No More Learning

The
Berbers had reverted to a system of tribal government. The renegades,
however, maintained their position in Ocsonoba, in Beja and Mértola,
and in Priego. The nobles in the province of Jaen were all in alliance
with Omar ibn Hafşūn. Another independent chief, Daisam ibn Isḥāķ,
was lord of almost the whole of Todmir (Murcia).
But the Emir's most formidable enemy was still Omar Ibn Hafsūn.
Although the Emir made a truce, Ibn Hafşūn broke it whenever he
chose. When Ibn Mastana of Priego, however, formed an alliance with


## p. 419 (#465) ############################################

*Abdallāh; Ibn Hafçün
419
some Arabs, Ibn Hafşün took the side of the Emir. But as his sup-
porters wearied of so temporising a policy, he imprisoned the commander
of the Emir's army, and thus caused a complete rupture. Realising that
he was virtually master of Spain and imagining that the Arabs and
Berbers would refuse to yield him obedience, Omar entered into negotia-
tions for his appointment as emir by the Abbasid Caliph, and through
him came into touch with Ibn al-Aghlab, the emir of Africa. As Cordova
was now in desperate straits, and his own position even worse, the Emir
resolved to stake everything on a single cast, and with the approval
of all his supporters attacked the enemy. On Thursday in Holy Week,
16 April 891, the battle began near the castle of Polei (now Aguilar).
For the royalists the fortunes of the Umayyads were at stake and they
fought desperately. They routed Ibn Hafsūn, while 'Abdallāh sat in his
tent and hypocritically recited verses from the Koran expressing his whole
confidence in God. He then laid siege to Polei, and soon took it, par-
doning the Muslims but slaying the Christians.
The result of the battle of Polei was the surrender of Écija, Archi-
dona, Elvira and Jaen and the restoration of the Emir's authority ;
but their submission did not last long. In 892 Ibn Hafşūn captured
Archidona and Elvira; and to crown his success seized Jaen. In 893,
however, he lost Elvira again; in 895 the Emir advanced against Seville,
which Ķuraib ibn Khaldūn successfully defended. Ibn Hajjāj, who became
master of Seville, made his submission for a brief period and left his son
‘Abd-ar-Raḥmān as a hostage in Cordova ; shortly after he formed an
alliance with Ibn Hafşün. Because he had become a Christian Omar had
been deserted by many of his Muslim subjects, and he therefore gladly
made a new confederacy with the Beni-ķasi of Saragossa and the king
of Leon. The Emir's position was deplorable, though he succeeded in
making peace with Ibn Hafsūn (901). In 902 he renewed the war, which
went against the allies. In hopes of detaching Ibn Hajjāj from the league
‘Abdallāh handed over to him his son ‘Abd-ar-Raḥmān. Ibn Hajjāj was
grateful and was reconciled with the Emir. “Abdallāh advanced from
one victory to another. He captured Jaen, and seemed to have greatly
improved his position, when he died on 15 October 912.
When "Abd-ar-Raḥmān III, 'Abdallāh's grandson, ascended the
throne of the Umayyads, he found Muslim Spain rent by civil war and
menaced by two enemies from outside, the kingdom of Leon and the
Fātimite Caliphate in Africa. The latter had been founded by the
Ismaelites, who were one of the Shiite sects, and aimed at forcing their
way into Spain, through the preaching of the Mahdi or secret Imām,
with the object of establishing a universal monarchy. One of the
tools employed by the Fātimites seems to have been Ibn Masarra, a
philosopher at Cordova. But though he had made proselytes among
the common people, he had failed to obtain a following among the
faķīhs, and his books were burnt as heretical. The kingdom of Leon,
а
CH. XVI.
27-2


## p. 420 (#466) ############################################

420
'Abd-ar-Raḥmān III
although since Alfonso I it had made no real advance, now took advan-
tage of the revolts in the south to extend its frontier to the Douro and
to capture the strongholds of Zamora, Simancas, St Esteban de Gormaz
and Osma, which together formed an almost unbreakable barrier against
the Muslims. Leonese raids extended to the Tagus and even to the Gua-
diana. In 901 Aḥmad ibn Mu'āwiya proclaimed himself to the Berbers
as the Mahdi. They collected an army and advanced against Zamora,
which had been rebuilt by Alfonso III in 893. The Berber leaders,
however, were jealous of the power of the Mahdī, who had been vic-
torious in the first battle. They therefore deserted, with the result that
Aḥmad ibn Mu'awiya's army perished and he himself was put to death by
the Leonese. This victory, won with the help of Toledo and Sancho of
Navarre, gave great impetus to progress in the latter kingdom, which had
hitherto been chiefly engaged in combating the Franks. The courage
of the Leonese was now raised to such a pitch that they felt strong
enough to strike a blow at Muslim civilisation. The life-work of 'Abd-
ar-Raḥmān III was to defend that civilisation from the dangers that
threatened it on the north and south, but first of all he had to bring his
own subjects to obedience.
In dealing with the Spanish party and the Arab aristocracy, he
abandoned the tortuous policy of 'Abdallāh in favour of a bolder one
which soon won him success. In a few years everything had changed.
The chiefs who fought ‘Abdallāh were dead, and the aristocracy had no
leaders. The Spanish party had lost its first vigour and, although the
people were patriotic, they had grown tired of war. Omar, like the Emir,
began hiring mercenaries, and these troops were not too heroic, while the
lords of the castles were thoroughly demoralised. The struggle had really
lost its national character and was becoming a religious war. All these
things told in favour of the Emir, whom everyone regarded as the one
hope of safety. He vigorously opened the campaign. Within three
months he had captured Monteleon and reduced almost all the fortresses
of Jaen and Elvira. On the death of Ibrahim ibn Hajjāj, Aḥmad ibn
Maslama was appointed governor of Seville, and he formed an alliance
with Ibn Hafsün. But the Emir laid siege to Seville and defeated Ibn
Hafþūn's army, while Seville surrendered 20 December 913. In another
campaign against the mountain land of Regio (Málaga) (914) 'Abd-ar-
Raḥmān treated the Christians equitably, and this policy was eminently
effective; for the commanders of almost all the castles surrendered. That
indomitable Spanish hero, Omar ibn Hafşūn, died in 917: he had in the
last thirty years often made the throne of the Umayyads totter, but he had
failed to secure the freedom of his country or to found a new dynasty ;
he was, however, spared the sight of his party's ruin. The revolt in
Regio lasted another ten years under the sons of Omar. At length in
927 the Emir laid siege to their stronghold, Bobastro, which surrendered
on 21 January 928. Ibn Hafşūn's daughter, Argentea, who was a religious


## p. 421 (#467) ############################################

The Caliphate of Cordova
421
in
devotee, died a martyr, and this was the end of the family. 'Abd-ar-
Raḥmān III did not find so much difficulty in putting down the inde-
pendent Arab and Berber nobles. Ibn Marwān was reduced in 930, and
Toledo, the last stronghold of the revolt, followed suit in 932. Arabs,
Spaniards and Berbers all submitted to 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān, who thus
achieved his object, the fusion of all the Muslim races in Spain and the
formation of a united nation.
In 914 Ordoño II, king of Leon, laid waste the district of Mérida
and captured the castle of Alanje. ‘Abd-ar-Raḥmān III was eager
to punish him. In 918 Ordoño II with his ally Sancho of Navarre made
an attack on Nájera and Tudela. Sancho captured Valtierra, but ‘Abd-
ar-Raḥmān's army under the command of the ḥājib Badr twice defeated the
Leonese at Mutonia. In 920'Abd-ar-Raḥman took command of the army
person. By a clever move he seized Osma and then took other places.
Meanwhile Sancho had retired, but after a junction with Ordoño II
attacked 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān, who found himself in a similar position to
Charlemagne's rear-guard at Roncesvalles. At Val de Junqueras the
Christians suffered a crushing defeat owing to the mistake they made in
accepting battle in the plain. 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān returned to Cordova
triumphant. But the Christians did not despair. In 923 Ordoño cap-
tured Nájera, while Sancho seized Viguera. But in 924 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān
replied by marching in triumph as far as Pampeluna. On the death of
Ordoño II, which occurred before this campaign, a civil war broke out
between his sons, Sancho and Alfonso IV, while Sancho of Navarre
was so far humbled that ‘Abd-ar-Raḥmān had leisure to stamp out
the rebellion in the south. As he had now attained the height of
his ambition, he changed his title and henceforth from 16 January 929
he styled himself Caliph, Amīr al-mu'minin (Commander of the Faithful)
and An-Nāşir lidīn Allāh (Defender of the Faith).
In Africa he now began a more active policy, and the Maghrawa
Berbers, after he had driven the Fātimites out of the central part of North
Africa (Algiers and Oran), acknowledged his suzerainty. In 931 'Abd-ar-
Raḥmān occupied Ceuta, the key to Mauretania.
In the north the civil war left Ramiro II king in the end (932).
This warlike monarch marched to the rescue of Toledo, which stood
alone in its resistance to the Caliph. He took Madrid on the way, but
failed to save Toledo which, as we have already mentioned, surrendered.
In 933 he defeated a Muslim army at Osma, but the following year
'Abd-ar-Raḥmān revenged himself by a terrible raid as far as Burgos.
Ramiro II formed an alliance with Mahomet ibn Hāshim at-Tujibi,
the disaffected governor of Saragossa.
In 937 the Caliph advanced against the allies, capturing some thirty
castles. He next turned his arms against Navarre and then against
Saragossa, which surrendered. Ibn Hāshim was pardoned owing to his
great popularity. Tota (Theuda), the Queen-regent of Navarre, recog-
CH. XVI.


## p. 422 (#468) ############################################

422
Rise of Castile
nised the Caliph as suzerain, so that with the exception of Leon and
part of Catalonia the whole of Spain had submitted to 'Abd-ar-
Raḥmān III.
From 939 onwards the fortune of war turned somewhat against the
Caliph. Carrying out his policy of humbling the great nobles, he had
given all the highest civil and military posts to the slaves, who included
Galicians, Franks, Lombards, Calabrians, and captives from the coast
of the Black Sea ; he had increased their number and compelled the
Arab aristocracy to submit to them. In the campaign of 939, during
which Najda the slave was in command, the nobles had their revenge on
'Abd-ar-Raḥmān. They allowed themselves to be beaten by Rainiro
and Tota at Simancas, and they also were responsible for a terrible
defeat at Alhandega, in which Najda was killed and ‘Abd-ar-Raḥmān
himself narrowly escaped. Their victory did not profit the Christians,
however, since Castile, under its Count Fernan (Ferdinand) Gonzalez,
the hero of the medieval epic, took advantage of the Caliph's inactivity
to declare war on Ramiro II.
During this period Abu Yazīd of the Berber tribe of Iforen came
forward to oppose the Fātimites in Africa. He declared himself a
khārijā or nonconformist, and united all the Berbers. · He recognised
‘Abd-ar-Raḥmān, to whom he gave military help, as the spiritual
suzerain of the dominions which he had wrested from the Fātimites.
But when Abu Yazid discarded his ascetic sackcloth for more splendid
silk, and fell out with the Sunnites (orthodox Muslims), he suffered
defeat from the Fātimite Caliph Manşūr, and the Fātimite dynasty re-
covered all the territory it had lost.
The civil war in the north among the Christians ended favourably
to Ramiro II. He took Fernan Gonzalez prisoner, and only set him
free on swearing fealty and obedience; and forced him further to give
up his county and to marry his daughter Urraca to Ordoño, Ramiro's
Ramiro thus lost the real loyalty of Castile, which henceforth
was opposed to León. Ramiro II died in 951 and a war of succession
broke out between his sons Ordoño III and Sancho, supported by the
Navarrese and his uncle Fernan Gonzalez, who preferred his nephew
to his son-in-law. Ordoño III, the final victor in the civil strife, sought
peace with the Muslims, and ‘Abd-ar-Raḥmān was thus left free to
fight the Fātimites, whose power was increasing every day. In 955
the fourth Fātimite Caliph Mu'izz was planning an invasion of Spain
and sent a squadron to Almería, which set fire to all the vessels it en-
countered and plundered the coast. In 959 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān replied
by an expedition against Ifrīķiya (Tunis), but gained no advantage. To
leave himself free for Africa he had made peace with Ordoño III; but
owing to Ordoño's death in 957 and the accession of Sancho the Fat
the calm was broken.
Sancho, who attempted to crush the nobles and to restore the
.
son.


## p. 423 (#469) ############################################

Height of the Caliphate
423
absolute power of his predecessors, was deposed in 958, for reasons
which included excessive corpulence, through a conspiracy headed by
Fernan Gonzalez. Ordoño IV the Bad was elected king, while Sancho,
who was supported by his grandmother, the aged and ambitious Tota
of Navarre, sent ambassadors to ask the Caliph of Cordova for aid.
The ambassador, whom 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān sent to Navarre, was an excellent
Jewish physician who cured Sancho, while by his diplomatic ability he
brought to Cordova the rulers of Navarre. They were welcomed there
with a splendour that dazzled them. 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān had now at his
feet not only the haughty Tota whose valour had guided her armies to
victory, but also the son of his enemy, Ramiro II, the other victor of
Simancas and Alhandega. To induce the Caliph to renew his attack
on Leon, the unfortunate Sancho was obliged to hand over ten fortresses.
With the help of the Arabs Sancho, who no longer could claim the
name of Fat, took Zamora in 959 and Oviedo in 960. Afterwards
he invaded Castile and took Count Fernan prisoner, while Ordoño IV
fled to Burgos. At this point 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān fell ill and died on
16 October 961 at the age of seventy, after reigning for forty-nine years.
'Abd-ar-Raḥmān III was the greatest of the Umayyad princes. He
saved Andalusia not only from the civil wars but also from the possible
foreign domination in the north and south. He established order and
prosperity at home and imposed respect and consideration abroad.
He encouraged and developed agriculture, commerce, industry, art and
science; he beautified Cordova, so that it bore comparison with Bagdad,
and he built beside it the city of Az-Zahrā, called after his favourite
wife. Outside his realm he contested the command of the Mediterranean
with the Fātimites. The Eastern Emperor and the kings of Western
Europe opened up a diplomatic friendship with him? To quote the very
words of Dozy, our indispensable guide throughout, “But when his
glorious reign comes to be studied, it is the worker rather than the
work that rouses our admiration. Nothing escaped that powerful com-
prehensive intellect, and its grasp of the smallest details proved to be
as extraordinary as that of the loftiest conceptions. The sagacity
and cleverness of this man who by his centralising policy firmly es-
tablished the unity of the nation and the foundations of his own
authority, who by his system of alliances set up a kind of balance of
power, whose broad tolerance led him to summon to his council men of
different religions, these characteristics are typical of the modern monarch
rather than of the medieval caliph. "
His successor, Hakam II, was pacific, but when Sancho and Garcia of
Navarre failed to fulfil their treaties with his father and Fernan Gonzalez
1 It was 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān's own ambassador at the Court of Otto the Great,
Recemund, Bishop of Elvira, who suggested to Liudprand the composition of his
history, the Antapodosis. This is a striking instance of the influence of the Caliphate
of Cordova on the culture of the West.
CH. XVI.


## p. 424 (#470) ############################################

424
Almanzor
began hostilities, he was forced to prepare for war. Meanwhile Ordoño
the Bad implored the Caliph to help him against his brother Sancho,
and had a splendid reception at Cordova. As soon as Sancho saw that
the Caliph's army was supporting Ordoño, he assured the Caliph that
he would fulfil his obligations. Hakam therefore broke his promise to
Ordoño, who soon died at Cordova. Sancho still refused to carry out
the treaty, whereupon Hakam declared war on the Christians, and com-
pelled Fernan Gonzalez, Garcia of Navarre and Sancho of Leon to sue
for peace; the Catalan counts, Borrel and Miron, followed their example
at the same time?
Hakam was content to leave the Christians to their internal strife.
A civil war broke out, during which Sancho died of poison towards
966: he was succeeded by Ramiro III, to whom his aunt, the nun Elvira,
was guardian. Under her the kingdom split into pieces. Fernan Gonzalez
died in 970, and thenceforth Hakam was able to devote himself to
literature, his favourite pursuit.
Under him one commanding personality fills the scene of the Cali-
phate. Mahomet ibn Abi-“Āmir, known to history as Almanzor, belonged
to the noble family of the Beni-Abi-Amir, and from earliest youth he
dreamt of becoming prime minister: natural ability and audacity in
action made his dream a reality. From a subordinate official of the cadi
of Cordova he rose at the age of twenty-six to administer the property
of 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān, the son of Hakam. By his courtesy and wit he won
the favour of the Sultana Aurora, became administrator of her property
and shortly after inspector of the mint, in which post he made many
friends. Other offices, all of them lucrative, were heaped upon him. He
lived in princely grandeur and he soon became popular.
The Fātimite danger had disappeared in 969 when Mu'izz moved
from Ifrīķiya to the new city of Cairo, but Hakam had still to fight the
Idrīsids in Morocco, and the war opened up a connexion with the African
princes and Berber tribes.
Shortly afterwards the Caliph fell ill, and on 1 October 976 he died.
Next day Hishām II took the oath, and his accession raised even higher
the power of Ibn Abi-Amir who was made vizier, while Muşħafī, the
ex-vizier, was appointed ḥājib or prime minister.
The Christians in the north had renewed hostilities at the time
of Hakam's illness. Ibn Abi--Amir undertook the command of an
army
and returned to Cordova laden with plunder. This triumph made
him still more popular in Cordova, and brought about a friendship
between him and the commanders of the army.
Soon came the inevitable struggle between the two ministers. On
25 March 978 Mushafī was deposed and imprisoned on a charge of
embezzlement. All his property was confiscated and after five years
of
the utmost destitution he was executed.
1 See for Catalonia supra, Chap. Iv. pp. 89-90.


## p. 425 (#471) ############################################

Almanzor's victories
425
he
>
Ibn Abi--Amir was appointed ḥājib. His relations with the
Sultana Aurora were much criticised in Cordova, and he had to face
faction and conspiracy. When his chief enemies, the faķāhs, asserted
that he was given over to philosophy, he ordered all the books on
that subject in the library of Hakam II to be burnt, and in this way
achieved a great reputation for orthodoxy. He had shut up the Caliph
in his newly-built palace of Zāhira, adjoining Cordova, and determined
to reform the army. But as he could not rely on the Arabs for this
task, he brought Berbers from Ceuta in Morocco, whom he loaded with
wealth, and unpatriotic Christians from Leon, Castile and Navarre,
drawn by high pay. At the same time he carried through the re-
organisation of the military system by abolishing the identity of tribes
and regiments. Then, to shew the superiority of the army he had
created, he turned his arms against the Leonese. He invaded Leon,
captured and sacked Zamora (981). Ramiro III of Leon was joined by
Garcia Fernandez, Count of Castile, but they were beaten at Rueda to
the east of Simancas. He then advanced against Leon, but although
he reached its gates in triumph, he failed to take the city. On his
return from this campaign he took the title of Al-manşūr billah, “ the
Victorious by the help of God” (whence his Spanish name of Almanzor
is derived), and had royal honours paid him. Owing to the disastrous
campaign of 981 the nobles of Leon proclaimed as their king Bermudo II,
a cousin of Ramiro III, who being besieged in Astorga sought the aid
of Almanzor, but died soon after. Bermudo also asked his help in
crushing the nobles, but after giving it Almanzor allowed the Muslim
troops to remain in the country. Thus Leon ended by becoming a tribu-
tary of Almanzor. He now advanced into Catalonia and took Barcelona
by storm on 1 July 985.
Almanzor's tyranny and cruelty at home, however, were making him
hated. To make good his position he resolved to enlarge the mosque
at great expense. He even worked like an ordinary labourer among
à crowd of Christian prisoners. Meanwhile Bermudo II drove out
a
of Leon the Muslim troops who had been left there ; but in 987
Almanzor in a terrible raid seized Coimbra and routed all who opposed
his march to Leon. He captured the city and only spared one tower to
shew posterity its grandeur. After he had also taken Zamora his
sovereignty was acknowledged by all the country, while Bermudo kept
only the districts near the sea.
Almanzor, already the real ruler, aimed at being even more. For
this design he had no fear of the Caliph, who was his prisoner, nor
of the army which yielded him blind obedience; but he feared the
nation, for whom unreasoning devotion to the dynasty was its very
life, and he also feared Aurora, whose affection for him had now turned
to hatred. She succeeded in inspiring Hishām II with a semblance of
will and energy. She sought the aid of Ziri ibn 'Atīya, the viceroy of
CH, XVI.


## p. 426 (#472) ############################################

426
Death of Almanzor
Morocco. Almanzor however managed to see Hishām, reimposed his
will upon him, and persuaded the Caliph to issue a decree entrusting
to him all affairs of state as formerly. Aurora acknowledged herself
defeated and devoted herself to works of piety.
Zīrī's defeat at Ceuta in 998 brought about the end of his power
and the transference of all his territory to the Andalusians. At the same
time Almanzor attacked Bermudo II for refusing to pay tribute. He
penetrated as far as Santiago in Galicia, and after a victorious march
returned to Cordova with a crowd of prisoners. These carried on their
shoulders the gates of the city, which were placed in the mosque, while
the bells of its church were used as braziers.
In 1002 Almanzor went on his last expedition against Castile. Con-
cerning it, the Muslim historians only mention that on his return march
from the successful expedition Almanzor's illness grew worse; that he died
at Medinaceli in 1002 and was buried there. The Historia Compostellana
and the Chronicon Burgense give much the same account; the latter
saying: “Almanzor died in the year 1002, and was buried in hell. " But
:
Don Rodrigo Ximenez de Rada, Archbishop of Toledo (+1247), and
Lucas, Bishop of Tuy (+1249), tell us that Bermudo II of Leon, Garcia
of Navarre and Garcia Fernandez, Count of Castile, formed a league in 998
and attacked Almanzor at Calatañazor, where they inflicted a great defeat
on him, and that he died afterwards at Medinaceli from the wounds he had
received ; and on the return of the Muslim army to Cordova a shepherd
miraculously appeared, singing the famous strain : “In Calatañazor
Almanzor lost his drum. ” The appearance in the battle of Bermudo II
and Garcia of Navarre, who were already dead, the tale of the shepherd
(who was taken for the devil by Christian historians), and the fixing of
the date of the battle as 998, induce Dozy to reject the story. But
recently Saavedra has attempted to prove the probable truth of the
legend.
He argues that possibly after the withdrawal of Almanzor
through his illness his rear-guard was attacked at Calatañazor; that
his not accepting battle and the pursuit by the Christians to the
gates of Medinaceli may have been regarded by them as a victory;
the anachronisms of the narratives may be due to their having been
written two centuries after the event: they failed to be accurate in date
and repeated some legendary details which had already gathered round
the truth.
. But whether this battle was ever actually fought or no, Almanzor,
the terrible foe of Christendom, was dead. He was endowed with energy
and strength of character; he was idolised by his soldiers whom he led to
invariable victory; his love of letters was shewn in a splendid generosity;
at the same time, he watched over the material interests of the country
and strictly executed justice. In all that he undertook he shewed a
clearness of vision which marked his genius. Of his greatness there can
be no doubt.
.
a


## p. 427 (#473) ############################################

Fall of the Caliphate
427
a
Muzaffar, Almanzor's son, who took his father's place, won great
victories over the Christians and put down some risings. But great
changes had occurred in Muslim Spain. Class feeling had taken the
place of racial discord, and new sects appeared, advocating innovations
in politics and religion. The people were profoundly attached to the
Umayyad Caliphate and ardently desired the fall of the 'Āmirite house
of Almanzor. Such was the position of affairs when Muzaffar died (1008)
and was succeeded by his brother 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān, nicknamed Sanchuelo.
He was unpopular with the faķīhs and lacked the ability of his father
or brother, but he succeeded in obtaining from Hishām II what they
had never extorted, his nomination as heir apparent. This brought
to a head discontent in Cordova. While Sanchuelo was away on
campaign against Alfonso V of Leon, a revolution placed Mahomet II
al-Mahdi on the throne, whereupon Hishām II abdicated. Seeing himself
deserted, Sanchuelo sued for pardon, but on his return to Cordova he was
slain (4 March 1009). Mahdi, who was bloodthirsty, and yet lacked
courage, alienated both “slaves ”1 and Berbers. When the Berbers
pro-
claimed another Umayyad, Hishām, on Mahdi's passing off Hishām II as
dead, he defeated and killed him. A chief, Zawī, however, rallied the
Berbers, and the slain man's father, Sulaimān al-Mustaʻin, was proclaimed
Caliph. They formed an alliance with the Castilians. Mahdi was beaten
at Cantich, Sulaimān entered Cordova, where the Berbers and Castilians
committed every kind of excess; Hishām II returned, only to abdicate in
favour of Sulaimān. Mahdī's party, on their side, made an alliance with
the Catalan Counts, Raymond of Barcelona and Armengol of Urgel, and
defeated Sulaimān at 'Aķabat-al-baķar near Cordova, which the Catalans
plundered. The Slaves now turned against Mahdī, murdered him, and for
the third time proclaimed Hishām II in 1010. Sancho of Castile used the
opportunity to recover the fortresses captured by Almanzor. The Berber
opposition continued; in 1012 they pitilessly sacked Cordova, houses and
palaces were destroyed, and Sulaimān was once more proclaimed Caliph.
It was a war of factions, and in 1016 the Slaves entered Cordova.
They sought in vain for Hishām II. Sulaimān gave out that he
was dead; but apparently he fled to Asia, where he ended his life
in obscurity. The welter became more confused, till in 1025 for six
months the government was in the hands of a Council of State. In
1027 the Slaves proclaimed the last of the Umayyads, Hishām III
al-Mu'tadd. He too failed to satisfy expectations. A revolution broke
out in December 1031; Hishām was taken prisoner. The viziers announced
the abolition of the Caliphate and declared the government devolved
on the Council of State,
Meanwhile in the Christian kingdoms a steady advance had been
made. In 1020 Alfonso V of Leon summoned a council to his capital
See supra, p. 422.
CH. XVI.


## p. 428 (#474) ############################################

428
The Christian kingdoms
to reform the government, and there issued the fuero of Leon and other
general laws. His son Bermudo III succeeded in 1027, and through
his marriage with a sister of Garcia, Count of Castile, whose other
sister was married to Sancho the Great of Navarre, the relations between
the rulers of the three kingdoms became far more intimate. Castile,
despite the occasional intervention of Leon, had been independent
since the days of Fernan Gonzalez. The happy understanding which
prevailed among the Christian states was broken up through the murder
of Garcia of Castile. Garcia's brother-in-law, Sancho of Navarre, seized
the territories of Castile, and a dispute over the frontier led to war with
Bermudo III of Leon, which was ended by the marriage of Bermudo's
sister with Sancho's eldest son, Ferdinand, the future King of Castile.
On the speedy renewal of the war the Castilians and Navarrese conquered
the whole of Leon, Bermudo only retaining Galicia. Navarre then
became the dominant power from the frontier of Galicia to the county of
Barcelona, and Sancho ruled over Leon, Castile, Navarre, Aragon and all
the Basque country. But shortly before his death he divided the kingdom
among his sons. He left Navarre and the Basque provinces to Garcia,
Castile to Ferdinand, Aragon to Ramiro, and the lordship of Sobrarbe
and Ribagorza to Gonzalo. Bermudo III continued to reign in Galicia,
but after the death of Sancho (1035) he was defeated at Tamaron by Fer-
dinand in 1037, who thus united under his sceptre all Leon and Castile.
The counts of Barcelona who succeeded Wifred I had extended
their dominions beyond the river Llobregat and, despite invasions by
Almanzor (986) and his son Muzaffar, they recovered their lost territory
through their intervention in the civil wars of the Muslims after the fall
of the Almanzors. The break up of the Caliphate was taken advantage of
by Count Raymond-Berengar I (1035-1076), to consolidate his power.
I
With the fall of the Caliphate there began for Spain the great
period of Christian conquest, when the leadership passed from the
Caliphate to the Christian kingdoms. The Muslim supremacy had been
due partly to higher military efficiency, which was never recovered
after the collapse of the Caliphate, and even more to the brilliance
of its civilisation compared with the backward condition of the
Northern States. This Arab civilisation claims especial notice.
The great variety of races in the country hindered the immediate
development of Muslim civilisation, and despite the efforts at union
of 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān III the conflict between the different peoples
and tribes still persisted. The Arabs refused to regard the Persians,
Berbers and other conquered races as their countrymen, while even
among the Arabs themselves Syrians, Yemenites, and other tribes were
in constant feud. Inside the tribes there were freemen, divided into
aristocracy and people, and slaves. Under ‘Abd-ar-Raḥmān III
the unbroken struggle with the emirs all but destroyed the Arab


## p. 429 (#475) ############################################

Muslim Spain; (1) ruces and classes
429
aristocracy. Its place was taken on the one hand by the middle
classes, who had amassed much wealth through the great expansion
of trade and industry, and on the other hand by a feudal aristocracy
of military commanders. The working-men remained under the thumb
of the middle classes, and owing to their economic inferiority were
stirred occasionally to class hatred. The grants of lands and slaves
freely given by the emirs made the dominant aristocracy the wealthiest
class, and enabled it to form independent or nearly independent
domains. This process may account for the fact that the Arabs
and Berbers preferred the country to the cities, whose inhabitants,
as in the case of Toledo, Seville and Elvira, were mainly renegades and
Mozarabs.
The unfree classes were divided into peasant serfs, whose status was
better than under the Visigoths, and household or personal slaves;
among the latter the eunuchs who were set apart for the service of the
harem enjoyed a privileged position. Occasionally they held the highest
appointments, and since they had followers as well as wealth, could
intervene effectively in politics. The Slaves', who were not only the
soldiers but the serfs of the Caliph, held civil as well as military offices,
and, as we have seen, on the fall of the Almanzors their political influence
was decisive.
The Muladies (Muwallad) were in an intermediate position. They
were mainly descendants of Visigothic serfs who had secured freedom
by their profession of Islām. As we have seen, they were viewed
with suspicion by Muslims of old standing, and this bitterness caused
frequent revolts. From the reign of 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān II their numbers
increased owing to the frequent conversions of Mozarabs or Spanish
Christians, and their influence on Muslim civilisation was considerable.
The legal status of the Jews improved under the Arabs. The
destructive policy of the Visigoths was succeeded by wide toleration
and freedom, which was characteristic of the Muslim conquest. In
particular the commercial and industrial prosperity of Cordova, which
dated from the independence of the Caliph, was due to this liberal
policy. The Jew Hasdai Ibn Shabrut, who was the treasurer and
minister of 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān III and translated the works of Dioscorides,
was famous as a diplomatist. Under his influence many of his
co-religionists came from the East. They started a Talmudic school
which eclipsed the schools of Mesopotamia. The Jews in Cordova
adopted the dress, language and customs of the Arabs, and were
consistently protected by the Caliphs.
The Mozarabs still kept their government and administration in
their own hands under special governors (counts) who were selected
by the Caliph. They still kept their defensor to represent them at
See supra, p. 422.
CH. XVI,


## p. 430 (#476) ############################################

430
(2) Administration and justice
4
1
the court of the Caliph. It is not known whether the curia survived ;
but the exceptor, who was now a tax-collector, survived, as did also the
censor, who was a judge of first instance, while the count (conde) pre-
sided over the court of appeal. He still administered the code (Fuero
Juzgo), while transgressions of the law of Islām came before the Muslim
authorities. The Mozarabs lived in districts apart, and apparently
there was no marked distinction between the Visigothic and Hispano-
Roman elements. Except for brief periods of persecution, they were
treated tolerantly.
Spain was at first a province of the Caliphate of Damascus with an
emir at its head. ‘Abd-ar-Raḥmān I put an end to this dependent posi-
tion by breaking with the Caliphate of Bagdad, although it was not till
929 that the title of Caliph was assumed by ‘Abd-ar-Raḥmān III. The
Caliph was the supreme temporal and spiritual head. Sometimes he
was elected by the nobles, but usually it was a hereditary office. The
hierarchy consisted: of the ḥājib or prime minister; of various wazīrs
(viziers) or ministers, who were responsible for the various administrative
departments, such as the Treasury and War Office, though they only
communicated with the Caliph through the ḥājib; and of the kātibs or
secretaries. The administrative offices together formed the diwan and
there were as many offices as public services. The provinces, which were six
in number apart from Cordova, were under a civil and military governor
called a wāli. In some important cities there were also wālīs at the
head of affairs, and on the frontier there was a military commander.
The Caliph administered justice in person ; but as a rule this func-
tion was exercised by the cadis (ķādī) (and in small villages by hākims).
At their head stood the cadi of the cadis, who was established at
Cordova. A special judge, the Șāḥib-ash-shurţa or Şāḥib-al-madina
(zal-medina) heard criminal and police cases, under a procedure simpler
than that of the cadi. The zabalaquen or ḥākim carried out the
sentences of the cadi. The muștasib or almotacén regulated police,
trade and markets, and intervened in questions of sales, gambling,
weights, measures and public dress. Cordova had a special judge
($āḥib-al-mazālim), who was appointed by the Emir to hear complaints
of breach of privilege or of offences committed by public officials; Ribera
considers that the Justicia mayor de Aragon was set up in imitation of
this functionary. The usual punishments were fines, scourging, mutilation
and death; this last penalty applied to cases of blasphemy, heresy, and
apostasy.
Besides the taxes on personal and real property (quit rents) paid by
holders of khums (State-lands), there was the azzaque, a tithe of agricul-
ture, industry and commerce, and also the customs, the head of which
was called al-mushrif (almojarife). A census with statistics based on
tribal organisation was drawn up for the assessment of taxation, but
this method of organisation died out on the fall of the Arab aristocracy.


## p. 431 (#477) ############################################

(3) Army and religion
431
The tribe was the unit of military organisation. Each tribe rallied
round its chief and its standard. The soldiers received pay at the end
of the campaign at the rate of five to ten gold pieces, and the baladīs,
who were descended from Mūsā’s Arabs, were never summoned except in
case of need. Campaigns were generally conducted in the spring and had
the character of an algaras or raid. The object was booty and with
that secured the army invariably retired from any position conquered.
The commander-in-chief was called al-ḥā'id (alcaide); the cavalry was
mounted on mules and without stirrups. They used the sword, the
pike, the lance and the bow, while their defensive armour consisted of
helmets, shields, cuirasses and coats of mail. Their siege weapons were
the same as those employed by the Byzantines.
The army underwent many changes in organisation, as the Caliphs
became more dependent on foreign troops, and Almanzor completed this
process. He substituted the regimental for the tribal division, and thus
put an end to the power of the tribal chiefs. There were, moreover,
foreign elements ; first the Slaves and then the mercenary Christian
troops from Leon, Navarre and Castile, who became dangerous to the
tranquillity of the country when Almanzor's iron grasp relaxed.
The navy under “Abd-ar-Raḥmān III, with Almería as its chief
harbour, became the most powerful in the Mediterranean. Their raids,
under commanders of a squadron called the Alcaides of the fleet, ex-
tended to Galicia and Asturias, and also to Africa where they attacked
the Fātimites. In fact, Muslim piracy was the terror of the Mediter-
ranean, and it was from Spain that the colonists of Fraxinetum came'.
When at the end of the tenth century the Fātimite danger disappeared,
the Arabs neglected their navy.
.
The Muslim religion is based on the recognition of one God and
of Mahomet as his prophet, and the Caliph is the supreme spiritual
head. But among Arabs and Berbers alike grew up many heterodox
sects. These made proselytes in Spain, but were not openly professed
for fear of the populace. Among orthodox Muslims in Spain the Mālikites
were dominant. Fervent Muslims were inclined to asceticism and were
called Zāhids. There sprang up regular monasteries, such as those
of Ibn Masarra at Montaña and of Ibn Mujāhid of Elvira at Cordova,
where apparently they devoted their time to the study of philosophy
and other forbidden branches of learning.
The basis of Muslim law was the Koran and the traditions concerning
the acts and sayings of the Prophet. These were known as Sunna. The
chief collection of them, so far as Spain was concerned, was called Al-
Muwatta', composed by Mālik ibn Anas, and contained one thousand seven
hundred cases, to which additions were made later.
They had no code, properly speaking, until much later than this
See supra, pp. 140, 152, 155, 168.
CH. XVI.


## p. 432 (#478) ############################################

432
(4) Wealth and industry
period; but there were special compilations including very heteroge-
neous subjects, such as prayer, purification, fasting, pilgrimages, sales,
the division of inheritances, marriage and so on; and under Mālikite
influence these compilations were introduced into Spain.
In the days of the Caliphs Muslim Spain became one of the wealthiest
and most thickly populated countries in Europe. Cordova expanded
till it contained two hundred thousand houses, and, as we have seen, was
greatly embellished in the reigns of 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān II and III, who
erected the palace of Az-Zahrā, and under Almanzor who built the palace
of Zāhira ; another wonderful building was the Mosque, which was begun
by 'Abd-ar-Raḥmān I. Cordova was the meeting point of travellers
from all over the world, who came to admire the splendour in which the
Caliphs lived.
T'his magnificence was due to the extraordinary growth of industry
and commerce. In agriculture a distinct advance was made in the
number of small holders, who also stood socially higher than under the
Visigoths. The Arabs rapidly assimilated such knowledge of farming
as the Spaniards possessed, and added to it the agricultural experience
of other Asiatic peoples. The greatest writers on agriculture were
Mozarabs ; but the Arabs soon learned the lesson taught them, and
successfully cultivated the vine on a large scale despite the prohibition
of wine. The Muslims introduced the cultivation of rice, pomegranates,
cane sugar, and other Oriental products. They started or completed a
system of canals for the irrigation of gardens, especially in the provinces
of Murcia, Valencia and Granada, and they were devoted to cattle
breeding. It is noteworthy that the labourers used the Roman and
not the Arab calendar.
Mining of gold, silver and other metals was pre-eminent among
industries, the mines of Jaen, Bulche, Aroche, and Algarve being
renowned, while the rubies of Béjar and Málaga were famous. The
woollen and silk weaving in Cordova, Málaga and Almería was justly
celebrated, and in Cordova alone there seem to have been thirteen
thousand weavers. Paterna (Valencia) carried the ceramic art to great
perfection, and Almería produced glass as well as many kinds of bronze
and iron vessels. At Játiva the manufacture of writing-paper out of
thread was introduced by the Arabs. Arms for defence and offence
were made at Cordova and elsewhere, while Toledo was famous for its
swords and armour. Cordova was the home of all kinds of leather
industry, and thence was derived the trade term cordobanes (cordwainers).
Ibn Firnās of Cordova, according to Al-Maķşarī, in the ninth century
invented a method for manufacturing looking-glasses, various kinds
of chronometers, and also a flying machine.
This industrial movement had far-reaching commercial results. Trade
was mainly carried on by sea, and under “Abd-ar-Raḥmān III the most
important sources of revenue were the duties on imports and exports.


## p. 433 (#479) ############################################

(5) Language and education
433
The exports from Seville, which was one of the greatest river-ports in
Spain, were cotton, oil, olives and other local produce. It was peopled, as
we have seen, mainly by renegades, who by devotion to business had amassed
large fortunes. During the emirate of 'Abdallāh, when Ibn Hajjāj held
the sovereignty in Seville, the port was filled with vessels laden with
Egyptian cloth, slaves, and singing girls from every part of Europe
and Asia. The most important exports from Jaen and Málaga were
saffron, figs, wine, marble and sugar. Spanish exports went to Africa,
Egypt and Constantinople, and thence they were forwarded to India
and Central Asia. Trade was kept up not only with Constantinople,
but with the East generally, especially Mecca, Bagdad and Damascus.
The Caliphs organised a regular postal service for the government. The
necessities of government and of commerce compelled the Arabs to issue
a coinage, which, though at first copied from Oriental models, took on
later a character of its own. The gold unit was the dinār, and they also
used half dīnārs and one-third dīnārs. The silver unit was the dirham,
and the copper the fals (Latin, follis). In time, however, these coins went
down considerably in weight and value.
The official language for the government service of Muslim Spain
was classical Arabic, the language of the Koran. But the speech of
everyday life was a vulgar Arabic dialect, which contained a mixture
of various Latin or Romance tongues of the conquered races, and was
scarcely understood in the East. Ribera, in his study of the Song Book
of Ibn Ķuzmān, has proved that, even at the court of the Caliphs in
Cordova, a vulgar Romance dialect was spoken, which was understood
by the cadis and the other officials. He explains the existence of this
Romance dialect by the probability that the Arabs, who formed the hack-
bone of the army, must have married Spanish women. Ibn Bashkuwāl,
Ibn al-Abbār and other Muslim biographers always praise highly scholars
who know Arabic. Thus among the Muslims, as among all the European
peoples of that date, there was both a literary language and a language
of daily speech. Just as the Mozarabs used Latin and Arabic, so the
Spaniards of the North employed Latin in their documents and Romance
dialects in their everyday life.
There was no regular system of education, and it is only in 1065
that the first university appears at Bagdad. Up till the reign of Hakam
government interest in education, according to Ribera, was limited to
maintaining freedom of instruction in opposition to the narrowness of
the Mālikite clergy who attempted to monopolise the teaching. ” Hakam
II, who was unable to travel to the East, invited Oriental scholars to
Cordova, where they gave lectures but received no official recognition.
At the end of his life he set aside legacies for the payment of professors
in Cordova with an eye to poor students. But this only applied to
religious education. The authorities intervened to test the orthodoxy
of the teaching, and at first a great impulse was given to the spread of
66
C, MED, H. VOL. III. CH. XVI.
28


## p. 434 (#480) ############################################

434
(6) Literature and science
Mālikite doctrines. But later the faķīhs became exceedingly intolerant
of all doctrine which they suspected of heterodoxy. Primary education
consisted, as in all Muslim countries, of writing and reading from the
Koran, to which the Spanish professors added pieces of poetry and
epistolary exercises in composition, and the pupils had to learn by heart
the elements of Arabic grammar. Writing was taught at the same time
as reading, and to learn writing was compulsory on all. Although edu-
cation was purely a private matter, yet it was so widely diffused that
most Spaniards knew how to read and write, a standard which, as Dozy
observes, was still unknown in the rest of Europe. Higher education
included, according to Ribera, translations, readings from the Koran and
the interpretation of the text; jurisprudence, practical instructions for
notaries and judges, the law of succession; branches of religious know-
ledge; politics, scholastic and ascetic theology ; Arabic philosophy,
grammar and lexicography; literature, including history, poetry, rhymed
prose, stories and anecdotes ; medicine, philosophy, astronomy, music,
studied in an order which it is impossible to determine.
Undoubtedly poetry was the most popular branch of general culture.
Among the Arabs even before the advent of Islām every tribe had
a poet, who sang the conflicts, the triumphs and defeats of his tribesmen
and, according to Goldziher, had some of the characteristics of the
prophet or seer. A copious literature in verse has come down to us
from that period, which in its treatment of wars, horses and the wilds
has always been a model and a source of inspiration. The chiefs who
settled in Spain brought their poets in their train ; emirs and Caliphs
composed verses, while improvisation was common in the streets and
roads. Even the women shared the popular taste, and some of the
Caliph's wives and slaves shewed remarkable poetic skill. Moreover, the
Caliphs had their court poets, to whom they paid high salaries and shewed
the utmost consideration. From primitive themes these writers went on
to the love poem. Satire and epigram were also much in use.
Besides poetry the Spanish Arabs diligently studied history and
geography, but although they cultivated the short story the drama was
unknown to them. Although philosophy was distrusted by the vulgar
and its followers filled orthodox theologians with alarm, the highest classes
were much addicted to its study in private.