Then the Roman army went off into the territory of the Vascones to gather food, and
Sertorius
also moved his position, because it was of great importance for him to retain easy access to [Gaul] and Asia.
Roman Translations
These are the men who rouse rebellion after rebellion, war after war, followers now of Saturninus, then of Sulpicius, next of Marius and Damasippus, and now of Lepidus.
8 Moreover, Etruria is aroused, as well as all the other smouldering fires of war; the Spanish provinces are stirred to revolt, Mithridates, who is close beside those of our tributaries from whom we still receive support, is watching for an opportunity for war; in short, for the overthrow of our empire nothing is lacking save a competent leader.
9 Therefore, Fathers of the Senate, take heed, I beg and implore you, and do not allow the licence of a crime, like a madness, to infect those who are as yet sound. For when the wicked are rewarded, it is not easy for anyone to be virtuous without price. 10 Or are you waiting for Lepidus to come again with an army and enter our city with fire and sword? Verily, such an act is much nearer the condition in which he now finds himself than are peace and concord to civil arms. And these arms he took up in defiance of all human and divine law, not in order to avenge his own wrongs or the wrongs of those whom he pretends to represent, but to overthrow our laws and our liberty. 11 For he is hounded and tormented in mind by ambition and terror because of his crimes, uneasy and at his wits' end, resorting now to this plan, now to that. He fears peace, hates war; he sees that he must sacrifice luxury and licence, and meanwhile he takes advantage of your indolence.
12 As to your conduct, I lack sufficient wisdom to know whether to call it cowardice, weakness or madness, when each one of you seems to pray that the evils which threaten you like a thunderbolt may not touch him, and yet makes not the slightest effort to prevent them.
13 I pray you consider how the order of things is inverted; formerly public mischief was planned secretly, public defence openly; and hence the good easily forestalled the wicked. Nowadays peace and harmony are disturbed openly, defended secretly; those who desire disorder are in arms; you are in fear. 14 What are you waiting for, unless perhaps you are ashamed or weary of doing right? Are you influenced by the demands of Lepidus? He says that he wishes to render unto each his own, and keeps the property of others; to annul laws established in time of war, while he uses armed compulsion; to establish the citizenship of those from whom he denies that it has been taken, and in the interests of peace to restore the power of the tribunes, from which all our discords were kindled.
15 O vilest and most shameless of all men, do you take to heart the poverty and grief of the citizens, when you have nothing in your possession which was not seized by arms or by injustice! # You ask for a second consulship, as if you had ever given up your first. You seek harmony through war, by which the harmony which we had attained is broken, a traitor to us, unfaithful to your party, the enemy of all good citizens. Are you not ashamed either before men or before the gods, whom you have insulted by your perfidy or perjury?
16 Since such is your character, I urge you to be true to your purpose and to retain your arms, lest by deferring your rebellious plans you may be uneasy yourself and keep us in a ferment. Neither the provinces, nor the laws, nor your country's gods tolerate you as a citizen. Continue as you have begun, in order that as soon as possible you may meet with your deserts.
17 But you, Fathers of the Senate, how long will your hesitation leave your country undefended, and how long will you meet arms with words? Forces have been levied against you, money extorted from individuals and from the treasury, garrisons removed from one place and stationed in another, the laws interpreted in accordance with caprice, and in the meantime you are preparing to send envoys and make decrees. But, by Heaven! the more eagerly you seek peace, the more cruel will the war be, when he finds that he can more safely rely upon your fears than upon the justice and righteousness of his cause. 18 In truth, whoever says that he hates disturbance and the death of citizens, and therefore keeps you unarmed while Lepidus is in arms, is in reality advising you to suffer what the conquered must endure, when you might yourselves visit it upon others. Such counsellors advise you to keep peace with him and encourage him to make war upon you. 19 If this is your intention, if such torpor has stolen upon your spirits that forgetting the crimes of Cinna, upon whose return to our city the flower of this order perished, you will nevertheless entrust yourselves, your wives, and your children to Lepidus, what need is there of decrees? What need of Catulus' help? 20 Surely it is in vain that he and other good citizens are taking thought for the republic.
But have your way! Gain the protection of Cethegus and the other traitors, who are eager to renew the reign of pillage and fire and once more to arm their hands against our country's gods. Or if you prefer liberty and justice, pass decrees worthy of your reputation, and thus increase the courage of your brave defenders. 21 A new army is ready, besides the colonies of veterans, all the nobles, and the best leaders; fortune attends the stronger; soon the forces which our negligence has assembled will melt away.
22 Therefore this is my recommendation: whereas Marcus Lepidus, in defiance of the authority of this body and in concert with the worst enemies of their country, is leading against this city an army raised on his own authority, therefore be it resolved that Appius Claudius the interrex, with Quintus Catulus, the proconsul and others who have military power, shall defend the city and see to it that no harm come to our country.
[1. 77] {1. 88M} L # Sertorius served as military tribune in Spain with great honour, when T. Didius was governor there. # He made a valuable contribution to the Marsic war by providing soldiers and weapons. Many successes were achieved under his leadership, but these have not been recorded in history, firstly because of his humble birth and secondly because the historians were ill-disposed towards him. However while he was alive he displayed the evidence of these achievements in his appearance, with several wounds on his front including the loss of an eye. He took great pride in this disfigurement of his body, and was not ashamed of his wounds, because they showed how gloriously he had preserved the rest of his body.
[1. 90] {1. 100M} L # It is said that he contemplated escaping into the distant Ocean, where there are known to be two islands {the "Blessed Isles"}, close by each other and about 10,000 stades away from Gades, which of their own accord provide food to nourish men.
[1. 93] {1. 104M} L # Therefore Sertorius, leaving behind a small force in Mauretania, took advantage of a dark night and a favourable current; he tried to move secretly and quickly, in order to make an unopposed crossing.
[1. 95] {1. 108M} L # When Fufidius arrived soon afterwards with his legions, he found that the banks were steep, the ford could not easily be crossed if they had to fight, and everything was more suitable to the enemy than to his men.
[1. 98] {1. 107M} L Throughout the province there were great and terrible rumours, as everyone in their fright imagined that there were fifty thousand or more of the enemy, monsters of immense size brought in from the edges of the ocean, who fed on human flesh.
[1. 112] {1. 126M} L # They were delayed by the crowds around the gates and, as happens in a panic, there was no respect for rank or command. Sertorius was carried on his servants' shoulders almost into the middle, where the men standing above lifted him up with their hands onto the wall.
BOOK 2
[2. 9] {2. 7M} L . . . or to Iolaus . . . it is uncertain whether . . . or if it is a sign of their adopted nationality. The Corsicans say that the Balari were refugees from Pallantia, others that they were Numidians, and some think that they were Spaniards from the army of the Carthaginians. They are a treacherous people, either because of their fickle temperament, or because they distrust their allies. They can be recognised by their clothes, their demeanour and their beards. In the Celtiberian war and . . . that Daedalus set off from Sicily [where he had gone to escape] the anger of Minos . . .
[2. 40] {2. 42M} L . . . , who was in command of the army, sent a legion although he despised his foolishness; and that was considered a sign of his own wisdom. # Then L. Octavius and C. Cotta became consuls {75 B. C. }. Octavius was slothful and negligent; Cotta was more active, but with his political ambitions and natural lavishness he hoped to gain the favour of individuals . . .
[2. 41] {2. 43M} L # At the instigation of the same man, P. Lentulus Marcellinus was sent out as quaestor to the new province of Cyrene. This province had been given to us by the will of the deceased king Apion, and needed to be governed more prudently than was usual in those nations, by someone who was less eager for glory. In addition, [disputes arose] between the different classes [during this year].
[2. 42] {2. 45M} L . . . by [intolerable] shortages in the [corn supply]. Worn out by these difficulties, the people resorted to violence and attacked both the consuls, while they accompanied Q. Metellus (later called Creticus), who was a candidate for the praetorship, along the Sacred Way. They chased the consuls to the house of Octavius, which was nearer . . . fighting . . .
[2. 44] {2. 47M} L # A few days later Cotta changed his clothing, giving a very mournful appearance because the people did not support him as he wished, and he addressed the assembly as follows:
I have encountered many dangers, fellow citizens, at home and abroad, and many adversities, some of which I have endured, some averted by the gods' help and my own courage; in all these I never lacked resolution to decide or energy to act. Adversity and prosperity changed my resources, not my character. 2 But in these present troubles it is different, and along with Fortune everything else has deserted me. Furthermore, old age, which is in itself an affliction, redoubles my anxiety, since it is my wretched lot, when near the end of life, not even to be able to hope for an honourable death. 3 For if I am a traitor to you, and although twice born into this state {Cotta was "reborn" when he was allowed to return from exile}, hold cheap my country's gods, my fatherland, and its highest magistracy, what torture is enough for me while I live, and what punishment after death? Surely I have committed a crime too great to be expiated by all the torments related of the Nether World.
4 From early youth I have passed my life before your eyes both as a private citizen and in office; those who needed my voice, my counsel, my purse, have had them. I have not practised a calculating eloquence or used my talents for evil-doing. Most covetous of private friendships, I have incurred the bitterest public enmities for my country. When these had overcome me along with my country, when in need of others' help, I looked for still greater calamities, you, fellow citizens, gave me back my country and my fathers' gods, and added to them your highest mark of distinction. 5 For such favours I should seem hardly grateful enough if I could give my life for each one of you. That I cannot do, since life and death are subject to natural laws; but to live unashamed among one's fellow citizens, and with unblemished reputation and fortune, is something that may be given and received.
6 You have elected us to the consulship, Romans, at a time when our country, is in dire straits at home and abroad; for our generals in Spain are calling for money, men, arms, and supplies - and they are forced to do so by circumstances, since the defection of our allies and the retreat of Sertorius over the mountains prevent them from either contending in battle or providing for their necessities. 7 Armies are maintained in Asia and in Cilicia because of the excessive power of Mithridates, Macedonia is full of foes, as is also the sea-coast of Italy and of the provinces. In the meantime our revenues, made scanty and uncertain by war, barely suffice for a part of our expenditures; hence the fleet which we keep upon the sea is much smaller than the one which formerly safeguarded our supplies.
8 If such a state of affairs has been brought about by treason or negligence on our part, follow the promptings of your anger and inflict punishment upon us; but if fortune, which is common to all, frowns upon us, why do you resort to acts unworthy of you, of us, and of our country? 9 I, to whom death is nearer because of my years, am ready to meet it, if that will lessen any of your ills; nor could I end my life (as in the course of nature I soon must) with more honour than in securing your safety. 10 Behold, here I stand, Gaius Cotta, your consul! I do what our ancestors often did in adverse wars; I consecrate myself and offer my life for my country. It is your task to find someone to whom you may entrust the state; 11 for no good man will desire such an honour, when one must render an account for the vagaries of fortune, for the uncertainties of the sea, and for war brought on by others, or else must die a shameful death. 12 Only bear in mind that it was not for crime or avarice that I was put to death, but that I willingly gave my life as a gift in return for your great favours. 13 In your own name, fellow-citizens, and by the glory of your ancestors, I conjure you to endure adversity and take thought for your country. 14 The price of supreme power is great anxiety, many heavy burdens. It is vain for you to attempt to avoid them and to look for peace and prosperity, when all the provinces and realms, all lands and seas, are devastated or exhausted by wars.
[2. 59] {2. 70M} L # Metellus withdrew into Further Spain at the end of the year, with great glory. Everywhere men and women came together along the streets and houses to watch him as he passed by. His quaestor C. Urbinus and some others recognised what he wanted, and whenever they invited him to dinner, they were more lavish than is usual for Romans or indeed for any mortal. They decorated their houses with tapestries and statues, and built stages so that actors could perform upon them. They also spread saffron on the floor, and prepared everything as if it was in a renowned temple. Besides, when he sat down a statue of Victory was let down by a rope, which placed a crown on his head with the mechanical sound of thunder; and when he arrived he was greeted with incense, like a god. When he reclined, he usually wore a coloured toga instead of a cloak. The feasts were most exotic, with many kinds of birds and animals which were previously unknown, brought not only from throughout the province, but over the sea from Mauretania. By such behaviour he diminished his glory somewhat, especially in the eyes of the older and more virtuous men; they thought that he was acting in a manner which was arrogant, offensive and unworthy of the dignity of Roman rule.
[2. 60] {2. 80M} L # At the beginning of spring in the same year, in Macedonia Gaius Curio set off into Dardania with all his army, so that he could by all possible means collect the money which had been demanded by Appius.
[2. 69] {2. 87M} L # . . . to prepare everything for the attack. Then at a given signal, towards the end of the second watch, they went into battle on every side at once. At first, the fighting took place in great confusion as they hurled weapons haphazardly through the darkness of the night. Later, when the Romans deliberately did not respond with either weapons or shouting, the enemy believed that they either were overcome with fright or had abandoned the fortifications, and the swiftest of them eagerly rushed into the ditches and then up the rampart. But then at last the Romans threw down stones, javelins and stakes at them from above, and drove back many of them as they almost reached the top, by blows at close range or any other means. Overcome by this sudden menace, some of them were struck down on the earthworks, while others fell on their own weapons. The ditches were half filled by the large number who were killed, but the rest escaped safely because it was difficult to pursue them by night and the Romans were afraid of ambushes. After a few days, they were forced to surrender because of lack of water. The town was burnt down and the inhabitants were sold into slavery. From dread of a similar fate, envoys soon arrived from Isaura Nova to seek peace; they promised to give hostages and to obey all commands. Servilius was aware of the ferocity of the enemy, and that they had been brought to seek peace by this sudden terror, not because they were weary of war. To prevent them changing their mind about sending [hostages], he advanced to their walls as quickly as possible with all his forces. Meanwhile he gave a conciliatory reply to their envoys and said that the surrender could be arranged more easily when everyone was present. Besides, he restrained his soldiers from plundering the countryside, or inflicting any kind of damage. The townsfolk willingly provided him with corn and other provisions; and to avoid suspicion, he placed his camp on open ground. Then after they had handed over a hundred hostages, according to his instructions, he demanded all the deserters, weapons and military engines. At this, the young men, at first following a set plan but then wherever they happened to be, staged noisy protests throughout the city, proclaiming that they would never hand over their weapons and allies, while there was still breath in their bodies. Those who were past the age for fighting, and who had much previous experience of the power of the Romans, longed for peace; but they remembered their own crimes, and feared that if they gave up their weapons, they would soon suffer the ultimate punishment as a result of their defeat. In this confusion, while they were all debating together anxiously, Servilius decided that the surrender would never happen, unless it was prompted by fear. Without warning, he occupied the sacred mountain of the Great Mother, from where missiles could be hurled towards the top of the town. The goddess, after whom the mountain was named, was believed to dine there on certain days; noises were heard . . .
[2. 75] {2. 92M} L [Their mothers] used to remind the men of their parents' warlike achievements, whenever they went out to war or on raids, and they celebrated their ancestors' brave deeds. When it became known that Pompeius was approaching with a hostile army, the elders persuaded them to accept peace and to obey the commands [of the Romans]. The women, unable to dissuade them, separated from their husbands and seized a very secure stronghold near (? ) Meoriga. They declared that the men had yielded their country, their child-bearers and their freedom; and so the wives were leaving breast-feeding, childbirth and the other roles of women to their husbands. Stung by these [taunts], the young men ignored the decrees of their elders . . .
[2. 76] {2. 93M} L [The townsfolk promised . . . ] that if they were spared a siege, they would in a few days' time agree to enter into an alliance; previously they had hesitated whether to join him or Pompeius, because of the fluctuating peace.
Then the Roman army went off into the territory of the Vascones to gather food, and Sertorius also moved his position, because it was of great importance for him to retain easy access to [Gaul] and Asia. The nearby towns of the Mutuderei and the (? ) Neores did not assist either side with provisions, and they both suffered from lack of food. Then Pompeius [advanced] with his army in a square formation . . .
[2. 82] {2. 98M} L { The letter of Pompeius to the senate } # If I had been warring against you, against my country, and against my fathers' gods, when I endured such hardship and dangers as those amid which from my early youth the armies under my command have routed the most criminal of your enemies and insured your safety; even then, Fathers of the Senate, you could have done no more against me in my absence than you are now doing. For after having exposed me, in spite of my youth, to a most cruel war, you have, so far as in you lay, destroyed me and a faithful army by starvation, the most wretched of all deaths. 2 Was it with such expectations that the Roman people sent its sons to war? Are these the rewards for wounds and for so often shedding our blood for our country? Wearied with writing letters and sending envoys, I have exhausted my personal resources and even my expectations, and in the meantime for three years you have barely given me the means of meeting a year's expenses. 3 By the immortal gods! do you think that I can play the part of a treasury or maintain an army without food or pay?
4 I admit that I entered upon this war with more zeal than discretion; for within forty days of the time when I received from you the empty title of commander I had raised and equipped an army and driven the enemy, who were already at the throat of Italy, from the Alps into Spain; # and over those mountains I had opened for you another and more convenient route than Hannibal had taken. 5 I recovered Gaul, the Pyrenees, Lacetania, and the Indigetes; with raw soldiers and far inferior numbers I withstood the first onslaught of triumphant Sertorius; and I spent the winter in camp amid the most savage of foes, not in the towns or in adding to my own popularity.
6 Why need I enumerate our battles or our winter campaigns, the towns which we destroyed or captured? Actions speak louder than words. # The taking of the enemy's camp at Sucro, # the battle at the river Turia, and the destruction of Gaius Herennius, leader of the enemy, together with his army and the city of Valentia, are well enough known to you. In return for these, grateful fathers, you give me want and hunger. Thus the condition of my army and of that of the enemy is the same; 7 for neither is paid and either can march victorious into Italy. 8 Of this situation I warn you and I beg you to give it your attention; do not force me to provide for my necessities on my own responsibility. 9 Nearer Spain, so far as it is not in the possession of the enemy, either we or Sertorius have devastated to the point of ruin, except for the coast towns, so that it is actually an expense and a burden to us. Gaul last year supplied the army of Metellus with pay and provisions, but can now scarcely keep itself alive because of a failure of the crops; I myself have exhausted not only my means, but even my credit. 10 You are our only resource; unless you come to our rescue, against my will, but not without warning from me, our army will pass over into Italy, bringing with it all the war in Spain.
# This letter was read in the senate at the beginning of the following year. But the consuls distributed the provinces which had been decreed by the senate, Cotta taking Hither Gaul and Octavius taking Cilicia. Then the next consuls, Lucius Lucullus and Marcus Cotta {74 B. C. }, who were greatly agitated by Pompeius' letters and messages, both because of the interests of the state and because they feared that, if he led his army into Italy, they would have neither glory nor position, used every means to provide him with money and reinforcements. And they were aided especially by the nobles, the greater number of whom were already giving expression to their confidence and adapting their conduct to their words.
BOOK 3
[3. 6] {3. 5M} L # Antonius was having difficulty in driving the [Ligurian] forces away from the [ships], because weapons could be thrown through the narrow entrance; and Mamercus could not safely pursue the enemy [ships], who were on the right of the allied fleet, in the open sea during the summer calm. After a few days had already been spent inconclusively, the Ligurian forces [withdrew] into the Alps. The Terentuni were summoned, and they discussed whether to advance against Sertorius. When Antonius and the others agreed to this, they hurried to Spain with their ships. After they arrived in the territory of the Aresinarii with the entire fleet of warships, which had either been repaired or had not [been damaged in the storms] . . .
[3. 7] {3. 6M} L [Antonius] was [separated from] the enemy by the [very deep] river Dilunus, which even a small force of the enemy could prevent him from crossing. After pretending to cross the river at other places not far away, he summoned some ships and quickly constructed some rafts, on which he carried his army across. Then he sent ahead his legate Manius with the cavalry and some of the warships, and advanced to the island [(? ) of Emporiae. He hoped] that by this unexpected threat he could recover a city which was suitable for transporting supplies from Italy. But the inhabitants, trusting in [the strength of] the site, made no change from their original intentions. Their hill was surrounded by sea on both sides and to the rear, and [in addition] the front was narrow with a sandy approach; and they [had fortified it] with a double wall.
[3. 23] {3. 37M} L # He put two very large inflated skins under a light piece of wood, and then lay on top of them, keeping his whole body still except that occasionally he paddled with his feet, like a steersman. In this way, he avoided the enemy fleet while crossing over the sea between the mole and the island, and reached the town {of Cyzicus}.
[3. 34] {3. 48M} { The speech of the tribune Macer: } L # If you did not realize, fellow citizens, what a difference there is between the rights left you by your forefathers and this slavery imposed upon you by Sulla, I should be obliged to make a long speech and to inform you because of what wrongs, and how often, the plebeians took up arms and seceded from the patricians; and how they won the tribunes of the commons as the defenders of their rights. 2 But as it is, I have only to encourage you and to precede you on the road which, in my opinion, leads to the recovery of your liberties. 3 I am not unaware how great is the power of the nobles, whom I alone, powerless, am trying to drive from their tyranny by the empty semblance of a magistracy; and I know how much more secure a faction of wicked men is than any upright man alone. 4 But in addition to the fair hopes which you have inspired and which have dispelled my fear, I have decided that defeat in a struggle for liberty is for a brave man better than never to have struggled at all.
5 And yet all the others who were elected to maintain your rights have been led by personal interest, by hope, or by bribery to turn all their power and authority against you; and they consider it better to do wrong for hire than to do right without recompense. 6 Therefore they have now, one and all, submitted to the mastery of a few men, who, under the pretext of carrying on a war, have taken possession of the treasury, the armies, the kingdoms and the provinces. These men have made themselves a stronghold from your spoils, while in the meantime you, like so may cattle, yield yourselves, a multitude, to single owners for use and enjoyment; and that, too, after being stripped of every privilege which your forefathers left you, save that by your ballots you may yourselves choose, as once your defenders, so now your masters.
7 Therefore all men have now gone over to their side, but presently, if you regain what is yours, most of them will return to you, since few have courage to defend their independence, the rest belong to the stronger. 8 Can you fear that anything will be able to resist you, if you advance with a united purpose, when they have feared you even in your weakness and indifference? # Unless perhaps it was from another motive than fear that Gaius Cotta, a consul chosen from the heart of the aristocratic party, restored some of their rights to the people's tribunes. # In fact, although Lucius Sicinius, who was the first to dare to speak about the tribunician power, was cut off while you only murmured, yet his slayers feared your displeasure even before you resented the wrongs done against you. At that patience of yours, citizens, I cannot sufficiently marvel; for you knew that your hopes had often been disappointed. 9 On the death of Sulla, who had imposed this infamous slavery upon you, you believed that your troubles were ended; up rose Catulus, a tyrant far crueller than Sulla. 10 There was an outbreak in the consulship of Brutus and Mamercus {77 B. C. }, and after it Gaius Curio was long enough your master to cause the death of a guiltless tribune {Sicinius}.
11 # You saw with what passion Lucullus last year assailed Lucius Quintius; what tempests are now roused against me! But these acts they certainly committed in vain, if it was their intention to put an end to their mastery before you did to your slavery; especially since in these civil dissensions, although other motives were alleged, the real object of the contest on both sides was to determine who should be your masters. 12 Therefore the other struggles, inspired as they were by licence, by hatred, or by avarice, blazed up for a time only; one issue only has persisted, which has been the aim of both sides and has been taken away from you for the future: the tribunician power, a weapon given to you by your ancestors, with which to defend your liberties. 13 Of this fact I warn you and I beg you to bear it in mind; do not change the names of things to suit your own cowardice and give to slavery the title of peace. Even peace you will not be allowed to enjoy, if wickedness triumph over right and honour; you might have done so, if you had never roused yourselves. As it is, they are on their guard, and if you do not gain the victory, they will hold you in tighter bonds, since the greater the injustice, the greater its safety.
14 What then do you advise? some one of you will say. First of all, you must give up this habit which you have, you men of active tongues but of weak spirit, not to retain the thought of liberty outside of the place of assembly. 15 Then (not to attempt to urge you to those manly deeds by which your ancestors gained their tribunes of the commons, a magistracy previously patrician, and a suffrage independent of the sanction of the patricians) since all the power is in your hands, citizens, and since you undoubtedly can execute or fail to execute on your own account the orders to which you now submit for the profit of others, I would ask you whether you are waiting for the advice of Jupiter or some other one of the gods. 16 That supreme power of the consuls, and those potent decrees of the senate, you yourselves ratify, citizens, by executing them; and you hasten voluntarily to increase and strengthen their despotism over you. 17 I do not urge you to avenge your wrongs, but rather to seek quiet; and it is not because I desire discord, as they charge, but because I wish to put an end to it, that I demand restitution according to the law of nations. If they persist in refusing this, I do not advise war or secession, but merely that you should refuse any longer to shed your blood for them. 18 Let them hold their offices and administer them in their own way, let them seek triumphs, let them lead their ancestral portraits, against Mithridates, Sertorius, and what is left of the exiles, but let those who have no share in the profits be free also from dangers and toil.
19 # But perhaps your services have been paid for by that hastily enacted law for the distribution of grain, a law by which they have valued all your liberties at five modii per man, an allowance actually not much greater than the rations of a prison. For just as in the case of prisoners that scanty supply keeps off death, but yet their strength wanes, so this small amount relieves you of no financial care and disappoints the slenderest hopes of the idle. 20 But even if the allowance were a great one, what lethargy it would show, since it was offered as the price of your slavery, to be deceived by it and actually to owe gratitude to your oppressors for your own property. 21 You must guard against craft; for by no other means can they prevail against the people as a whole, and in that way only will they attempt to do so. It is for this reason that they are making plans to soothe you and at the same time to put you off until the coming of Gnaeus Pompeius, the very man whom they bore upon their necks when they feared him, but presently, their fear dispelled, they tear to pieces. 22 Nor are these self-styled defenders of liberty, many as they are, ashamed to need one man before they dare to right a wrong or to defend a right. 23 For my own part I am fully convinced that Pompeius, a young man of such renown, prefers to be the leading man of the state with your consent, rather than to share in their mastery, and that he will join you and lead you in restoring the power of the tribunes.
24 There was once a time, fellow countrymen, when each of you citizens found protection in the many and not the community in one man, and when no single mortal was able to give or to take away such things from you. 25 I have therefore said enough; for it is not through ignorance that the matter halts, 26 but a kind of lethargy has laid hold upon you, because of which neither glory nor disgrace moves you. You have given up everything in exchange for your present slothfulness, thinking that you have ample freedom because your backs are spared, and because you are allowed to go hither and thither by the grace of your rich masters. 27 Yet even these privileges are denied to the country people, who are cut down in the quarrels of the great, and sent to the provinces as gifts to the magistrates. Thus they fight and conquer for the benefit of a few, but whatever happens, the commons are treated as vanquished; and this will be more so every day, so long as your oppressors make greater efforts to retain their mastery than you do to regain your freedom.
[3. 64] {3. 96M} L # They hardened their spears with fire which, apart from the appearance which is necessary for war, could do almost as much harm as iron. But, while the fugitive slaves were engaged in these activities, some of the Roman soldiers were ill from the oppressive autumn climate; none had come back from the previous rout, even though they had been sternly ordered to return; and those who remained were shamelessly avoiding their military duties. Varinius sent his quaestor C. Thoranius to Rome, so that they could easily learn the real state of affairs from him there. Meanwhile he took those soldiers who were willing to follow him, four thousand in number, and encamped near the slaves, surrounding his camp with a rampart, ditch and huge fortifications. The slaves had used up all their provisions, and wanted to avoid attack from the nearby enemy while they were foraging. They used to keep watches and stand guard and carry out the other duties of regular soldiers. About the second watch of the night they all went out of their camp in silence, leaving behind one trumpeter. To give the appearance of guards to anyone in the distance, they propped up the bodies of men who had recently been killed on stakes outside the gate, and lit many fires, which would be enough to frighten off Varinius' soldiers . . . their journey . . . [ 4 lines missing ] . . . they turned onto an impassable route. But Varinius, when it was now fully light, noticed the absence of the slaves' usual taunts, of the showers of stones thrown into the camp, and of the shouts and din of men [rushing all around]. He sent his cavalry up [a hill which rose] nearby, to seek out and quickly [pursue the enemy]. He himself, although he believed that [the slaves had gone] far away, was still afraid [of an ambush], and [withdrew in a secure] formation, in order to double his army [with new recruits]. But . . . Cumae . . . [ 5 lines missing ] . . . # [After] a few days, our men became more confident than usual and there was some swaggering talk. This prompted Varinius to move rashly against a known danger with soldiers who were new, untried, and daunted by the disasters which the others had suffered. He led them at full speed against the slaves' camp, but now they were quiet and did not enter battle as boastfully as they had previously demanded it. But [the slaves] were almost at blows with each other, because they could not agree on a plan of action; Crixus and his fellow Gauls and Germans wanted to go out to confront [the Romans] and offer battle, while Spartacus [argued against attacking them].
[3. 66] {3. 98M} L # . . . [that they should] not, [wandering around] in the way that they were at that time . . . and then they would be cut off [during their journey] and wiped out . . . and at the same time the concern . . . and so they should [leave as quickly as possible]. A few sensible men, with [free and] noble minds, [approved of the plan] that they should escape in this way . . . and praised [what he directed them to do]. But some of [the slaves] stupidly trusted in the forces which were coming to join them and in their own fierce courage; others [dishonourably] neglected their country of origin; and most, with [the true character] of slaves, [sought nothing] but plundering and savagery . . . [ 2 lines missing ] . . . seemed to be the best plan. Then he advised them to go off into more open countryside, richer in cattle, where they could increase their numbers with picked men, before Varinius returned with a new army. He soon found a suitable guide, one of the prisoners from Picentia, and then he went over the Eburine heights to Nares Lucanae, from where he advanced at dawn to Forum Anni, before the inhabitants realised. Immediately the slaves, contrary to the orders of their leader, turned to raping the young girls and mothers, and others . . . [ 2 lines missing ] . . . now and tormented those who remained in a shocking way with horrible wounds, and sometimes left their mutilated bodies still half alive. Others set fire to the buildings, and many of the slaves from the district, whose character inclined them to be their allies, brought out the possessions which their masters had hidden, or dragged out their masters themselves. Nothing was sacred or inviolable to these men, who had the savagery of barbarians and the temperament of slaves. Since Spartacus could not stop these [outrages], he earnestly begged them to forestall the news of what they had done, and quickly . . . [ 3 lines missing ] . . . that they would [earn the hatred of the inhabitants], who had been cruelly attacked [and slaughtered] . . . heavy mostly . . . after staying there for that day [and the following] night, with the number of [slaves in his army] now doubled, he [moved camp] at first light and [halted] in a fairly wide plain, [where he saw] that the farmers had come out of their buildings. By that time, the autumn crops were already ripe [in the fields]. But when it was already fully daytime, the residents learnt from their [fleeing] neighbours that the slaves were heading [in their direction], and [hurried away to the nearby mountains] with all [their families].
[3. 79] {3. 83M} L # And so they reclined to eat. Sertorius was lower down, on the middle couch. Above him was L. Fabius Hispaniensis, a senator who had been proscribed. On the top couch was Antonius, and Versius, the secetary of Sertorius, was below him. Maecenas, the other secretary, was on the bottom couch, in between Tarquitius and Perperna, who was the host.
[3. 84] {3. 88M} L From his earliest youth, Pompeius had been persuaded by the flattery of his supporters to believe that he was the equal of king Alexander. Therefore he tried to rival Alexander's achievements and plans.
[3. 90] {3. 106M} L # And at the same time Lentulus [(?
9 Therefore, Fathers of the Senate, take heed, I beg and implore you, and do not allow the licence of a crime, like a madness, to infect those who are as yet sound. For when the wicked are rewarded, it is not easy for anyone to be virtuous without price. 10 Or are you waiting for Lepidus to come again with an army and enter our city with fire and sword? Verily, such an act is much nearer the condition in which he now finds himself than are peace and concord to civil arms. And these arms he took up in defiance of all human and divine law, not in order to avenge his own wrongs or the wrongs of those whom he pretends to represent, but to overthrow our laws and our liberty. 11 For he is hounded and tormented in mind by ambition and terror because of his crimes, uneasy and at his wits' end, resorting now to this plan, now to that. He fears peace, hates war; he sees that he must sacrifice luxury and licence, and meanwhile he takes advantage of your indolence.
12 As to your conduct, I lack sufficient wisdom to know whether to call it cowardice, weakness or madness, when each one of you seems to pray that the evils which threaten you like a thunderbolt may not touch him, and yet makes not the slightest effort to prevent them.
13 I pray you consider how the order of things is inverted; formerly public mischief was planned secretly, public defence openly; and hence the good easily forestalled the wicked. Nowadays peace and harmony are disturbed openly, defended secretly; those who desire disorder are in arms; you are in fear. 14 What are you waiting for, unless perhaps you are ashamed or weary of doing right? Are you influenced by the demands of Lepidus? He says that he wishes to render unto each his own, and keeps the property of others; to annul laws established in time of war, while he uses armed compulsion; to establish the citizenship of those from whom he denies that it has been taken, and in the interests of peace to restore the power of the tribunes, from which all our discords were kindled.
15 O vilest and most shameless of all men, do you take to heart the poverty and grief of the citizens, when you have nothing in your possession which was not seized by arms or by injustice! # You ask for a second consulship, as if you had ever given up your first. You seek harmony through war, by which the harmony which we had attained is broken, a traitor to us, unfaithful to your party, the enemy of all good citizens. Are you not ashamed either before men or before the gods, whom you have insulted by your perfidy or perjury?
16 Since such is your character, I urge you to be true to your purpose and to retain your arms, lest by deferring your rebellious plans you may be uneasy yourself and keep us in a ferment. Neither the provinces, nor the laws, nor your country's gods tolerate you as a citizen. Continue as you have begun, in order that as soon as possible you may meet with your deserts.
17 But you, Fathers of the Senate, how long will your hesitation leave your country undefended, and how long will you meet arms with words? Forces have been levied against you, money extorted from individuals and from the treasury, garrisons removed from one place and stationed in another, the laws interpreted in accordance with caprice, and in the meantime you are preparing to send envoys and make decrees. But, by Heaven! the more eagerly you seek peace, the more cruel will the war be, when he finds that he can more safely rely upon your fears than upon the justice and righteousness of his cause. 18 In truth, whoever says that he hates disturbance and the death of citizens, and therefore keeps you unarmed while Lepidus is in arms, is in reality advising you to suffer what the conquered must endure, when you might yourselves visit it upon others. Such counsellors advise you to keep peace with him and encourage him to make war upon you. 19 If this is your intention, if such torpor has stolen upon your spirits that forgetting the crimes of Cinna, upon whose return to our city the flower of this order perished, you will nevertheless entrust yourselves, your wives, and your children to Lepidus, what need is there of decrees? What need of Catulus' help? 20 Surely it is in vain that he and other good citizens are taking thought for the republic.
But have your way! Gain the protection of Cethegus and the other traitors, who are eager to renew the reign of pillage and fire and once more to arm their hands against our country's gods. Or if you prefer liberty and justice, pass decrees worthy of your reputation, and thus increase the courage of your brave defenders. 21 A new army is ready, besides the colonies of veterans, all the nobles, and the best leaders; fortune attends the stronger; soon the forces which our negligence has assembled will melt away.
22 Therefore this is my recommendation: whereas Marcus Lepidus, in defiance of the authority of this body and in concert with the worst enemies of their country, is leading against this city an army raised on his own authority, therefore be it resolved that Appius Claudius the interrex, with Quintus Catulus, the proconsul and others who have military power, shall defend the city and see to it that no harm come to our country.
[1. 77] {1. 88M} L # Sertorius served as military tribune in Spain with great honour, when T. Didius was governor there. # He made a valuable contribution to the Marsic war by providing soldiers and weapons. Many successes were achieved under his leadership, but these have not been recorded in history, firstly because of his humble birth and secondly because the historians were ill-disposed towards him. However while he was alive he displayed the evidence of these achievements in his appearance, with several wounds on his front including the loss of an eye. He took great pride in this disfigurement of his body, and was not ashamed of his wounds, because they showed how gloriously he had preserved the rest of his body.
[1. 90] {1. 100M} L # It is said that he contemplated escaping into the distant Ocean, where there are known to be two islands {the "Blessed Isles"}, close by each other and about 10,000 stades away from Gades, which of their own accord provide food to nourish men.
[1. 93] {1. 104M} L # Therefore Sertorius, leaving behind a small force in Mauretania, took advantage of a dark night and a favourable current; he tried to move secretly and quickly, in order to make an unopposed crossing.
[1. 95] {1. 108M} L # When Fufidius arrived soon afterwards with his legions, he found that the banks were steep, the ford could not easily be crossed if they had to fight, and everything was more suitable to the enemy than to his men.
[1. 98] {1. 107M} L Throughout the province there were great and terrible rumours, as everyone in their fright imagined that there were fifty thousand or more of the enemy, monsters of immense size brought in from the edges of the ocean, who fed on human flesh.
[1. 112] {1. 126M} L # They were delayed by the crowds around the gates and, as happens in a panic, there was no respect for rank or command. Sertorius was carried on his servants' shoulders almost into the middle, where the men standing above lifted him up with their hands onto the wall.
BOOK 2
[2. 9] {2. 7M} L . . . or to Iolaus . . . it is uncertain whether . . . or if it is a sign of their adopted nationality. The Corsicans say that the Balari were refugees from Pallantia, others that they were Numidians, and some think that they were Spaniards from the army of the Carthaginians. They are a treacherous people, either because of their fickle temperament, or because they distrust their allies. They can be recognised by their clothes, their demeanour and their beards. In the Celtiberian war and . . . that Daedalus set off from Sicily [where he had gone to escape] the anger of Minos . . .
[2. 40] {2. 42M} L . . . , who was in command of the army, sent a legion although he despised his foolishness; and that was considered a sign of his own wisdom. # Then L. Octavius and C. Cotta became consuls {75 B. C. }. Octavius was slothful and negligent; Cotta was more active, but with his political ambitions and natural lavishness he hoped to gain the favour of individuals . . .
[2. 41] {2. 43M} L # At the instigation of the same man, P. Lentulus Marcellinus was sent out as quaestor to the new province of Cyrene. This province had been given to us by the will of the deceased king Apion, and needed to be governed more prudently than was usual in those nations, by someone who was less eager for glory. In addition, [disputes arose] between the different classes [during this year].
[2. 42] {2. 45M} L . . . by [intolerable] shortages in the [corn supply]. Worn out by these difficulties, the people resorted to violence and attacked both the consuls, while they accompanied Q. Metellus (later called Creticus), who was a candidate for the praetorship, along the Sacred Way. They chased the consuls to the house of Octavius, which was nearer . . . fighting . . .
[2. 44] {2. 47M} L # A few days later Cotta changed his clothing, giving a very mournful appearance because the people did not support him as he wished, and he addressed the assembly as follows:
I have encountered many dangers, fellow citizens, at home and abroad, and many adversities, some of which I have endured, some averted by the gods' help and my own courage; in all these I never lacked resolution to decide or energy to act. Adversity and prosperity changed my resources, not my character. 2 But in these present troubles it is different, and along with Fortune everything else has deserted me. Furthermore, old age, which is in itself an affliction, redoubles my anxiety, since it is my wretched lot, when near the end of life, not even to be able to hope for an honourable death. 3 For if I am a traitor to you, and although twice born into this state {Cotta was "reborn" when he was allowed to return from exile}, hold cheap my country's gods, my fatherland, and its highest magistracy, what torture is enough for me while I live, and what punishment after death? Surely I have committed a crime too great to be expiated by all the torments related of the Nether World.
4 From early youth I have passed my life before your eyes both as a private citizen and in office; those who needed my voice, my counsel, my purse, have had them. I have not practised a calculating eloquence or used my talents for evil-doing. Most covetous of private friendships, I have incurred the bitterest public enmities for my country. When these had overcome me along with my country, when in need of others' help, I looked for still greater calamities, you, fellow citizens, gave me back my country and my fathers' gods, and added to them your highest mark of distinction. 5 For such favours I should seem hardly grateful enough if I could give my life for each one of you. That I cannot do, since life and death are subject to natural laws; but to live unashamed among one's fellow citizens, and with unblemished reputation and fortune, is something that may be given and received.
6 You have elected us to the consulship, Romans, at a time when our country, is in dire straits at home and abroad; for our generals in Spain are calling for money, men, arms, and supplies - and they are forced to do so by circumstances, since the defection of our allies and the retreat of Sertorius over the mountains prevent them from either contending in battle or providing for their necessities. 7 Armies are maintained in Asia and in Cilicia because of the excessive power of Mithridates, Macedonia is full of foes, as is also the sea-coast of Italy and of the provinces. In the meantime our revenues, made scanty and uncertain by war, barely suffice for a part of our expenditures; hence the fleet which we keep upon the sea is much smaller than the one which formerly safeguarded our supplies.
8 If such a state of affairs has been brought about by treason or negligence on our part, follow the promptings of your anger and inflict punishment upon us; but if fortune, which is common to all, frowns upon us, why do you resort to acts unworthy of you, of us, and of our country? 9 I, to whom death is nearer because of my years, am ready to meet it, if that will lessen any of your ills; nor could I end my life (as in the course of nature I soon must) with more honour than in securing your safety. 10 Behold, here I stand, Gaius Cotta, your consul! I do what our ancestors often did in adverse wars; I consecrate myself and offer my life for my country. It is your task to find someone to whom you may entrust the state; 11 for no good man will desire such an honour, when one must render an account for the vagaries of fortune, for the uncertainties of the sea, and for war brought on by others, or else must die a shameful death. 12 Only bear in mind that it was not for crime or avarice that I was put to death, but that I willingly gave my life as a gift in return for your great favours. 13 In your own name, fellow-citizens, and by the glory of your ancestors, I conjure you to endure adversity and take thought for your country. 14 The price of supreme power is great anxiety, many heavy burdens. It is vain for you to attempt to avoid them and to look for peace and prosperity, when all the provinces and realms, all lands and seas, are devastated or exhausted by wars.
[2. 59] {2. 70M} L # Metellus withdrew into Further Spain at the end of the year, with great glory. Everywhere men and women came together along the streets and houses to watch him as he passed by. His quaestor C. Urbinus and some others recognised what he wanted, and whenever they invited him to dinner, they were more lavish than is usual for Romans or indeed for any mortal. They decorated their houses with tapestries and statues, and built stages so that actors could perform upon them. They also spread saffron on the floor, and prepared everything as if it was in a renowned temple. Besides, when he sat down a statue of Victory was let down by a rope, which placed a crown on his head with the mechanical sound of thunder; and when he arrived he was greeted with incense, like a god. When he reclined, he usually wore a coloured toga instead of a cloak. The feasts were most exotic, with many kinds of birds and animals which were previously unknown, brought not only from throughout the province, but over the sea from Mauretania. By such behaviour he diminished his glory somewhat, especially in the eyes of the older and more virtuous men; they thought that he was acting in a manner which was arrogant, offensive and unworthy of the dignity of Roman rule.
[2. 60] {2. 80M} L # At the beginning of spring in the same year, in Macedonia Gaius Curio set off into Dardania with all his army, so that he could by all possible means collect the money which had been demanded by Appius.
[2. 69] {2. 87M} L # . . . to prepare everything for the attack. Then at a given signal, towards the end of the second watch, they went into battle on every side at once. At first, the fighting took place in great confusion as they hurled weapons haphazardly through the darkness of the night. Later, when the Romans deliberately did not respond with either weapons or shouting, the enemy believed that they either were overcome with fright or had abandoned the fortifications, and the swiftest of them eagerly rushed into the ditches and then up the rampart. But then at last the Romans threw down stones, javelins and stakes at them from above, and drove back many of them as they almost reached the top, by blows at close range or any other means. Overcome by this sudden menace, some of them were struck down on the earthworks, while others fell on their own weapons. The ditches were half filled by the large number who were killed, but the rest escaped safely because it was difficult to pursue them by night and the Romans were afraid of ambushes. After a few days, they were forced to surrender because of lack of water. The town was burnt down and the inhabitants were sold into slavery. From dread of a similar fate, envoys soon arrived from Isaura Nova to seek peace; they promised to give hostages and to obey all commands. Servilius was aware of the ferocity of the enemy, and that they had been brought to seek peace by this sudden terror, not because they were weary of war. To prevent them changing their mind about sending [hostages], he advanced to their walls as quickly as possible with all his forces. Meanwhile he gave a conciliatory reply to their envoys and said that the surrender could be arranged more easily when everyone was present. Besides, he restrained his soldiers from plundering the countryside, or inflicting any kind of damage. The townsfolk willingly provided him with corn and other provisions; and to avoid suspicion, he placed his camp on open ground. Then after they had handed over a hundred hostages, according to his instructions, he demanded all the deserters, weapons and military engines. At this, the young men, at first following a set plan but then wherever they happened to be, staged noisy protests throughout the city, proclaiming that they would never hand over their weapons and allies, while there was still breath in their bodies. Those who were past the age for fighting, and who had much previous experience of the power of the Romans, longed for peace; but they remembered their own crimes, and feared that if they gave up their weapons, they would soon suffer the ultimate punishment as a result of their defeat. In this confusion, while they were all debating together anxiously, Servilius decided that the surrender would never happen, unless it was prompted by fear. Without warning, he occupied the sacred mountain of the Great Mother, from where missiles could be hurled towards the top of the town. The goddess, after whom the mountain was named, was believed to dine there on certain days; noises were heard . . .
[2. 75] {2. 92M} L [Their mothers] used to remind the men of their parents' warlike achievements, whenever they went out to war or on raids, and they celebrated their ancestors' brave deeds. When it became known that Pompeius was approaching with a hostile army, the elders persuaded them to accept peace and to obey the commands [of the Romans]. The women, unable to dissuade them, separated from their husbands and seized a very secure stronghold near (? ) Meoriga. They declared that the men had yielded their country, their child-bearers and their freedom; and so the wives were leaving breast-feeding, childbirth and the other roles of women to their husbands. Stung by these [taunts], the young men ignored the decrees of their elders . . .
[2. 76] {2. 93M} L [The townsfolk promised . . . ] that if they were spared a siege, they would in a few days' time agree to enter into an alliance; previously they had hesitated whether to join him or Pompeius, because of the fluctuating peace.
Then the Roman army went off into the territory of the Vascones to gather food, and Sertorius also moved his position, because it was of great importance for him to retain easy access to [Gaul] and Asia. The nearby towns of the Mutuderei and the (? ) Neores did not assist either side with provisions, and they both suffered from lack of food. Then Pompeius [advanced] with his army in a square formation . . .
[2. 82] {2. 98M} L { The letter of Pompeius to the senate } # If I had been warring against you, against my country, and against my fathers' gods, when I endured such hardship and dangers as those amid which from my early youth the armies under my command have routed the most criminal of your enemies and insured your safety; even then, Fathers of the Senate, you could have done no more against me in my absence than you are now doing. For after having exposed me, in spite of my youth, to a most cruel war, you have, so far as in you lay, destroyed me and a faithful army by starvation, the most wretched of all deaths. 2 Was it with such expectations that the Roman people sent its sons to war? Are these the rewards for wounds and for so often shedding our blood for our country? Wearied with writing letters and sending envoys, I have exhausted my personal resources and even my expectations, and in the meantime for three years you have barely given me the means of meeting a year's expenses. 3 By the immortal gods! do you think that I can play the part of a treasury or maintain an army without food or pay?
4 I admit that I entered upon this war with more zeal than discretion; for within forty days of the time when I received from you the empty title of commander I had raised and equipped an army and driven the enemy, who were already at the throat of Italy, from the Alps into Spain; # and over those mountains I had opened for you another and more convenient route than Hannibal had taken. 5 I recovered Gaul, the Pyrenees, Lacetania, and the Indigetes; with raw soldiers and far inferior numbers I withstood the first onslaught of triumphant Sertorius; and I spent the winter in camp amid the most savage of foes, not in the towns or in adding to my own popularity.
6 Why need I enumerate our battles or our winter campaigns, the towns which we destroyed or captured? Actions speak louder than words. # The taking of the enemy's camp at Sucro, # the battle at the river Turia, and the destruction of Gaius Herennius, leader of the enemy, together with his army and the city of Valentia, are well enough known to you. In return for these, grateful fathers, you give me want and hunger. Thus the condition of my army and of that of the enemy is the same; 7 for neither is paid and either can march victorious into Italy. 8 Of this situation I warn you and I beg you to give it your attention; do not force me to provide for my necessities on my own responsibility. 9 Nearer Spain, so far as it is not in the possession of the enemy, either we or Sertorius have devastated to the point of ruin, except for the coast towns, so that it is actually an expense and a burden to us. Gaul last year supplied the army of Metellus with pay and provisions, but can now scarcely keep itself alive because of a failure of the crops; I myself have exhausted not only my means, but even my credit. 10 You are our only resource; unless you come to our rescue, against my will, but not without warning from me, our army will pass over into Italy, bringing with it all the war in Spain.
# This letter was read in the senate at the beginning of the following year. But the consuls distributed the provinces which had been decreed by the senate, Cotta taking Hither Gaul and Octavius taking Cilicia. Then the next consuls, Lucius Lucullus and Marcus Cotta {74 B. C. }, who were greatly agitated by Pompeius' letters and messages, both because of the interests of the state and because they feared that, if he led his army into Italy, they would have neither glory nor position, used every means to provide him with money and reinforcements. And they were aided especially by the nobles, the greater number of whom were already giving expression to their confidence and adapting their conduct to their words.
BOOK 3
[3. 6] {3. 5M} L # Antonius was having difficulty in driving the [Ligurian] forces away from the [ships], because weapons could be thrown through the narrow entrance; and Mamercus could not safely pursue the enemy [ships], who were on the right of the allied fleet, in the open sea during the summer calm. After a few days had already been spent inconclusively, the Ligurian forces [withdrew] into the Alps. The Terentuni were summoned, and they discussed whether to advance against Sertorius. When Antonius and the others agreed to this, they hurried to Spain with their ships. After they arrived in the territory of the Aresinarii with the entire fleet of warships, which had either been repaired or had not [been damaged in the storms] . . .
[3. 7] {3. 6M} L [Antonius] was [separated from] the enemy by the [very deep] river Dilunus, which even a small force of the enemy could prevent him from crossing. After pretending to cross the river at other places not far away, he summoned some ships and quickly constructed some rafts, on which he carried his army across. Then he sent ahead his legate Manius with the cavalry and some of the warships, and advanced to the island [(? ) of Emporiae. He hoped] that by this unexpected threat he could recover a city which was suitable for transporting supplies from Italy. But the inhabitants, trusting in [the strength of] the site, made no change from their original intentions. Their hill was surrounded by sea on both sides and to the rear, and [in addition] the front was narrow with a sandy approach; and they [had fortified it] with a double wall.
[3. 23] {3. 37M} L # He put two very large inflated skins under a light piece of wood, and then lay on top of them, keeping his whole body still except that occasionally he paddled with his feet, like a steersman. In this way, he avoided the enemy fleet while crossing over the sea between the mole and the island, and reached the town {of Cyzicus}.
[3. 34] {3. 48M} { The speech of the tribune Macer: } L # If you did not realize, fellow citizens, what a difference there is between the rights left you by your forefathers and this slavery imposed upon you by Sulla, I should be obliged to make a long speech and to inform you because of what wrongs, and how often, the plebeians took up arms and seceded from the patricians; and how they won the tribunes of the commons as the defenders of their rights. 2 But as it is, I have only to encourage you and to precede you on the road which, in my opinion, leads to the recovery of your liberties. 3 I am not unaware how great is the power of the nobles, whom I alone, powerless, am trying to drive from their tyranny by the empty semblance of a magistracy; and I know how much more secure a faction of wicked men is than any upright man alone. 4 But in addition to the fair hopes which you have inspired and which have dispelled my fear, I have decided that defeat in a struggle for liberty is for a brave man better than never to have struggled at all.
5 And yet all the others who were elected to maintain your rights have been led by personal interest, by hope, or by bribery to turn all their power and authority against you; and they consider it better to do wrong for hire than to do right without recompense. 6 Therefore they have now, one and all, submitted to the mastery of a few men, who, under the pretext of carrying on a war, have taken possession of the treasury, the armies, the kingdoms and the provinces. These men have made themselves a stronghold from your spoils, while in the meantime you, like so may cattle, yield yourselves, a multitude, to single owners for use and enjoyment; and that, too, after being stripped of every privilege which your forefathers left you, save that by your ballots you may yourselves choose, as once your defenders, so now your masters.
7 Therefore all men have now gone over to their side, but presently, if you regain what is yours, most of them will return to you, since few have courage to defend their independence, the rest belong to the stronger. 8 Can you fear that anything will be able to resist you, if you advance with a united purpose, when they have feared you even in your weakness and indifference? # Unless perhaps it was from another motive than fear that Gaius Cotta, a consul chosen from the heart of the aristocratic party, restored some of their rights to the people's tribunes. # In fact, although Lucius Sicinius, who was the first to dare to speak about the tribunician power, was cut off while you only murmured, yet his slayers feared your displeasure even before you resented the wrongs done against you. At that patience of yours, citizens, I cannot sufficiently marvel; for you knew that your hopes had often been disappointed. 9 On the death of Sulla, who had imposed this infamous slavery upon you, you believed that your troubles were ended; up rose Catulus, a tyrant far crueller than Sulla. 10 There was an outbreak in the consulship of Brutus and Mamercus {77 B. C. }, and after it Gaius Curio was long enough your master to cause the death of a guiltless tribune {Sicinius}.
11 # You saw with what passion Lucullus last year assailed Lucius Quintius; what tempests are now roused against me! But these acts they certainly committed in vain, if it was their intention to put an end to their mastery before you did to your slavery; especially since in these civil dissensions, although other motives were alleged, the real object of the contest on both sides was to determine who should be your masters. 12 Therefore the other struggles, inspired as they were by licence, by hatred, or by avarice, blazed up for a time only; one issue only has persisted, which has been the aim of both sides and has been taken away from you for the future: the tribunician power, a weapon given to you by your ancestors, with which to defend your liberties. 13 Of this fact I warn you and I beg you to bear it in mind; do not change the names of things to suit your own cowardice and give to slavery the title of peace. Even peace you will not be allowed to enjoy, if wickedness triumph over right and honour; you might have done so, if you had never roused yourselves. As it is, they are on their guard, and if you do not gain the victory, they will hold you in tighter bonds, since the greater the injustice, the greater its safety.
14 What then do you advise? some one of you will say. First of all, you must give up this habit which you have, you men of active tongues but of weak spirit, not to retain the thought of liberty outside of the place of assembly. 15 Then (not to attempt to urge you to those manly deeds by which your ancestors gained their tribunes of the commons, a magistracy previously patrician, and a suffrage independent of the sanction of the patricians) since all the power is in your hands, citizens, and since you undoubtedly can execute or fail to execute on your own account the orders to which you now submit for the profit of others, I would ask you whether you are waiting for the advice of Jupiter or some other one of the gods. 16 That supreme power of the consuls, and those potent decrees of the senate, you yourselves ratify, citizens, by executing them; and you hasten voluntarily to increase and strengthen their despotism over you. 17 I do not urge you to avenge your wrongs, but rather to seek quiet; and it is not because I desire discord, as they charge, but because I wish to put an end to it, that I demand restitution according to the law of nations. If they persist in refusing this, I do not advise war or secession, but merely that you should refuse any longer to shed your blood for them. 18 Let them hold their offices and administer them in their own way, let them seek triumphs, let them lead their ancestral portraits, against Mithridates, Sertorius, and what is left of the exiles, but let those who have no share in the profits be free also from dangers and toil.
19 # But perhaps your services have been paid for by that hastily enacted law for the distribution of grain, a law by which they have valued all your liberties at five modii per man, an allowance actually not much greater than the rations of a prison. For just as in the case of prisoners that scanty supply keeps off death, but yet their strength wanes, so this small amount relieves you of no financial care and disappoints the slenderest hopes of the idle. 20 But even if the allowance were a great one, what lethargy it would show, since it was offered as the price of your slavery, to be deceived by it and actually to owe gratitude to your oppressors for your own property. 21 You must guard against craft; for by no other means can they prevail against the people as a whole, and in that way only will they attempt to do so. It is for this reason that they are making plans to soothe you and at the same time to put you off until the coming of Gnaeus Pompeius, the very man whom they bore upon their necks when they feared him, but presently, their fear dispelled, they tear to pieces. 22 Nor are these self-styled defenders of liberty, many as they are, ashamed to need one man before they dare to right a wrong or to defend a right. 23 For my own part I am fully convinced that Pompeius, a young man of such renown, prefers to be the leading man of the state with your consent, rather than to share in their mastery, and that he will join you and lead you in restoring the power of the tribunes.
24 There was once a time, fellow countrymen, when each of you citizens found protection in the many and not the community in one man, and when no single mortal was able to give or to take away such things from you. 25 I have therefore said enough; for it is not through ignorance that the matter halts, 26 but a kind of lethargy has laid hold upon you, because of which neither glory nor disgrace moves you. You have given up everything in exchange for your present slothfulness, thinking that you have ample freedom because your backs are spared, and because you are allowed to go hither and thither by the grace of your rich masters. 27 Yet even these privileges are denied to the country people, who are cut down in the quarrels of the great, and sent to the provinces as gifts to the magistrates. Thus they fight and conquer for the benefit of a few, but whatever happens, the commons are treated as vanquished; and this will be more so every day, so long as your oppressors make greater efforts to retain their mastery than you do to regain your freedom.
[3. 64] {3. 96M} L # They hardened their spears with fire which, apart from the appearance which is necessary for war, could do almost as much harm as iron. But, while the fugitive slaves were engaged in these activities, some of the Roman soldiers were ill from the oppressive autumn climate; none had come back from the previous rout, even though they had been sternly ordered to return; and those who remained were shamelessly avoiding their military duties. Varinius sent his quaestor C. Thoranius to Rome, so that they could easily learn the real state of affairs from him there. Meanwhile he took those soldiers who were willing to follow him, four thousand in number, and encamped near the slaves, surrounding his camp with a rampart, ditch and huge fortifications. The slaves had used up all their provisions, and wanted to avoid attack from the nearby enemy while they were foraging. They used to keep watches and stand guard and carry out the other duties of regular soldiers. About the second watch of the night they all went out of their camp in silence, leaving behind one trumpeter. To give the appearance of guards to anyone in the distance, they propped up the bodies of men who had recently been killed on stakes outside the gate, and lit many fires, which would be enough to frighten off Varinius' soldiers . . . their journey . . . [ 4 lines missing ] . . . they turned onto an impassable route. But Varinius, when it was now fully light, noticed the absence of the slaves' usual taunts, of the showers of stones thrown into the camp, and of the shouts and din of men [rushing all around]. He sent his cavalry up [a hill which rose] nearby, to seek out and quickly [pursue the enemy]. He himself, although he believed that [the slaves had gone] far away, was still afraid [of an ambush], and [withdrew in a secure] formation, in order to double his army [with new recruits]. But . . . Cumae . . . [ 5 lines missing ] . . . # [After] a few days, our men became more confident than usual and there was some swaggering talk. This prompted Varinius to move rashly against a known danger with soldiers who were new, untried, and daunted by the disasters which the others had suffered. He led them at full speed against the slaves' camp, but now they were quiet and did not enter battle as boastfully as they had previously demanded it. But [the slaves] were almost at blows with each other, because they could not agree on a plan of action; Crixus and his fellow Gauls and Germans wanted to go out to confront [the Romans] and offer battle, while Spartacus [argued against attacking them].
[3. 66] {3. 98M} L # . . . [that they should] not, [wandering around] in the way that they were at that time . . . and then they would be cut off [during their journey] and wiped out . . . and at the same time the concern . . . and so they should [leave as quickly as possible]. A few sensible men, with [free and] noble minds, [approved of the plan] that they should escape in this way . . . and praised [what he directed them to do]. But some of [the slaves] stupidly trusted in the forces which were coming to join them and in their own fierce courage; others [dishonourably] neglected their country of origin; and most, with [the true character] of slaves, [sought nothing] but plundering and savagery . . . [ 2 lines missing ] . . . seemed to be the best plan. Then he advised them to go off into more open countryside, richer in cattle, where they could increase their numbers with picked men, before Varinius returned with a new army. He soon found a suitable guide, one of the prisoners from Picentia, and then he went over the Eburine heights to Nares Lucanae, from where he advanced at dawn to Forum Anni, before the inhabitants realised. Immediately the slaves, contrary to the orders of their leader, turned to raping the young girls and mothers, and others . . . [ 2 lines missing ] . . . now and tormented those who remained in a shocking way with horrible wounds, and sometimes left their mutilated bodies still half alive. Others set fire to the buildings, and many of the slaves from the district, whose character inclined them to be their allies, brought out the possessions which their masters had hidden, or dragged out their masters themselves. Nothing was sacred or inviolable to these men, who had the savagery of barbarians and the temperament of slaves. Since Spartacus could not stop these [outrages], he earnestly begged them to forestall the news of what they had done, and quickly . . . [ 3 lines missing ] . . . that they would [earn the hatred of the inhabitants], who had been cruelly attacked [and slaughtered] . . . heavy mostly . . . after staying there for that day [and the following] night, with the number of [slaves in his army] now doubled, he [moved camp] at first light and [halted] in a fairly wide plain, [where he saw] that the farmers had come out of their buildings. By that time, the autumn crops were already ripe [in the fields]. But when it was already fully daytime, the residents learnt from their [fleeing] neighbours that the slaves were heading [in their direction], and [hurried away to the nearby mountains] with all [their families].
[3. 79] {3. 83M} L # And so they reclined to eat. Sertorius was lower down, on the middle couch. Above him was L. Fabius Hispaniensis, a senator who had been proscribed. On the top couch was Antonius, and Versius, the secetary of Sertorius, was below him. Maecenas, the other secretary, was on the bottom couch, in between Tarquitius and Perperna, who was the host.
[3. 84] {3. 88M} L From his earliest youth, Pompeius had been persuaded by the flattery of his supporters to believe that he was the equal of king Alexander. Therefore he tried to rival Alexander's achievements and plans.
[3. 90] {3. 106M} L # And at the same time Lentulus [(?
