"
2 The 'Schwabenspiegel' belongs to
the later thirteenth century.
2 The 'Schwabenspiegel' belongs to
the later thirteenth century.
Thomas Carlyle
10): " Nam Papa transtulit aibi concedit.
Sed regnum est feudum
imperium to tuna in Germ an os a ecclesise, qua ab imperio aditur,
Roman is. . . . In imperio nil temporale vacante imperio. "
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? 360 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
the Patriarch of Jerusalem is the spiritual lord, the King is
the temporal lord. 1 It has been suggested that the Bang of
Jerusalem owed some kind of temporal allegiance to the
patriarch, and that this is implied in the terms of the oath
to the patriarch which he swore at the time of his election ;
but this is a misconception : the oath which he took is not
one of fealty but of help and protection. 2
In another place Jean d'Ibelin says emphatically that the
King of Jerusalem holds his kingdom only of God. 3 In yet
another passage we find the authority of the temporal order
affirmed with a somewhat singular rigour; for Jean d'Ibelin
affirms that the law based on long usage was to be maintained
in preference to laws, or decrees, or decretals, that is, in
preference to Eo man or canon law. * The statement is im-
portant, for it is clearly inconsistent with the conception
that the law of the spiritual power was superior to, or could
over-ride the law of, the temporal power within the sphere
of the latter.
The same principle of the complete independence of the
temporal power is very emphatically asserted in the law-
books of Alfonso X. of Castile and Leon. The emperor, he
says, is the vicar of God in the empire to do justice in temporal
matters, as the Pope does in spiritual; and kings are the
vicars of God to maintain justice in the kingdom as the
emperor does in the empire. 5 And again, the emperor or king
1 ' Assizes of Jerusalem,' Jean d'Ibe-
lin, 260: "Il j a ou reiaume de
Jerusalem deus chiefs soignors, 1'un
espirituel, e l'autre temporel: le
Patriarche de Jerusalem est le seignor
espirituel et le rei dou reiaume de
Jerusalem le seignor temporel doudit
reiaume. " ?
>> Id. 7.
* Id. 6: " Le rei du reiaume de
Jerusalem ne tient son reiaume que de
Dieu. "
* Id. , iii. : " Car les Assises ne
pevent estre en pluisors choses proveee,
que par le lone usage, ou por ce que
Ton l'a veu faire et user come assise ;
e ce e maniere de lei, e deit estre et
est tenu au reiaume de Jerusalem et
en celui de Chipre, minus que leis ne
decree ne deoretalles. "
>> ' Siete Partidas,* 2, 1, 1 : " Et
otrosi dixieron los sabios que el em-
perador es vicario de Dios en el
imperio para facer justicia en lo
temporal, bien asi como lo es el
papa en los espiritual. "
Id. , 2, 1, 5: " Vicarios de Dios son
los rcyes cada uno en su regno puestos
sobre las gentes parra mantenerlas en
justicia et en verdad quanto en lo
temporal, bien asi como el emperador
en su imperio. "
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OP THE PAPACY.
361
can make laws for the people, and no other power can make
them in temporal matters except by his authority. 1 And
more explicitly still, in another place, Alfonso asserts that
he can make laws better than others who might have a
superior, while he, by the grace of God, had no superior in
temporal things. 2 This is peculiarly noticeable, for there
had been longstanding claims on the part of the papacy to
the lordship of Spain. 3 It is clear that Alfonso X. recognised
nothing of the kind, and we have not found any traces of the
recognition of a political authority of the popes in any of the
constitutional and legal documents of Castile or Leon in
the twelfth or thirteenth centuries.
With the position of France we shall deal more fully in
the next chapter, for the discussion of this belongs naturally
to the great conflict between Boniface VIII. and Philip the
Fair. We may, however, here notice a few important passages
in the legal works of the thirteenth century, which belong
to the period before the final conflict broke out.
In the compilation which is called the ' Etablissements
de Saint Louis,' it is said that there is no one to whom appeal
can be made from the king's court, for the king holds of no
one but God and himself. * Beaumanoir deals with the
question of the "two swords" in terms which certainly
seem to imply that he did not recognise any claim on the
part of the Church to hold both. There are, he says, two
swords by which the people should be governed, the one
spiritual, the other temporal; the spiritual should be given
to the Church, the temporal to the princes. The spiritual is
more " cruel" than the temporal, for it concerns the soul;
those who hold it should be careful not to use it without
good cause, as in the case of excommunication, which, he
1 Id. , i. 1, 12 : " Emperador o rey
puede facer leyes sobrn las gentes de
su senorio, et otro ninguno non ha
poder de las facer en lo temporal,
fueras ende si las feciese con otor-
gamiento dellos. "
* * Especulo,' i. 1, 13 : " Mucho
mas las (leyes) podremos nos fazer
que por la merced de Dios non
avemos mayor sobre nos en el
temporal. "
" Cf. vol. iv. p. 301.
4 ' Etablissements de St Louis,' i. 83 :
'* Car ils ne troveroient qui los en feist
droit, car li rois ne tient de nului fors
de Dieu e de lui. "
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? 362 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
suggests, was used too lightly. The temporal sword is that
which executes lawful and corporal justice upon the evildoer.
When there is occasion, the one sword should help the other. 1
In another place he deals in some detail with this question
of the help which the temporal justice should render to the
spiritual, and the terms in which he does this are very signi-
ficant. He enumerates a number of cases which belong to
the Church courts, and among them he mentions questions
concerning testamentary dispositions ; if the executor refuses
to obey the commands of the Church, the secular justice is
to help the justice of the Church by seizing the property
and compelling the executor to carry out the testament.
But, he adds, the secular justice does this, not at the com-
mand of the justice of the Church, but on a supplication
from it, for in no case which concerns temporal justice is the
secular court obliged to obey the spiritual court, but only as
an act of grace. This grace, however, should not be refused by
the one court to the other, when it is asked for " benignement. '! 2
1 Beaumanoir, ' Les Coutumes de
Beauvaisis,' c. 46, sect. 147. 4 : " Deus
espe? es sont, par lesqueles tous li
pueples doit estre gouverne? s, espiri-
tuelment e temporehnent, car l'une
des espe? es doit etre espirituele et l'autre
temporele. L'espirituele doit estre
baillie a Sainte Eglise e la temporele,
as princes de terre . . . et pour ce que
l'espee espirituele est plus cruelus que
la temporele, pour ce que l'ame i
enquiurt, doivent il mout regarder,
cil qui l'ont en garde, qu'il n'en fierent
sans reson, si comme des escommenie-
mens qu'il font trop legerement. . . . "
1475 : " L'espee temporele si est
d'autre atempreure, car par li doit
estre fete droite justice sans delai, e
venjance prise des maufeteurs corpo-
relment. E quant une espee a mestier
de l'autre, eles s'entredoivent aidier,
sauf ce que l'espee espirituele ne se
doit entremetre de nule justice tem-
porale, dont nus puist perdre ne vie
ne membre ; mais especiaument l'espe? e
temporele doit tous jours estre apa-
rcilliee pour garder e defendre sainte
Eglise toutes les fois que mestiers en
est. "
* Id. id. , chap. xi. sect. 321 : " Et
quant il avient que li executeur ne
vuelent obe? ir au commandement de
Saint Eglise, anc? ois se laissent escom-
menier, en tel cas doit bien aidier
la justice laie a la justice de Sainte
Eglise, car li executeur doivent estre
contraint par la prise de leur biens
temporeus, a ce que li testamens soit
aemplis si comme il doit. Nepour-
quant la justice laie ne fet pas ceste
contrainte au commandement de la
justice de Sainte Eglise, mes a sa sup-
plicacion, car de nule riens qui touche
cas de justice temporel la justice laie
n'est tenue a obe? ir au commandement
de la justice espirituel, selono nostre
coustume, se n'est par grace. Mes
la grace ne doit pas estre refusee de
l'une justice a` l'autre, quant ele est
? ? requise benignement. "
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
363
It seems to be clear that Beaumanoir held that the two
powers were distinct and independent of each other, and
that the spiritual power had no authority over the temporal
with regard to temporal matters.
The same principles are clearly expressed with regard to
England by Bracton, and this is the more significant, for
John had accepted the position of a vassal of the Pope. In
one place he says that the king ought not to be under any
man, but only under God and the law--he is the vicar of God
and of Christ. 1 In another place he says, in terms very
similar to those of Beaumanoir, that there are spiritual
cases in which the secular judge has no authority, but
that there are also secular cases which belong to the
kings and princes in which the ecclesiastical judge must
not interfere, for their laws and jurisdiction are limited and
separated. Only, the one should help the other; there is
a great difference between the " sacerdotium" and the
" regnum. " 2
There is really no evidence that the claim that the papacy,
in virtue of its nature, possessed the supreme temporal
power would have been accepted by any of these countries ;
as far as they are concerned, the principles of Innocent IV.
and of Ptolemy of Lucca were evidently ignored.
The question of the conception of the relation of the spiritual
and temporal powers in the Empire is much more com-
plicated ; in the course of the great conflict between Pope
and Emperor men were drawn to one side or the other, not
1 Bracton, ' De Legibus,' i. 8, 5:
" Ipse autem rex non debet esse sub
nomine, sed sub Deo et sub Lege, quia
lex facit regem. . . . Et quod sub lege
esse debeat, cum sit Dei vicarius,
evidenter apparet ad similitudinem
Jesu Christi, cujus vices gerit in
terris. "
1 Id. id. , iii. 8, 6: " Sunt enim
causse spirituales, in quibus judex
secularis non ha bet cognitionem nec
executionem, cum non ha beat coer-
tionem. In his enim causis pertinet
oognitio ad judices ooclosiasticos qui
regunt et defendunt sacerdotium. Sunt
autem causse seculares quorum cognitio-
pertinet ad reges et principes qui
defendunt regnum, et de quibus judices
ecclesiastici se intromittere non debent,
cum eorum jura sive jurisdictiones-
limitatse sunt et separatae, nisi ita sit
quod gladius juvare debet gladium;
est enim magna differentia inter sacer-
dotium et regnum. "
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? 364 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
merely by general principles, but often by political and
personal considerations.
We may set out by examining the position of Eike von
Eepkow, the author of the ' Sachsenspiegel. ' He begins with
the statement that God established two swords for the pro-
tection of Christendom; the Pope has received the spiritual,
and the Emperor the earthly. The Emperor is to compel those
who resist the Pope to obey, and the Pope is to help the
earthly power if it needs this. 1 The author does not seem to
have any thought that the two swords both belong to the Pope.
It is true that in a later passage he says that Constantine
gave to the Pope secular " gewedde," but he does not explain
in what sense this is to be taken : he is careful to add that
the secular authority must support the spiritual, and the
reason he gives for this is noteworthy. The sentence of
excommunication does indeed affect man's soul, but not
his body, nor can it affect a man's legal rights (ne krenket
niemanne an lantrechte noch an lenrechte), these can only
be dealt with by the ban of the king. 2 We may compare
with this another passage where he says that while the Pope
has authority in dealing with the marriage law, he has no
power of making any laws which affect a man's " landrecht "
or "lenrecht. "3 Whatever he understood by the grant of
1 ' Sachsenspiegel,' i. 1: " Tvei svert
lit got in ertrike to bescermene de
Kristenheit. Deme pavese is gesat
dat geistlike, deme Keiser dat wartlike.
Deme pavese is ok gerat, to ridene
to bescedene tiet up eneme blanken
perde unde de Keiser sul ime den
stegerep halden, dur dat de sadel
nicht ne winde. Dit is de beteknisse,
svat deme pavese widersta, dat he
mit geislikeme rechte nicht gedvingen
ne mach, dat it de Keiser mit wert-
likem rechte deme pavese gehorsam
to wesene. So sal ok de geislike gewalt
helpen deme wertlikem rechte, of it is
bedarf. "
* Id. , iii. 63 (1): " Constantin de
koning gaf deme pavese Silvestre
weretlik gewedde to'me geistliken, di
sestich shillinge mede to dvingene alle
jene, di gode nicht beteren ne willen
mit deme live, dat man eie dar to
dvinge mit deme gude. Alalia sal
wertlik gerichte unde geistlik over en
dragen, svat so deme enen widerstat,
dat man't mit deme anderen dvinge
gehorsam to wesene unde rechtes to
plegene. (2) Ban scadet der sele unde
ne nimt doch niemanne den lif, noch
ne krenket niemanne an lantrechte
noch an lenrechte, dar ne volge des
koninges achte na. "
>> Id. , i. 33 : " De sibbe lent in dem
seveden erve to nemene, al hebbe de
paves georlovet wif to nemene in der
veften ; wende de paves ne mach nen
richt setten dar he unse lantrecht
oder lenrecht mede ergere. "
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? CHAP. V1I. J TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
365
Constantine to the Pope, it is clear that he did not understand
it as meaning that the Pope possessed secular jurisdiction,
or legislative authority in temporal matters. The most
important concession he makes to the papal authority in
the empire is that a man may not be elected as king if he is
excommunicated, and even this he qualifies, for he must
have been lawfully excommunicated. 1 We may conclude
that Eike von Eepkow shows no trace of the view that
the Pope possessed the supreme temporal power, or that
it was from him that the emperor or king derived his
power.
This is well brought out when we compare the 'Sach-
senspiegel' with the later composition which we know as the
' Schwabenspiegel. '2 This work, though founded in part
on the ' Sachsenspiegel,' represents quite another position.
It also begins with the statement that God, that is, Christ,
when he returned to heaven, left two swords in the world,
the one for spiritual judgment, the other for secular, but, the
compiler proceeds, he left both to Peter, and therefore the
Pope entrusts the one to the emperor, while he retains the
other in his own hands. 3 This is the position of those who
represent the extreme papalist position, for it represents
the temporal power as properly belonging to the Pope and as
entrusted by him to the secular power. It is true, on the other
hand, that the compiler restates the position of ' Sachsen-
spiegel,' that while the Pope has authority in questions of
marriage, he cannot make any law which interferes with
the " lantreht " or " lehenreht. " * The difference in the
tendencies of these two legal works serves as an illustration
1 Id. , iii. 64, 3 : " Lamen man noch
mesolsoken man, noch den die in des
paves ban mit rechte komen is,
den ne mut man nicht to koninge
kiesen.
"
2 The 'Schwabenspiegel' belongs to
the later thirteenth century.
8 ' Schwabenspiegel,' i. 4: " Sit nu
got des Frides furste heizet, so liez
er zwei awert hie up ertriche, do er
ze Himel fur, ze schirme der Cristenheit.
Diu lech got Sante Peter beidiu, daz
eino mit geistlichem gerihte und daz
ander mit wereltliken gerihte. Das
wereltliche swert des gerihtes daz lihet
der Pabest dem Keiser, das geistliche
is dem Pabest gesezet, dass er da mit
rihte. "
* Id. , vi. 2 : " So en mac der Pabest
doch dehein reht gesez en damit er
unser lantreht oder lehenreht gekren-
ken miige. "
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? 366
[PABT II.
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
of the complex elements in the position of those who belonged
to the empire.
In a former chapter we have discussed the whole question
of the relation of Pope Innocent III. to the election of Philip
of Swabia, and of Otto IV. in the German Empire, and we must
not recapitulate what we said then. It is obvious that In-
nocent III. was determined to prevent the succession of
Philip, and that he claimed the right not to elect, but to
declare that a candidate for election was unfit for the office
of King of the Eomans. It is obvious also that this claim was
emphatically repudiated by the supporters of Philip. They
denounced the interference of the Papal See as a violation
of all tradition and order; indeed they went so far as to say
that while the election of the Pope had originally required
the imperial assent and the emperors had resigned their rights,
the papacy had never possessed any authority in the election
of the King of the Eomans. 1 It is clear, on the other hand,
that the supporters of Otto IV. asked for the " confirmation "
of his election by the Pope, and that Otto called himself
King of the Eomans by the grace of God and of the Pope; a
and, what is perhaps more remarkable, even Frederick II.
1 M. G. H. , ' Constitutiones,' vol. ii.
6, 3 i " In Romanorum enim electione
Pontificum hoc erat imperiali diade-
mati reservatum, ut eam Romanorum
imperatoris auctoritate non accommo-
date ullatenus fieri non lice ret. Im-
perialis vero munificentia, quse cultum
Dei semper ampliare studuit et ejus
ecclesiam privilegiorum specialitate de-
corare curavit, huno honoris titulum
Dei ecclesise reverenter remisit: quod
constitutio prim1 Henrici evidenter
explanat, cujus series sic est: * Ut
null us missorum nostrorum cujuscun-
que inpeditionis argumentum in elec-
tione Romani pontificis componere
audeat, omnino prohibemus. ' Si lai-
oalis aimplicitas bonum, quod de jure
habuit, reverenter contempsit, sane-
titas Pontificalia ad bonum, quod
nunquam habuit, quomodo manum
ponit. "
* Id. id. id. , 19 : " Paternitati ergo
vestre dignum supplicare duximus,
quatinus fidem et devotionem domini
nostri regis (i. e. , Otto) attendentes
. . . ipsius electionem et consecrationem
auctoritate vestra confirmare et im-
periali coronatione annuere paterna
pietate dignemini. "
Cf. 20 and 21.
Id. id. id. , 27: " Reverendo in
Christo Patri ao Domino, carissimo
domino Innocentio Dei gratia sancte
Romans sedis summo pontifici. Otto
eadem gratia et sua Romanorum rex
et semper Augustus debitam subjec-
tionem ac reverentiam cum filiali
dilectione. "
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
367
more than once called himself King of the Eomans, by the
grace of God and the Pope. 1
We have also dealt with the question of the long conflict
between the popes and Frederick II. , and the circumstances
of his deposition by Innocent IV. ; it is not surprising to
find Innocent IV. making a new and far-reaching claim to
authority to issue his commands to the electors as to the
person whom they should elect.
He wrote in 1246 to the archbishops and princes who had
the right of election, requesting (or rather commanding)
them to elect the Landgraf of Thuringia. 2 It was a compar-
atively small matter that William of Holland should speak in
1252 of his having been elected King of the Eomans by the
princes, and confirmed by the Pope,3 or that Pope Clement
IV. , in 1266, should have strictly forbidden the election of
Conradin. *
All this represents the extreme limits to which the attempt
to assert the political authority of the papacy over the empire
was pressed in the height of the great struggle with the last
of the Hohenstauffen, and of the concessions made to the
papacy by the lay opponents of the Hohenstauffen. But
we must not imagine that these claims were universally
accepted or even acquiesced in. We have already cited the
terms in which Frederick n. appealed to Europe against
Innocent IV. He repudiated the claim of Innocent to the
authority to depose kings and emperors : the emperor, he
1 Id. id. id. , 58: " Sanctissimo in
Christo patri et domino suo Innocentio,
S&crosanctc Romanse Ecclesise, summo
pontifici F. Dei et sui gratia Roma-
norum Rex et semper Augustus et
rex Sicilise cum fideli subjectione de-
bitam in omnibus apostolice sedi
obedientiam et reverentiam. "
>> Id. id. id. , 346 : " Archiepiscopis
et nobilibus viris aliis, prinoipibus
Theutonie habentibus po testa tem eli-
gendi Romanorum re gem, in impera-
torem postmodum promovendum. . . .
Universitatem vestram monemus, ro-
gamus et hortamur attento mandantes,
in remissionom peccatorum iniungendo,
quatenus de gratia Spiritus Sancti
conflsi, eundem Lantgravium in Roma-
norum regem, in imperatorem post-
modum promovendum, cum prsafatum
imperium ad presens vacare noscatur,
unanimiter absque dilationis dispendio
eligatis. "
>> Id. id. , ii. 359 : " Pec . . . summum
pontificem connrmati. "
* Id. id. , 406.
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? 368 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PAKT II.
maintained, had no temporal superior. 1 And, as we pointed
out, it would appear that St Louis himself continued
to address Frederick as emperor, in spite of the sentence
of deposition. 2 Manfred, in his denunciation of the action
of the Pope in 1265, represents him as claiming both
authorities, the papal and the imperial, and as alleging
for this not only the authority of Christ but also the
Donation of Constantine, but he confidently asserts that
the Donation could have no validity with respect to the
emperors after Constantine. 3
It would also appear that among the popes who succeeded
Innocent IV. , neither Urban IV. nor Clement IV. seemed
to feel that they could insist upon any supposed papal right
to decide in the case of a disputed election. Eichard of
Cornwall and Alfonso of Castile each claimed that they had
been lawfully elected, and refused, as both Urban and Clement
say, to submit their claims to the papal judgment. These
Popes both endeavoured to persuade Eichard and Alfonso
to send representatives to the papal court with authority to
come to terms, but clearly refrained from urging that they
had themselves the right to decide, unless the parties were
willing to accept a papal decision. *
1 Id. id. , 262 and 264. Cf. pp. 303, 4.
? Cf. p. 316.
? M. G. H. ,' Const. ,' vol. ii. 424 (16):
" Nam ille impro vidus Cons tan tinus
temptans sacerdotibus submittere alie-
num. nullius servitutis caraoterem
imponere potuit futuris impera tori bus,
quibus solummodo indicare, non autem
leges imponere concedit, codice, 1.
digna vox (' Code,' i. 14, 4). Com
ociam par in parem nullum imperium
habeat, ut jure legitur Digestorum s.
ff. De arbi. 1. ' nam et magistrates '
(' Digest,' iv. 8, 4), prseterea quum
Augustum ab augendo dici mandaverit
legislator, jam dicto Constantino do-
nante, non autem imperium ut tene-
batur augente, fuit donaoio ilia nulla,
quum et juris alieni donacio in pre-
judicium domini vel cujus intcrsit,
nullius juris valletur auxilio, si Diges-
torum et Codicis volumina ex quir-
untur. "
The editor points out that there is
only one MS. of this, of the fourteenth
century, and that the text is in great
confusion.
<< Id. id. id. , 405 (3): " Et licet
inter vos judicis partes assume re non
sine causa distulerit (i. e. , ecclesia)
prsesertim quum tam tui quam ipsius
regis nuntii in recordationis felicis
Alexandri Papse prsedecessoris nostri,
nostra et fratrum nostrorum prsesentia
constituti, super predictis judiciarium
apostolicse sedis examen expresM usque
ad hec tempora declinarint. "
Id. id. , 408 ( 2): " Nullum enim
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
369
At last, after some twenty years of confusion which followed
the death of Frederick II. , Eudolph of Hapsburg was elected
and recognised as emperor, and it is important to observe
under what terms the relations between the emperor and the
papacy were referred to.
It is in the first place very noticeable that neither the
German princes nor Eudolph himself, in notifying his election
to Pope Gregory in 1273, asked for his confirmation. They
announce his election and coronation as King of the Eomans
at Aix-la-Chapelle; they assure the Pope that he is a man
well fitted for the empire, both in his religious character and
his political position, and they ask him to receive him favour-
ably and to call him to the imperial dignity. 1 It is true that
the King of Bohemia wrote to the Pope and protested against
ferre angulum ipsius latere debet
imperii, quod de predictis electis,
hujus modi electionibus in discordia
celebratis et electis ipsia non curan-
tibus subiri judicium, sed propriis
se velle inniti viribus expresse
dicentibus. "
1 M. G. H. , ' Const. ,' Hi. 14 (2):
" De commurii consensu omnes et
singuli . . . eum (i. e. , Rudolfum) in
regem Romanorum, imperatorem futu-
rum, auctore altissimo, una voce vot-
oque unanimi unaniminiter eligentes.
(3) Qua quidem electione canonice,
immo divinitus procul dubio celebrata,
eundem cum inenarrabilis immensitate
tripudii, omnium applaudente caterva
nobilium necuon populi comitiva letante
ac in superne laudis canticum gratu-
labundus assurgente, apud Aquis-
granum ut pote sedem, que primum
sublimacionis et glorise regiss gradum
ponit, magnifice duximus, ubi tali die
a nobis Coloniensi Arcbiepiscopo, cujus
interest regibus ab antiquo beneficium
consecracionis impendere, fuit in sede
magnifici Caroli coronatus et unctionis
sacerime oleo delibutus. (4) Et ut
de regis electi sic et coronati persona
sacrosanctse Romanse ecclesise matris
VOL. V.
nostrse piissime nova congaudia cumu-
lentur, idem rex est fide catolicus,
ecclesiarum amator, justicia? cultor,
pollens consilio, fulgens pietate, propriis
potens viribus et multorum potentum
amnitate, connisus, Deo, ut firmiter
opinamus, amabilis et humanis as-
pectibus graciosus ac insuper corpore
strenuus et in rebus bellicis contra
perfidos fortunatus. . . .
(5) Vos itaque quresumus, pater
sancto, benigne suscipite filium singu-
larem quem procul dubio sencietis
intrepidum matris ecclesise pugilem
et invictum catolicse fidei defensorem.
Processum vero tam rite tam provide,
tam mature, de ipso sio habitum
gracioso approbacionis applausum beni-
valo prosequentes ac ex afHuenti
paterna dulcedine pietatis opus Dei
perficientes in ipso, eundem cum vestre
sanetitiit i placuerit et videritis opor-
? ? tunum, ad imperialis fastigii diadema
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? 370 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
the election, but it would not appear that this was taken
very seriously by any one.
imperium to tuna in Germ an os a ecclesise, qua ab imperio aditur,
Roman is. . . . In imperio nil temporale vacante imperio. "
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? 360 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
the Patriarch of Jerusalem is the spiritual lord, the King is
the temporal lord. 1 It has been suggested that the Bang of
Jerusalem owed some kind of temporal allegiance to the
patriarch, and that this is implied in the terms of the oath
to the patriarch which he swore at the time of his election ;
but this is a misconception : the oath which he took is not
one of fealty but of help and protection. 2
In another place Jean d'Ibelin says emphatically that the
King of Jerusalem holds his kingdom only of God. 3 In yet
another passage we find the authority of the temporal order
affirmed with a somewhat singular rigour; for Jean d'Ibelin
affirms that the law based on long usage was to be maintained
in preference to laws, or decrees, or decretals, that is, in
preference to Eo man or canon law. * The statement is im-
portant, for it is clearly inconsistent with the conception
that the law of the spiritual power was superior to, or could
over-ride the law of, the temporal power within the sphere
of the latter.
The same principle of the complete independence of the
temporal power is very emphatically asserted in the law-
books of Alfonso X. of Castile and Leon. The emperor, he
says, is the vicar of God in the empire to do justice in temporal
matters, as the Pope does in spiritual; and kings are the
vicars of God to maintain justice in the kingdom as the
emperor does in the empire. 5 And again, the emperor or king
1 ' Assizes of Jerusalem,' Jean d'Ibe-
lin, 260: "Il j a ou reiaume de
Jerusalem deus chiefs soignors, 1'un
espirituel, e l'autre temporel: le
Patriarche de Jerusalem est le seignor
espirituel et le rei dou reiaume de
Jerusalem le seignor temporel doudit
reiaume. " ?
>> Id. 7.
* Id. 6: " Le rei du reiaume de
Jerusalem ne tient son reiaume que de
Dieu. "
* Id. , iii. : " Car les Assises ne
pevent estre en pluisors choses proveee,
que par le lone usage, ou por ce que
Ton l'a veu faire et user come assise ;
e ce e maniere de lei, e deit estre et
est tenu au reiaume de Jerusalem et
en celui de Chipre, minus que leis ne
decree ne deoretalles. "
>> ' Siete Partidas,* 2, 1, 1 : " Et
otrosi dixieron los sabios que el em-
perador es vicario de Dios en el
imperio para facer justicia en lo
temporal, bien asi como lo es el
papa en los espiritual. "
Id. , 2, 1, 5: " Vicarios de Dios son
los rcyes cada uno en su regno puestos
sobre las gentes parra mantenerlas en
justicia et en verdad quanto en lo
temporal, bien asi como el emperador
en su imperio. "
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OP THE PAPACY.
361
can make laws for the people, and no other power can make
them in temporal matters except by his authority. 1 And
more explicitly still, in another place, Alfonso asserts that
he can make laws better than others who might have a
superior, while he, by the grace of God, had no superior in
temporal things. 2 This is peculiarly noticeable, for there
had been longstanding claims on the part of the papacy to
the lordship of Spain. 3 It is clear that Alfonso X. recognised
nothing of the kind, and we have not found any traces of the
recognition of a political authority of the popes in any of the
constitutional and legal documents of Castile or Leon in
the twelfth or thirteenth centuries.
With the position of France we shall deal more fully in
the next chapter, for the discussion of this belongs naturally
to the great conflict between Boniface VIII. and Philip the
Fair. We may, however, here notice a few important passages
in the legal works of the thirteenth century, which belong
to the period before the final conflict broke out.
In the compilation which is called the ' Etablissements
de Saint Louis,' it is said that there is no one to whom appeal
can be made from the king's court, for the king holds of no
one but God and himself. * Beaumanoir deals with the
question of the "two swords" in terms which certainly
seem to imply that he did not recognise any claim on the
part of the Church to hold both. There are, he says, two
swords by which the people should be governed, the one
spiritual, the other temporal; the spiritual should be given
to the Church, the temporal to the princes. The spiritual is
more " cruel" than the temporal, for it concerns the soul;
those who hold it should be careful not to use it without
good cause, as in the case of excommunication, which, he
1 Id. , i. 1, 12 : " Emperador o rey
puede facer leyes sobrn las gentes de
su senorio, et otro ninguno non ha
poder de las facer en lo temporal,
fueras ende si las feciese con otor-
gamiento dellos. "
* * Especulo,' i. 1, 13 : " Mucho
mas las (leyes) podremos nos fazer
que por la merced de Dios non
avemos mayor sobre nos en el
temporal. "
" Cf. vol. iv. p. 301.
4 ' Etablissements de St Louis,' i. 83 :
'* Car ils ne troveroient qui los en feist
droit, car li rois ne tient de nului fors
de Dieu e de lui. "
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? 362 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
suggests, was used too lightly. The temporal sword is that
which executes lawful and corporal justice upon the evildoer.
When there is occasion, the one sword should help the other. 1
In another place he deals in some detail with this question
of the help which the temporal justice should render to the
spiritual, and the terms in which he does this are very signi-
ficant. He enumerates a number of cases which belong to
the Church courts, and among them he mentions questions
concerning testamentary dispositions ; if the executor refuses
to obey the commands of the Church, the secular justice is
to help the justice of the Church by seizing the property
and compelling the executor to carry out the testament.
But, he adds, the secular justice does this, not at the com-
mand of the justice of the Church, but on a supplication
from it, for in no case which concerns temporal justice is the
secular court obliged to obey the spiritual court, but only as
an act of grace. This grace, however, should not be refused by
the one court to the other, when it is asked for " benignement. '! 2
1 Beaumanoir, ' Les Coutumes de
Beauvaisis,' c. 46, sect. 147. 4 : " Deus
espe? es sont, par lesqueles tous li
pueples doit estre gouverne? s, espiri-
tuelment e temporehnent, car l'une
des espe? es doit etre espirituele et l'autre
temporele. L'espirituele doit estre
baillie a Sainte Eglise e la temporele,
as princes de terre . . . et pour ce que
l'espee espirituele est plus cruelus que
la temporele, pour ce que l'ame i
enquiurt, doivent il mout regarder,
cil qui l'ont en garde, qu'il n'en fierent
sans reson, si comme des escommenie-
mens qu'il font trop legerement. . . . "
1475 : " L'espee temporele si est
d'autre atempreure, car par li doit
estre fete droite justice sans delai, e
venjance prise des maufeteurs corpo-
relment. E quant une espee a mestier
de l'autre, eles s'entredoivent aidier,
sauf ce que l'espee espirituele ne se
doit entremetre de nule justice tem-
porale, dont nus puist perdre ne vie
ne membre ; mais especiaument l'espe? e
temporele doit tous jours estre apa-
rcilliee pour garder e defendre sainte
Eglise toutes les fois que mestiers en
est. "
* Id. id. , chap. xi. sect. 321 : " Et
quant il avient que li executeur ne
vuelent obe? ir au commandement de
Saint Eglise, anc? ois se laissent escom-
menier, en tel cas doit bien aidier
la justice laie a la justice de Sainte
Eglise, car li executeur doivent estre
contraint par la prise de leur biens
temporeus, a ce que li testamens soit
aemplis si comme il doit. Nepour-
quant la justice laie ne fet pas ceste
contrainte au commandement de la
justice de Sainte Eglise, mes a sa sup-
plicacion, car de nule riens qui touche
cas de justice temporel la justice laie
n'est tenue a obe? ir au commandement
de la justice espirituel, selono nostre
coustume, se n'est par grace. Mes
la grace ne doit pas estre refusee de
l'une justice a` l'autre, quant ele est
? ? requise benignement. "
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
363
It seems to be clear that Beaumanoir held that the two
powers were distinct and independent of each other, and
that the spiritual power had no authority over the temporal
with regard to temporal matters.
The same principles are clearly expressed with regard to
England by Bracton, and this is the more significant, for
John had accepted the position of a vassal of the Pope. In
one place he says that the king ought not to be under any
man, but only under God and the law--he is the vicar of God
and of Christ. 1 In another place he says, in terms very
similar to those of Beaumanoir, that there are spiritual
cases in which the secular judge has no authority, but
that there are also secular cases which belong to the
kings and princes in which the ecclesiastical judge must
not interfere, for their laws and jurisdiction are limited and
separated. Only, the one should help the other; there is
a great difference between the " sacerdotium" and the
" regnum. " 2
There is really no evidence that the claim that the papacy,
in virtue of its nature, possessed the supreme temporal
power would have been accepted by any of these countries ;
as far as they are concerned, the principles of Innocent IV.
and of Ptolemy of Lucca were evidently ignored.
The question of the conception of the relation of the spiritual
and temporal powers in the Empire is much more com-
plicated ; in the course of the great conflict between Pope
and Emperor men were drawn to one side or the other, not
1 Bracton, ' De Legibus,' i. 8, 5:
" Ipse autem rex non debet esse sub
nomine, sed sub Deo et sub Lege, quia
lex facit regem. . . . Et quod sub lege
esse debeat, cum sit Dei vicarius,
evidenter apparet ad similitudinem
Jesu Christi, cujus vices gerit in
terris. "
1 Id. id. , iii. 8, 6: " Sunt enim
causse spirituales, in quibus judex
secularis non ha bet cognitionem nec
executionem, cum non ha beat coer-
tionem. In his enim causis pertinet
oognitio ad judices ooclosiasticos qui
regunt et defendunt sacerdotium. Sunt
autem causse seculares quorum cognitio-
pertinet ad reges et principes qui
defendunt regnum, et de quibus judices
ecclesiastici se intromittere non debent,
cum eorum jura sive jurisdictiones-
limitatse sunt et separatae, nisi ita sit
quod gladius juvare debet gladium;
est enim magna differentia inter sacer-
dotium et regnum. "
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? 364 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
merely by general principles, but often by political and
personal considerations.
We may set out by examining the position of Eike von
Eepkow, the author of the ' Sachsenspiegel. ' He begins with
the statement that God established two swords for the pro-
tection of Christendom; the Pope has received the spiritual,
and the Emperor the earthly. The Emperor is to compel those
who resist the Pope to obey, and the Pope is to help the
earthly power if it needs this. 1 The author does not seem to
have any thought that the two swords both belong to the Pope.
It is true that in a later passage he says that Constantine
gave to the Pope secular " gewedde," but he does not explain
in what sense this is to be taken : he is careful to add that
the secular authority must support the spiritual, and the
reason he gives for this is noteworthy. The sentence of
excommunication does indeed affect man's soul, but not
his body, nor can it affect a man's legal rights (ne krenket
niemanne an lantrechte noch an lenrechte), these can only
be dealt with by the ban of the king. 2 We may compare
with this another passage where he says that while the Pope
has authority in dealing with the marriage law, he has no
power of making any laws which affect a man's " landrecht "
or "lenrecht. "3 Whatever he understood by the grant of
1 ' Sachsenspiegel,' i. 1: " Tvei svert
lit got in ertrike to bescermene de
Kristenheit. Deme pavese is gesat
dat geistlike, deme Keiser dat wartlike.
Deme pavese is ok gerat, to ridene
to bescedene tiet up eneme blanken
perde unde de Keiser sul ime den
stegerep halden, dur dat de sadel
nicht ne winde. Dit is de beteknisse,
svat deme pavese widersta, dat he
mit geislikeme rechte nicht gedvingen
ne mach, dat it de Keiser mit wert-
likem rechte deme pavese gehorsam
to wesene. So sal ok de geislike gewalt
helpen deme wertlikem rechte, of it is
bedarf. "
* Id. , iii. 63 (1): " Constantin de
koning gaf deme pavese Silvestre
weretlik gewedde to'me geistliken, di
sestich shillinge mede to dvingene alle
jene, di gode nicht beteren ne willen
mit deme live, dat man eie dar to
dvinge mit deme gude. Alalia sal
wertlik gerichte unde geistlik over en
dragen, svat so deme enen widerstat,
dat man't mit deme anderen dvinge
gehorsam to wesene unde rechtes to
plegene. (2) Ban scadet der sele unde
ne nimt doch niemanne den lif, noch
ne krenket niemanne an lantrechte
noch an lenrechte, dar ne volge des
koninges achte na. "
>> Id. , i. 33 : " De sibbe lent in dem
seveden erve to nemene, al hebbe de
paves georlovet wif to nemene in der
veften ; wende de paves ne mach nen
richt setten dar he unse lantrecht
oder lenrecht mede ergere. "
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? CHAP. V1I. J TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
365
Constantine to the Pope, it is clear that he did not understand
it as meaning that the Pope possessed secular jurisdiction,
or legislative authority in temporal matters. The most
important concession he makes to the papal authority in
the empire is that a man may not be elected as king if he is
excommunicated, and even this he qualifies, for he must
have been lawfully excommunicated. 1 We may conclude
that Eike von Eepkow shows no trace of the view that
the Pope possessed the supreme temporal power, or that
it was from him that the emperor or king derived his
power.
This is well brought out when we compare the 'Sach-
senspiegel' with the later composition which we know as the
' Schwabenspiegel. '2 This work, though founded in part
on the ' Sachsenspiegel,' represents quite another position.
It also begins with the statement that God, that is, Christ,
when he returned to heaven, left two swords in the world,
the one for spiritual judgment, the other for secular, but, the
compiler proceeds, he left both to Peter, and therefore the
Pope entrusts the one to the emperor, while he retains the
other in his own hands. 3 This is the position of those who
represent the extreme papalist position, for it represents
the temporal power as properly belonging to the Pope and as
entrusted by him to the secular power. It is true, on the other
hand, that the compiler restates the position of ' Sachsen-
spiegel,' that while the Pope has authority in questions of
marriage, he cannot make any law which interferes with
the " lantreht " or " lehenreht. " * The difference in the
tendencies of these two legal works serves as an illustration
1 Id. , iii. 64, 3 : " Lamen man noch
mesolsoken man, noch den die in des
paves ban mit rechte komen is,
den ne mut man nicht to koninge
kiesen.
"
2 The 'Schwabenspiegel' belongs to
the later thirteenth century.
8 ' Schwabenspiegel,' i. 4: " Sit nu
got des Frides furste heizet, so liez
er zwei awert hie up ertriche, do er
ze Himel fur, ze schirme der Cristenheit.
Diu lech got Sante Peter beidiu, daz
eino mit geistlichem gerihte und daz
ander mit wereltliken gerihte. Das
wereltliche swert des gerihtes daz lihet
der Pabest dem Keiser, das geistliche
is dem Pabest gesezet, dass er da mit
rihte. "
* Id. , vi. 2 : " So en mac der Pabest
doch dehein reht gesez en damit er
unser lantreht oder lehenreht gekren-
ken miige. "
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? 366
[PABT II.
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
of the complex elements in the position of those who belonged
to the empire.
In a former chapter we have discussed the whole question
of the relation of Pope Innocent III. to the election of Philip
of Swabia, and of Otto IV. in the German Empire, and we must
not recapitulate what we said then. It is obvious that In-
nocent III. was determined to prevent the succession of
Philip, and that he claimed the right not to elect, but to
declare that a candidate for election was unfit for the office
of King of the Eomans. It is obvious also that this claim was
emphatically repudiated by the supporters of Philip. They
denounced the interference of the Papal See as a violation
of all tradition and order; indeed they went so far as to say
that while the election of the Pope had originally required
the imperial assent and the emperors had resigned their rights,
the papacy had never possessed any authority in the election
of the King of the Eomans. 1 It is clear, on the other hand,
that the supporters of Otto IV. asked for the " confirmation "
of his election by the Pope, and that Otto called himself
King of the Eomans by the grace of God and of the Pope; a
and, what is perhaps more remarkable, even Frederick II.
1 M. G. H. , ' Constitutiones,' vol. ii.
6, 3 i " In Romanorum enim electione
Pontificum hoc erat imperiali diade-
mati reservatum, ut eam Romanorum
imperatoris auctoritate non accommo-
date ullatenus fieri non lice ret. Im-
perialis vero munificentia, quse cultum
Dei semper ampliare studuit et ejus
ecclesiam privilegiorum specialitate de-
corare curavit, huno honoris titulum
Dei ecclesise reverenter remisit: quod
constitutio prim1 Henrici evidenter
explanat, cujus series sic est: * Ut
null us missorum nostrorum cujuscun-
que inpeditionis argumentum in elec-
tione Romani pontificis componere
audeat, omnino prohibemus. ' Si lai-
oalis aimplicitas bonum, quod de jure
habuit, reverenter contempsit, sane-
titas Pontificalia ad bonum, quod
nunquam habuit, quomodo manum
ponit. "
* Id. id. id. , 19 : " Paternitati ergo
vestre dignum supplicare duximus,
quatinus fidem et devotionem domini
nostri regis (i. e. , Otto) attendentes
. . . ipsius electionem et consecrationem
auctoritate vestra confirmare et im-
periali coronatione annuere paterna
pietate dignemini. "
Cf. 20 and 21.
Id. id. id. , 27: " Reverendo in
Christo Patri ao Domino, carissimo
domino Innocentio Dei gratia sancte
Romans sedis summo pontifici. Otto
eadem gratia et sua Romanorum rex
et semper Augustus debitam subjec-
tionem ac reverentiam cum filiali
dilectione. "
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
367
more than once called himself King of the Eomans, by the
grace of God and the Pope. 1
We have also dealt with the question of the long conflict
between the popes and Frederick II. , and the circumstances
of his deposition by Innocent IV. ; it is not surprising to
find Innocent IV. making a new and far-reaching claim to
authority to issue his commands to the electors as to the
person whom they should elect.
He wrote in 1246 to the archbishops and princes who had
the right of election, requesting (or rather commanding)
them to elect the Landgraf of Thuringia. 2 It was a compar-
atively small matter that William of Holland should speak in
1252 of his having been elected King of the Eomans by the
princes, and confirmed by the Pope,3 or that Pope Clement
IV. , in 1266, should have strictly forbidden the election of
Conradin. *
All this represents the extreme limits to which the attempt
to assert the political authority of the papacy over the empire
was pressed in the height of the great struggle with the last
of the Hohenstauffen, and of the concessions made to the
papacy by the lay opponents of the Hohenstauffen. But
we must not imagine that these claims were universally
accepted or even acquiesced in. We have already cited the
terms in which Frederick n. appealed to Europe against
Innocent IV. He repudiated the claim of Innocent to the
authority to depose kings and emperors : the emperor, he
1 Id. id. id. , 58: " Sanctissimo in
Christo patri et domino suo Innocentio,
S&crosanctc Romanse Ecclesise, summo
pontifici F. Dei et sui gratia Roma-
norum Rex et semper Augustus et
rex Sicilise cum fideli subjectione de-
bitam in omnibus apostolice sedi
obedientiam et reverentiam. "
>> Id. id. id. , 346 : " Archiepiscopis
et nobilibus viris aliis, prinoipibus
Theutonie habentibus po testa tem eli-
gendi Romanorum re gem, in impera-
torem postmodum promovendum. . . .
Universitatem vestram monemus, ro-
gamus et hortamur attento mandantes,
in remissionom peccatorum iniungendo,
quatenus de gratia Spiritus Sancti
conflsi, eundem Lantgravium in Roma-
norum regem, in imperatorem post-
modum promovendum, cum prsafatum
imperium ad presens vacare noscatur,
unanimiter absque dilationis dispendio
eligatis. "
>> Id. id. , ii. 359 : " Pec . . . summum
pontificem connrmati. "
* Id. id. , 406.
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? 368 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PAKT II.
maintained, had no temporal superior. 1 And, as we pointed
out, it would appear that St Louis himself continued
to address Frederick as emperor, in spite of the sentence
of deposition. 2 Manfred, in his denunciation of the action
of the Pope in 1265, represents him as claiming both
authorities, the papal and the imperial, and as alleging
for this not only the authority of Christ but also the
Donation of Constantine, but he confidently asserts that
the Donation could have no validity with respect to the
emperors after Constantine. 3
It would also appear that among the popes who succeeded
Innocent IV. , neither Urban IV. nor Clement IV. seemed
to feel that they could insist upon any supposed papal right
to decide in the case of a disputed election. Eichard of
Cornwall and Alfonso of Castile each claimed that they had
been lawfully elected, and refused, as both Urban and Clement
say, to submit their claims to the papal judgment. These
Popes both endeavoured to persuade Eichard and Alfonso
to send representatives to the papal court with authority to
come to terms, but clearly refrained from urging that they
had themselves the right to decide, unless the parties were
willing to accept a papal decision. *
1 Id. id. , 262 and 264. Cf. pp. 303, 4.
? Cf. p. 316.
? M. G. H. ,' Const. ,' vol. ii. 424 (16):
" Nam ille impro vidus Cons tan tinus
temptans sacerdotibus submittere alie-
num. nullius servitutis caraoterem
imponere potuit futuris impera tori bus,
quibus solummodo indicare, non autem
leges imponere concedit, codice, 1.
digna vox (' Code,' i. 14, 4). Com
ociam par in parem nullum imperium
habeat, ut jure legitur Digestorum s.
ff. De arbi. 1. ' nam et magistrates '
(' Digest,' iv. 8, 4), prseterea quum
Augustum ab augendo dici mandaverit
legislator, jam dicto Constantino do-
nante, non autem imperium ut tene-
batur augente, fuit donaoio ilia nulla,
quum et juris alieni donacio in pre-
judicium domini vel cujus intcrsit,
nullius juris valletur auxilio, si Diges-
torum et Codicis volumina ex quir-
untur. "
The editor points out that there is
only one MS. of this, of the fourteenth
century, and that the text is in great
confusion.
<< Id. id. id. , 405 (3): " Et licet
inter vos judicis partes assume re non
sine causa distulerit (i. e. , ecclesia)
prsesertim quum tam tui quam ipsius
regis nuntii in recordationis felicis
Alexandri Papse prsedecessoris nostri,
nostra et fratrum nostrorum prsesentia
constituti, super predictis judiciarium
apostolicse sedis examen expresM usque
ad hec tempora declinarint. "
Id. id. , 408 ( 2): " Nullum enim
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
369
At last, after some twenty years of confusion which followed
the death of Frederick II. , Eudolph of Hapsburg was elected
and recognised as emperor, and it is important to observe
under what terms the relations between the emperor and the
papacy were referred to.
It is in the first place very noticeable that neither the
German princes nor Eudolph himself, in notifying his election
to Pope Gregory in 1273, asked for his confirmation. They
announce his election and coronation as King of the Eomans
at Aix-la-Chapelle; they assure the Pope that he is a man
well fitted for the empire, both in his religious character and
his political position, and they ask him to receive him favour-
ably and to call him to the imperial dignity. 1 It is true that
the King of Bohemia wrote to the Pope and protested against
ferre angulum ipsius latere debet
imperii, quod de predictis electis,
hujus modi electionibus in discordia
celebratis et electis ipsia non curan-
tibus subiri judicium, sed propriis
se velle inniti viribus expresse
dicentibus. "
1 M. G. H. , ' Const. ,' Hi. 14 (2):
" De commurii consensu omnes et
singuli . . . eum (i. e. , Rudolfum) in
regem Romanorum, imperatorem futu-
rum, auctore altissimo, una voce vot-
oque unanimi unaniminiter eligentes.
(3) Qua quidem electione canonice,
immo divinitus procul dubio celebrata,
eundem cum inenarrabilis immensitate
tripudii, omnium applaudente caterva
nobilium necuon populi comitiva letante
ac in superne laudis canticum gratu-
labundus assurgente, apud Aquis-
granum ut pote sedem, que primum
sublimacionis et glorise regiss gradum
ponit, magnifice duximus, ubi tali die
a nobis Coloniensi Arcbiepiscopo, cujus
interest regibus ab antiquo beneficium
consecracionis impendere, fuit in sede
magnifici Caroli coronatus et unctionis
sacerime oleo delibutus. (4) Et ut
de regis electi sic et coronati persona
sacrosanctse Romanse ecclesise matris
VOL. V.
nostrse piissime nova congaudia cumu-
lentur, idem rex est fide catolicus,
ecclesiarum amator, justicia? cultor,
pollens consilio, fulgens pietate, propriis
potens viribus et multorum potentum
amnitate, connisus, Deo, ut firmiter
opinamus, amabilis et humanis as-
pectibus graciosus ac insuper corpore
strenuus et in rebus bellicis contra
perfidos fortunatus. . . .
(5) Vos itaque quresumus, pater
sancto, benigne suscipite filium singu-
larem quem procul dubio sencietis
intrepidum matris ecclesise pugilem
et invictum catolicse fidei defensorem.
Processum vero tam rite tam provide,
tam mature, de ipso sio habitum
gracioso approbacionis applausum beni-
valo prosequentes ac ex afHuenti
paterna dulcedine pietatis opus Dei
perficientes in ipso, eundem cum vestre
sanetitiit i placuerit et videritis opor-
? ? tunum, ad imperialis fastigii diadema
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? 370 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
the election, but it would not appear that this was taken
very seriously by any one.
