
of wood was made for him, with holes cut in it corresponding to the
C. MED. B. VOL. II. CR. I. 1
## p. 2 (#32) ###############################################
2 Justinian [518-565
letters of the imperial title. By means of these cracks the sovereign
guided his halting hand. Having little acquaintance with the civil
administration, ignorant of the intricacies of politics, diplomacy and
theology, he would have been quite overwhelmed by his position, had he
not had someone behind him, to help and guide him. This was his sister's
son, Flavius Petrus Sabbatius Justinianus, known to us as Justinian.
Justinian, as well as his uncle, was born in Macedonia, in the village
of Tauresium, near Uskub. He was a peasant of the Latin race, and by
no means a Slav as romantic traditions of a much later date affirm. To
these traditions a value has long been assigned which they do not possess.
Justinian went early to Constantinople by his uncle's request, and
received a thoroughly Roman and Christian education in the schools
of the capital. When, through a piece of good luck, Justin became
Emperor, his nephew was about thirty-six years old; he was experienced
in politics, his character was formed and his intellect matured. He was
quite prepared for the position of coadjutor to the new Caesar, and
immediately assumed it. The good will of his uncle brought him step
by step nearer to the foot of the throne. He became in turn Count, vir
illustris, patrician. He was Consul in 521, Commander-in-Chief of the
troops which garrisoned the capital (magister equitum et peditum
praesentcdis), nob'dissimus, and finally, in 527, Justin adopted him and
associated him in the Empire itself. Under these various titles it was
he who really governed in his uncle's name, while he waited until he
should himself ascend the throne (1 August 527). Thus, during nearly
half a century, from 518 to 565 Justinian's will guided the destinies of
the Roman Empire in the East.
Of all the prominent men who fill the pages of history, few are more
difficult to depict and understand than Justinian. Throughout his reign
the testimony of contemporaries is abundant and ranges from the
extreme of extravagant adulation to that of senseless invective, thus
furnishing the most contradictory portrait that exists of any sovereign.
From the unmeasured praise of the Book of Edifices, and the often
foolish gossip of the Secret History it is by no means easy to arrive
at the truth. Besides, it must not be forgotten that Justinian reigned
for thirty-eight years, and died at the age of eighty-three; and that as
he drew near the end of his reign, already too long, a growing slackness
and lack of grip marked his last years. It is hardly fair to judge him
by this period of decrepitude, when he almost seems to have outlived
himself. However, this man, who left so deep an impress on the world
of the sixth century, cannot lightly be passed by; and, after all, it is
possible to estimate his character.
The official portrait is to be found in the mosaic of San Vitale in
Ravenna, which dates from 547, though it obviously represents him as
somewhat younger than he was. It gives us a good idea of Justinian's
## p. 3 (#33) ###############################################
527-565] Justinian's Character 3
features. As to his moral attributes, contemporaries praise the simplicity
of his manners, the friendliness of his address, the self-control which he
exercised, specially over his violent temper, and, above all, the love of
work which was one of his most characteristic traits. One of his courtiers
nicknamed him "The Emperor who never sleeps," and in fact, early to
rise, and late to retire, the Emperor claimed to know everything, examine
everything and decide everything; and brought to this task a great love
of order, a real care for good administration and an attention to minute
detail which was unceasing. Above everything else, he strove to fill
worthily the position of a king.
Endowed with an autocratic disposition, Justinian was naturally
inclined to give his attention to all subjects, and to keep the direction
of all affairs under his own control, whether they related to war or
diplomacy, administration or theology. His imperial pride, increased
by an almost childish vanity, led him to claim complete knowledge
in every department. He was jealous of anyone who appeared to be
sufficiently great or independent to question his decisions. Those who
served him most faithfully were at all times liable to become the object
of their master's suspicion, or of the libels to which he was always ready
and glad to listen. During his whole life Justinian envied and distrusted
the fame of Belisarius, and constantly permitted and even encouraged
intrigues against that loyal general. Under an unyielding appearance,
he hid a weak and vacillating soul. His moods were liable to sudden
changes, rash passions and unexpected depression. His will was swayed
by the decision and energy of those around him, by that of his wife
Theodora, who, in the opinion of contemporaries, governed the Empire
equally, or to a greater extent than he did, and by that of his minister
John of Cappadocia, who dominated the prince for ten years by means
of his bold cleverness. Naturally so weak a man changed with changing
circumstances, and might become untrustworthy through deceit at one
time, or cruel through fear at another. It followed that, as he was
always in need of money—less for himself than for the needs of the
State—he was troubled by no scruple as to the means by which he
obtained it. Thus, in spite of his undoubted good qualities, his badly-
balanced mind, his nature full of contrasts, his weak will, childish
vanity, jealous disposition and fussy activity, make up a character of
only mediocre quality. But, if his character was mediocre, Justinian's
soul did not lack greatness. This Macedonian peasant, seated on the
throne of the Caesars, was the successor and heir of the Roman Emperors.
He was, to the world of the sixth century, the living representative of
two great ideas, that of the Empire, and that of Christianity. This
position he was determined to fill; and because he filled it, he was a
great sovereign.
Few princes have realised the imperial dignity in a more marked
degree than this parvenu, or have done more to maintain the ancient
CH. i. 1—2
## p. 4 (#34) ###############################################
Justinians Aims [527-565
Roman traditions. From the day when he first mounted the throne of
Constantine, he claimed in its full extent the ancient Roman Empire.
Sovereign of a State in which Latin was still the official tongue, and which
was still styled the " Roman Empire11 in official documents, Justinian was
less a Byzantine than the last of the Roman Emperors. The mast
essential part of his imperial duty seemed to him to be the restoration of
that Roman Empire whose fragments the barbarians had divided, and
the recovery of those unwritten but historic rights over the lost West
which his predecessors had so carefully maintained. The thought of the
insignia of the Empire, symbols of supreme authority, which, since they
had been stolen by Gaiseric in the sack of Rome had been held by the
barbarians, inflicted an intolerable wound upon his pride, and he felt
himself bound, with the help of God, to reconquer "the countries
possessed by the ancient Romans, to the limits of the two oceans,11 to
quote his own words.
Justinian considered himself the obvious overlord of the barbarian
kings who had established themselves in Roman territory, and thought
he could withdraw, if he wished, the delegated imperial authority which
they held. This fact was the keystone of the arch of his foreign policy,
while at the same time the imperial idea lent inspiration to his domestic
government. The Roman Emperor was practically the law incarnate,
the most perfect representative of absolute power that the world has
known. This was Justinian's ideal. He was, according to Agathias the
historian, "the first of the Byzantine Emperors to shew himself, by
word and deed, the absolute master of the Romans. 11 The State, the
law, the religion; all hung on his sovereign will. In consequence of the
necessary infallibility attaching to his imperial function, he desired
equally to be lawgiver and conqueror, and to unite, as the Roman
Emperors had done, the majesty of law to the lustre of arms. Anxious
to wield the imperial power for the good of the Empire, he wished to be
a reformer; and the mass of Novellae promulgated by him attests the
trouble that he took to secure good administration. Desirous, further-
more, of surrounding the imperial position with every luxury, and of
adorning it with all magnificence, he determined that the trappings of
the monarchy should be dignified and splendid. He felt the need of
resounding titles and pompous ceremonial, and counted the cost of
nothing that might increase the splendour of his capital. St Sophia
was the incomparable monument of this imperial pride. >
But since the time of Constantine, the Roman Emperor could not
claim to be heir of the Caesars only: he was also the champion of religion,
and the supreme head of the Church. Justinian gladly received this
part of his inheritance. Of a disposition naturally devout, and even
superstitious, he had a taste for religious controversy, a considerable
amount of theological knowledge, and a real talent for oratory. He
therefore willingly gave his time to the consideration of matters relating
## p. 5 (#35) ###############################################
527-56ft] Justinian's Aims
to the Church. His decisions were as unhesitating on matters of dogma
as on matters of law and reform, and he brought the same intolerant
despotism to bear on church government as on everything else. But
above all, as Emperor, he believed himself to be the man whom the Lord
had specially chosen and prepared for the direction of human affairs, and
over whom the divine protection would ever rest throughout his life.
He considered himself to be the most faithful of servants to the God
who aided him. If he made war, it was not simply in order to collect
the lost provinces into the Roman Empire, but also to protect the
Catholics from their enemies the Arian heretics, "persecutors of souls
and bodies. "" His military undertakings had therefore something of the
enthusiasm of a Crusade. Furthermore, one of the chief aims of his
diplomacy was to lead the heathen peoples into the Christian fold.
Missions were one of the most characteristic features of the Byzantine
policy in the sixth century. By their means Justinian flattered himself,
according to a contemporary, that he "indefinitely increased the extent
of the Christian world. " Thus the Emperor allied care for religion with
every political action. If this pious ardour which consumed the prince
had its dangers, in that it quickly led to intolerance and persecution,
yet it was not without grandeur; since the progress of civilisation
always follows evangelisation. As champion of God, as protector of
the Church, and as ally and dictator to the Papacy, Justinian was the
great representative of what has been called "Caesaropapism. "
From the day when, under Justin's name, he originally undertook the
government of the Empire, these ideas inspired Justinian's conduct.
His first wish was to come to some agreement with Rome in order to
end the schism. The announcement made to Pope Hormisdas, of the
accession of the new sovereign, together with the embassy despatched
soon afterwards to Italy to request that peace might be restored, made
it dear to the pontifical court that they had but to formulate their
requests in order to have them granted. The Roman legates proceeded
to Constantinople, where because of Justinian's friendship they received
a splendid welcome, and obtained all that they demanded. The
Patriarch John with the greater number of Eastern prelates in his train
signed the profession of orthodoxy brought by the papal envoys. The
names of Acacius and other heretical patriarchs with those of the
Emperors Zeno and Anastasius were effaced from the ecclesiastical
diptychs. After this the Pope was able to congratulate Justinian upon
his real for the peace of the Church, and the energy with which he
sought to restore it. In consequence of the prince's attitude, and at
the pressing request of the pontifical legates, who remained in the East
for eighteen months, the dissentient Monophysites were vigorously
pereecuted throughout the Empire. In Syria the Patriarch Severus of
Antioch was deposed and anathematised by the Synod of Tyre (518),
## p. 6 (#36) ###############################################
6 Last Years of Theodoric [518-526
and more than fifty other bishops were soon afterwards chased from
their sees. For three years (518-521) the persecution continued. The
chief heretical meetings were scattered, the convents closed, the monks
reduced to flight, imprisoned or massacred. However, the orthodox
reaction lacked strength to attack Egypt, where the exiles found shelter,
while the Monophysite agitation was secretly continuing to spread its
propaganda in other parts of the East, and even in the capital itself.
None the less, Rome had scored a decisive victory, and the new dynasty
could celebrate a success which did much to establish it securely.
But it was not only religious zeal that moved Justinian. From this
time he fully realised the political importance of an agreement with the
Papacy. Without doubt the new government set itself, at any rate at first,
to maintain friendly relations with the Ostrogothic kingdom of Italy.
On 1 January 519 Theodoric's son-in-law and heir Eutharic became
Consul as colleague of the Emperor Justin; and there was a constant
interchange of ambassadors between Constantinople and Ravenna during
the years that followed. From this moment, however, Justinian dreamed
of the fall of the Ostrogothic power, and watched events in Italy with
great attention.
In spite of the prudent toleration that Theodoric had always
maintained, neither the senatorial aristocracy nor the Roman Church
had forgotten their enmity towards a master obnoxious as a barbarian
and an Arian. Naturally they turned their gaze ceaselessly upon
Byzantium, where an orthodox prince was striving to restore the faith
and to defend religion. In 524 Theodoric, exasperated by the intercourse
which he suspected, had Boethius and Symmachus arrested and con-
demned to death, and furthermore in the following year sent Pope John
on an embassy to Constantinople to protest against the Emperor's harsh
measures towards those who would not conform. Justinian was ready
to treat the matter in a way calculated to further his own ends. A
solemn and triumphant reception was prepared for the pontiff" in the
capital. The Emperor, with the populace, sallied forth twelve miles to
meet the first pope who had ever entered Constantinople. Sovereign
honours were lavished upon him, and Justin desired to be reconsecrated
by his hands. When on his return Theodoric, misdoubting the success
of the embassy, arrested and imprisoned the unhappy John, who died
miserably in his prison soon afterwards (18 May 526), no Italian could
help comparing this heretical and persecuting prince with the pious
basileus who reigned in the East. It followed that when death claimed
Theodoric in his turn (Aug. 526) and when the regent Amalasuntha
was involved in difficulties, the population of the peninsula was intoxi-
cated by hope, and only waited an opportunity for changing their master,
and eagerly cried out for a deliverer.
Meanwhile Justinian's domestic policy successfully overcame the
obstacles which, one after another, threatened the security of the new
## p. 7 (#37) ###############################################
505-565] T/ie Persian War
government. Vitalianus was a rival not to be despised, and at first he was
tactfully treated. He was given the title of magiiter militum praesentalis
and became Consul in 520. He appeared to be all-powerful in the palace,
and afterwards Justinian got rid of him by means of an assassin. The
Greens were partisans of Anastasius. Against them the Emperor raised
up for himself a devoted party amongst the Blues, to whom every
privilege, and every opportunity to harm their foes was given throughout
the Empire. Further, to please the mob of the capital, great largess
was distributed. The imperial Consulate in 521 was unrivalled for the
magnificence of its shows, which cost 288,000 solidi, more than £200,000
sterling to-day. In this way Justinian became popular amongst all
classes in Byzantium, with the Church by his orthodoxy, with the senate
by his flattery, and with the aristocracy and the populace. Feeling
thus secure, he launched forth on his career. At this time his con-
nexion with Theodora began, which ended in a somewhat scandalous
marriage. Neither Justin nor Byzantium appear to have been much
shocked by it. To please his nephew the Emperor conferred on his
mistress the high dignity of patrician; he then, in order that the
marriage might take place, abrogated the law by which alliances between
senators and high officials and actresses were forbidden. When, in 527,
Justinian was officially associated in the Empire, Theodora was crowned
with him on Easter Day in the church of St Sophia, by the hands of
the patriarch. When Justin died (1 Aug. 527), his nephew succeeded
him without opposition. He was to reign over the Roman Empire in
the East for nearly forty years (527-565), and to begin to realise the
ambitious dreams which had long filled his soul.
II.
However, during the first years of his reign, before beginning to
carry out the far-reaching plans which he had made, or even thinking of
the reconstruction of the Roman Empire on its ancient plan, Justinian
had to deal with numerous and serious difficulties.
The Persian war, stopped by the peace of 505, had again broken out
in the last months of Justin's reign. The old king Kawad declared war,
worried by the encroaching policy of Byzantium, and specially menaced
by the increase of Roman influence during Justin's reign in the
Caucasus region among the Lazi, the Iberians and even the Huns, and
furthermore indignant at the attack that the imperialists attempted on
Nisibis. The vassals of the two States were already at daggers drawn on
the Syrian and Armenian frontiers, and in Mesopotamia open war was
on the point of breaking out. To Justinian this was specially annoying,
since it necessitated the mobilisation of the greater part of the Byzantine
army under Belisarius, its most famous general, on the Asiatic frontier.
The Emperor had only one care, which was not to proceed to extremities,
## p. 8 (#38) ###############################################
8 Justinian's Ministers [517—532
and to end the war as soon as possible. Not realising, perhaps not
wishing to realise, the greatness of the Eastern peril, and anxious only to
free his hands for the conquest and liberation of the West, he shewed
himself ready to make the largest concessions in order to heal the breach.
In this way the peace of 532 was concluded, and gave to Justinian the
disposition of his entire forces.
At home, other difficulties presented themselves. The special favour
shewn by the government to the Blues, led to a dangerous agitation in
the capital. Sure of imperial support the Blues took all possible licence
against their adversaries without let or hindrance from police or justice.
Thus injured, the Greens opposed violence to violence, and since they
were still attached to the family of their old protector Anastasius, whose
nephews Hypatius and Pompeius dwelt in Constantinople, their opposition
soon took on a political and dynastic complexion. This resulted in a
perilous state of unrest in the capital, still further aggravated by the
deplorable condition of the public administration.
At the beginning of his reign Justinian had chosen as ministers
Tribonian, nominated in 529 Quaestor of the Sacred Palace, and John
of Cappadocia, invested in 531 with the high post of praetorian praefect
in the East. The former was a remarkable man. An eminent jurist,
and the greatest scholar of the day, he was unfortunately capable of any
action for the sake of money, and as ready to sell justice as to amend
the law. The latter was a skilful administrator, and a real statesman,
but harsh, unscrupulous, greedy and cruel. Nothing could check him in
his efforts to tear from the subjects the money needed for the Emperor's
ceaseless expenditure, and although he won the favour of the prince by
his great skill in finding resources, his harshness and exactions made him
otherwise universally detested. Under such ministers, the officials in
every rank of the government service thought only of imitating their
chiefs. The rapacity of the government ruined the taxpayers, while the
partiality of the administration of justice resulted in a general feeling of
insecurity. Under the weight of these miseries the provinces, according
to an official document, had become " quite uninhabitable. 11 The country
was depopulated, the fields deserted, and complaints poured into
Constantinople from all sides against "the wickedness of the officials. 11
An incessant stream of immigration brought a host of miserable folk to
the capital, adding new elements of disorder and discontent to those
already there. From these causes sprang, in January 532, the dangerous
rising known as the Nika Riot, which shook Justinian's throne.
The Emperor was hissed at in the Circus (11 Jan. 532), and the
disturbance spread beyond the boundaries of the hippodrome, and soon
reached all quarters of the city. Greens and Blues made common cause
against the hated government, and soon to the accompaniment of cries
of NIKA (Victory) the crowd was tearing at the railings of the imperial
palace, demanding the dismissal of the praefect of the city, and of the
## p. 9 (#39) ###############################################
532] The Nika Riot 9
two hated ministers, Tribonian and John of Cappadocia. Justinian
gave way, but too late. His apparent weakness only encouraged the
mob, and the revolt became a revolution. The fires kindled by the
rebels raged for three days, and destroyed the finest quarters of the
capital. Justinian, almost destitute of means of defence, shut himself
up in the palace without attempting to do anything, and the obvious
result followed. As might have been expected, the mob proclaimed
emperor Hypatius, the nephew of Anastasius, and, swelled by all
malcontents, the insurrection became a definite political movement.
"The Empire,'" wrote an eye-witness, "seemed on the verge of its fall. '"
Justinian, in despair of curbing the riot which had continued for six
days, lost his head, and thought of saving himself by flight. He had
already ordered to load the imperial treasure in ships. It was then that
Theodora rose in the Council, to recall to their duty the Emperor and
ministers who were abandoning it. She said " When safety only remains
in flight still I will not flee. Those who have worn the crown should
not survive its fall. I will never live to see the day when I shall no
longer be saluted as Empress. Flee if you wish, Caesar; you have
money, the ships await you, the sea is unguarded. As for me, I stay. I
hold with the old proverb which says that the purple is a good winding-
sheet" This display of energy revived the courage of all. As soon as
discord had been sown among the rebels by a lavish distribution of gold,
Belisarius and Mundus with their barbarian mercenaries threw them-
selves on the crowd collected in the hippodrome. They gave no quarter,
but continued their bloody work throughout the night (18 January).
More than 30,000 corpses according to one computation, more than
50,000 according to other witnesses, flooded the arena with blood.
Hypatius and Pompeius were arrested, and both executed the next
morning. Other condemnations followed, and, thanks to the frightful
bloodshed which ended this six days' battle, order was established once
more in the capital, and thenceforth the imperial power became more
absolute than ever.
In spite of every difficulty the imperial diplomacy never lost sight of
any event that might further the accomplishment of Justinian's plans.
Occurrences in the Vandal kingdom in Africa and the Ostrogothic
kingdom in Italy were carefully watched for the profit of the Empire.
In Africa, as in Italy, everything was in favour of the imperial restoration.
The Roman people, governed by barbarian kings, had kept alive the
memory of the Empire, and looked impatiently to Constantinople for
a deliverer. According to Fustel de Coulanges "they persisted in
regarding the Roman Empire as their supreme head; the distant power
seemed to them to be an ancient and sacred authority, a kind of far-off
providence, to be called upon as the last hope and consolation of the
anfortunate. " They felt still more keenly, perhaps, the misery of being
ruled by heretical sovereigns. In Africa, where rigorous persecution of
s
## p. 10 (#40) ##############################################
10 Justinian s Designs in the West [523-533
Catholics had long been carried on, everyone hoped for the end of the
"horrible secular captivity. '" In Italy, Theodoric's prolonged toleration
had reconciled no one to him, and his ultimate severity exasperated his
Roman subjects. A dumb agitation held sway in the West, and the
coming of the Emperor's soldiers was eagerly awaited and desired.
What is more surprising is that the barbarian kings themselves
acknowledged the justice of the imperial claims. They also still
reverenced the Empire whose lands they had divided, they thought of
themselves as vassals of the basilem, received his commands with respect
and bowed before his remonstrance. Hilderic, who had reigned over the
Vandal kingdom since 523, was proud to proclaim himself the personal
friend of Justinian. The two interchanged presents and embassies, and
the Emperor's head replaced that of the king on the Vandal coinage.
Amalasuntha, who had governed Italy since 526 in the name of her son
Athalaric, made it her first care to recommend the youth of the new
prince to Justinian's kindness: and the prince himself begged for the
imperial favour the day after his accession. He recalled with pride the
fact that his father had been adopted by Justin, and that he could
therefore claim kinship with the basileus. So great was the prestige of
the Roman Empire throughout the West that even the opponents of
the imperial policy, such as Witigis or Totila, were willing to acknowledge
themselves the Emperor's vassals.
Justinian realised this: he also realised the essential weakness of the
barbarian kingdoms—their internal dissensions, and inability to make
common cause against a foe. Therefore from the first he took up the
position of their overlord, waiting until circumstances should furnish him
with an opportunity for more active interference. This occurred, as far
as Africa was concerned, in 531. At this time a domestic revolution
substituted Gelimer, another descendant of Gaiseric, for the weakly
Hilderic. Hilderic at once appealed to Byzantium, begging the Emperor
to support the cause of his dethroned vassal. Byzantine diplomacy at
once interfered in the haughtiest manner, demanding the restoration, or
at any rate the liberation of the unhappy king, and evoking the decision
of the dispute to the Emperor's court. Gelimer alone, perhaps, among
the barbarian princes, recognised the fact that concessions, however large,
would only postpone the inevitable struggle. Therefore he flatly refused
the satisfaction required, and replied to the Byzantine demands by
redoubled severity towards his political and religious enemies. The
struggle had begun, and all was ready for the imperial restoration.
III.
Besides holding several trump cards, Justinian possessed another
advantage in the redoubtable war machine constituted by the Byzantine
army with its generals. The imperial army, in Justinian's time, was
## p. 11 (#41) ##############################################
533] The Army 11
formed essentially of mercenaries, recruited from all the barbarians of the
East and West. Huns, Gepids, Heruls, Vandals, Goths and Lombards,
Antae and Slavs, Persians, Armenians, men from the Caucasus, Arabs
from Syria, and Moors from Africa served in it side by side, glad to sell
their services to an Emperor who paid well, or to attach themselves to
the person of a celebrated general, to whom they would form the guard
and staff (inratrrriaTai). The greater number of these soldiers were
mounted. Only the smallest part of the troops consisted of infantry
which, being heavily equipped, was more notable for solidity than
mobility. The cavalry, on the other hand, was excellent. Barbed with
iron, armed with sword and lance, bow and quiver, the heavy regiments
of Byzantine cuirassiers (cataphracti) were equally formed to break the
enemy's ranks from a distance by a flight of arrows, or to carry all before
them by the splendid dash of their charge. This cavalry generally
sufficed to win battles, and the old regiments, proved as they were
by a hundred fights, and matchless in bravery, made incomparable
soldiers.
However, in spite of these qualities, the troops were not lacking in
the faults inseparable from mercenary armies. Convinced that war
should maintain war, and owning no fatherland, they pillaged merci-
lessly wherever they went. With an insatiable greed of gold, wine and
women, and with thoughts always bent on plunder, they easily slipped
the yoke of discipline, and imposed unheard-of conditions on their
generals. Even treason was not below them, and more than one victory
was lost by the defection of the troops on the field of battle, or their
disorganisation in the rush for plunder. After a victory, things were
still worse. Only anxious for leisure in which to enjoy their ill-gotten
gains, they were deaf to entreaty, and the efforts of the generals to
restore discipline frequently led to mutiny in the camp. The officers, of
whom the greater number were barbarians, were not much more to be
trusted than the men. They also were greedy, undisciplined and jealous
of each other, always a willing prey to intrigue and treason.
Certainly the faulty organisation of the army explained some of these
failings. The commissariat was badly arranged, pay generally in arrears,
while the treasury officials and the generals sought, under various
pretexts, to cheat the soldiers. Thus if the army was to be of any use,
everything really depended on the Commander-in-Chief. Justinian had
the good fortune to find excellent generals at the head of his armies;
they were adored by the troops, and able, by a mixture of skilful energy
and firm kindness, to keep them in hand and lead them where they
wished. Such were the patrician Germanus, the Emperor's nephew, who
commanded in turn in Thrace, Africa and Syria; Belisarius, the hero of
the reign, conqueror of the Persians, Vandals and Ostrogoths of Africa
and Italy, and the last resource of the Empire in every peril; and
lastly the eunuch Narses, who concealed under a frail appearance
e
## p. 12 (#42) ##############################################
12 Conquest of Africa [533
indomitable energy, prodigious activity and a strong will. He was a
wonderful general, who completed the ruin of the Goths, and chased the
Alemannic hordes from Italy.
The numerical force of the imperial armies must not be exaggerated.
Belisarius had scarcely 15,000 men with which to destroy the Vandal
kingdom, he had still less in his attack on the Ostrogothic realm, only
10,000 or 11,000; and altogether 25,000 to 30,000 sufficed to break
down the Ostrogothic resistance. The weakness of this force added to
the faulty organisation explains the interminable length of Justinian's
wars, specially during the second half of the reign. It also illustrates
the fundamental vice of the government, which was the perpetual
disproportion between the end aimed at, and the means employed for its
accomplishment. Lack of money always led to reduction of expenses
and curtailment of effort.
However, when in 583 the chance of intervention in Africa presented
itself, Justinian did not hesitate. Grave doubts as to the success of the
distant enterprise were felt at court, and in the Council John of Cappadocia
pointed out its many perils with a somewhat brutal clearness. Before
this opposition, added to the critical condition of the treasury and the
discontent of the soldiers, Justinian himself began to waver. On the
other hand, the African bishops, surrounded as they were with the halo
of martyrdom, revived the prince's nagging zeal and promised him victory.
As soon as it became known that imperial intervention was probable,
risings against the Vandal domination broke out in Tripolitana and
Sardinia. Furthermore, Justinian could not hesitate long, because of
the strength of the motives impelling him forward, his burning desire of
conquest, and his absolute trust in the justice of his claims and in divine
protection. He himself took the initiative in making the final decision,
and events proved that in doing so he was wiser than his more prudent
ministers.
The African campaign was equally rapid and triumphant. On
22 June 533 Belisarius embarked for the West. Ten thousand infantry,
and from five to six thousand cavalry were shipped in five hundred
transport-ships, manned by twenty thousand sailors. A fleet of war-ships
(dromons) manned by two thousand oarsmen convoyed the expedition.
The Vandals could offer little resistance to these forces. During the last
hundred years they had lost in Africa the energy which had once made
them invincible; and in spite of his boasted bravery, their king Gelimer
proved himself, by his indecision, sensitiveness, lack of perseverance and
want of will power, the worst possible leader for a nation in danger.
The neutrality of the Ostrogoths, which Byzantine diplomacy had secured,
gave Belisarius every chance of fair play. Early in September 533 he
was able to disembark unhindered on the desert headland of Caput-Vada.
He was well received by the African people, and marched on Carthage,
## p. 13 (#43) ##############################################
533-546] Conquest of Africa 13
while the imperial fleet turned back, skirting the coast in a northerly
direction. On September 13 the battle of Decimum was fought, and
shattered Gelimer's hopes by a single blow, while Carthage, the chief
town and only fortress in Africa, fell into the conqueror's hands un-
defended. In vain the Vandal king recalled the forces which he had
detached for service in Sardinia, and endeavoured to regain his capital.
He was forced to raise the blockade, and on the day of Tricamarum
(mid-Dec. 533) the Byzantine cavalry again overcame the impetuosity of
the barbarians. This was the final and decisive defeat. All Gelimer's
towns, his treasures and family fell in turn into Belisarius1 hands. He
himself, hemmed in in his retreat on Mt Pappua, was forced to surrender,
on receiving a promise that his life should be spared, and that he should
be honourably treated (March 534). In a few months, contrary to all
expectations, a few cavalry regiments had destroyed Gaiseric's kingdom.
Justinian, always optimistic, considered the war at an end. He
recalled Belisarius, who was decreed the honours of a triumph; while he
himself, somewhat arrogantly, assumed the titles of Vandalicus and
Africanus. Furthermore he adorned the walls of the imperial palace
with mosaics representing the events of the African war, and Gelimer
paying homage to the Emperor and Theodora. He hastened to restore
Roman institutions in the conquered province, but at this very moment
the war broke out afresh. The Berber tribes had passively allowed the
Vandals to be crushed; now it was their turn to rise against the imperial
authority. The patrician Solomon, who had succeeded Belisarius,
energetically put down the revolt in Byzacena (534) but he was unable
to break through the group of Aures in Numidia (535): and soon the
discontented troops, dissatisfied with a general who was strict and
demanded too much from them, broke into a serious mutiny (536).
Belisarius was obliged to leave Sicily for Africa at once, and arrived just
in time to save Carthage, and defeat the rebels in the plains of
Membressa. To complete the pacification it was found necessary to
appoint the Emperor's own nephew Germanus governor of Africa.
After performing prodigies of courage, skill and energy, he succeeded at
last in crushing out the insurrection (538). But four years had been
lost in useless and exhausting struggles. Only then was the patrician
Solomon, invested a second time with the rank of Governor-General,
able to complete the pacification of the country (539). By a bold march
he forced Iabdas, the strongest of the Berber princes and the great chief
of the Aures, into submission. He overran Zab, Hodna and Mauretania
Sitifensis, forcing the petty kings to acknowledge the imperial suzerainty.
Under his beneficent rule (539-544) Africa once more experienced peace
and security. His death occasioned another crisis. The revolted Berbers
made common cause with the mutinous soldiers. A usurper Guntharic
murdered Areobindus, the Governor-General, and proclaimed his own
independence (546). Africa seemed on the point of slipping from the
## p. 14 (#44) ##############################################
14 Invasion of Italy [533-548
Empire, and the fruits of Belisarius1 victories were, to quote Procopius'
phrase, "as completely annihilated as though they had never existed. 11
This time again, the energy of a general, John Troglita, overcame
the danger. After two years of warfare (546-548) he beat down the
Berber resistance, and restored, permanently at last, the imperial
authority.
After fifteen years of war and strife Africa once more took her place
in the Roman Empire. Doubtless it was not the Africa that Rome had
once possessed, and of which Justinian dreamed. It included Tripolitana,
Byzacena, Proconsularis, Numidia, and Mauretania Sitifensis. The Byzan-
tines also occupied Sardinia, Corsica and the Balearic Isles, all dependencies
of the African government. But with the exception of several scattered
places on the coast, of which the most important was the citadel of
Septem (Ceuta) at the Pillars of Hercules, the whole of West Africa
broke away from Justinian. Mauretania Caesariensis and Mauretania
Tingitana always remained independent, joined to the Empire only by
the loosest bond of vassalage. However, within these limited boundaries
the work of the imperial restoration was not in vain. It is clear that
Justinian's reign left a lasting impress on the lands drawn once more
into the bosom of the monarchy.
The conquest of Africa by Belisarius furnished Justinian with a
splendid base for operations in Italy, where he hoped to carry out his
ambitious projects. As had been the case in Africa, circumstances
provided him, in the nick of time, with a pretext for interference in the
peninsula.
Amalasuntha, daughter of Theodoric, and regent for her young son
Athalaric, had soon succeeded in arousing the discontent of her barbarian
subjects by her Roman sympathies. Made uneasy by the growing
opposition, she put herself into communication with the Court at
Constantinople, begging of the imperial benevolence an asylum in the
East should she need it. In return she offered all facilities for therfleet
of Belisarius to revictual in Sicily in 533, and finally allowed herself to
be persuaded to propose to Justinian the conquest of Italy (534). The
death of the young Athalaric (October 534) further complicated the
princess's position. In order to strengthen it, she made her cousin
Theodahad her partner; but a few months later a national revolution,
like that which had hurled Hilderic from the throne in Africa, deposed
Theodoric's daughter. Amalasuntha was imprisoned by order of her
royal husband, and soon afterwards assassinated (April 535). As had
been the case in Africa, but even with increased imperiousness, the
Byzantine diplomacy demanded satisfaction for the arrest of a princess
allied to and protected by Justinian. Her death proved to be the
wished-for casus belli.
As if to complete the remarkable parallelism presented by Italian
## p.
