No More Learning

When reduced
to straits he attempted to purchase peace by offering an enomous
C. H. I, III.
20
3
>


## p. 306 (#352) ############################################

306
GUJARĀT AND KHĀNDESH
[ CH.
indemnity, but to no purpose, and, finding that he could no longer
defend Uparkot, he fled with his Rājputs to his hill fort on the
Girnār mountains, but was followed by Mahmūd, who again closely
besieged him until at last, on December 4, 1470, he was compelled
to surrender. He accepted Islam and received the title of Khān
Jahān, and the long line of Chudāsama chiefs of Girnār came to an
end. Mahmud incorporated Girnār in his dominions, and at the
foot of the hill founded the city of Mustāfā-ābād, which became
one of his capitals.
Mahmūd' now learned that while he had been besieging Girnār
Jai Singh, the son of Gangādās of Chāmpāner, had been committing
systematic brigandage and highway robbery in the country between
his stronghold and Ahmadābād. He therefore sent Jamāl-ud-din
Muhammad to govern this tract, conferring on him the title of
Muhāfiz Khān, and he put down thieving and highway robbery
with such a firm hand that the inhabitants, we were told, slept with
open doors.
He had intended at this tiine to reduce the fortress of Chām.
pāner, but he was interrupted by complaints from southern Sind,
where Muslims were said to be persecuted by Hindus. He crossed
the Rann of Cutch by forced marches, and arrived in what is now
the Thār and Parkâr district with no more than 600 horse. An
army of 24,000 horse which he found before him appears, if it were
not that of those who had appealed, at least to have had no hostile
intentions, for its leaders readily entered into negotiations with
him. It proved to be composed of Sūmras, Sodas, and Kalhoras,
and its leaders told him that they were professing Muslims but
knew little of their faith or its rules, and were wont to intermarry
with and to live as Hindus. He invited those who would to enter
his service, and to return with him to Gujarāt, and many accepted
his invitation and received grants of land in Sorath, where teachers
were appointed to instruct them in the faith of Islam.
In 1472 it was reported to Mahmud that 40,000 rebels had risen
against Jäm Nizām-ud-din, the ruler of Sind, whose daughter was
the mother of Mahmūd. According to Frishta these rebels were
Baluchis of the Shiah persuasion, and according to the author of
the Zafar-ul-Wālih they were pirates who dwelt on the sea coast,
owing allegiance to none, and skilled in archery. Mahmūd again
crossed the Rann by forced marches, and appeared in Sind with his
army. The rebels dispersed on hearing of his approach, and Mahmůd
halted, and before he returned received gifts and a letter of thanks
from the Jâm, who also sent his daughter, who was married to


## p. 307 (#353) ############################################

xm]
CONSPIRACY AGAINST MAHMUD
307
Qaisar Khān, grandson of Hasan Khān Iftikhār-ul-Mulk of Khān-
desh, who had taken refuge in Gujarāt.
On his return from Sind Mahmūd marched, on May 14, 1473, to
Jagat (Dwārkā), the holy town on the coast in the north-western
corner of Kāthīāwār, which was sacked by Mahmūd of Ghazni.
Mahmud Samarqandi, a learned poet and merchant sailing from
a port of the Deccan, had been driven ashore at Dwārkā, where the
Hindus had robbed him of all that he had. He appeared at Sultan
Mahmūd's court to demand redress, and the king resolved to chastise
the idolators. He marched to Dwārkā, from which the Hindus,
with their king, Bhim Aled on his approach, plundered and destroyed
the temple, and built a mosque in its place. He then marched to
Arāmura, at the extreme north-western point of the peninsula,
where the army was much troubled by lions, and by venomous
reptiles and insects, to attack the island fortress of Bet Shan-
khodhar, where Bhim and his people had taken refuge. The Hindus
were defeated in a sea-fight and were compelled to surrender, as
their fortress, though well stored with merchandise, had not been
provisioned. The plunder was carried to the mainland and trans-
ported to Mustafa-ābād. Mahmūd Samarqandi was summoned and
called upon to identify his goods; all that he identified was deliver.
ed to him, and over and above this rich presents were bestowed on
him. Finally the king delivered to him his enemy, Raja Bhim, that
he might do with him what he would. Mahmūd Samarqandi
thanked the king, but returned the raja, who was sent to Ahmadābād
and impaled.
In October, 1473, Mahmūd, who had held his court at Mustafa.
ābād since his capture of Girnār, returned after an absence of
nearly five years to Ahmadābād. A fleet of Malabar pirates made
a descent on his coasts, but they were driven off and some of their
ships were captured. In January, 1474, he ravaged part of the
Champāner country and shortly afterwards returned to Mustafa.
ābād (or Junagarh) where he made a practice of spending part of
each year, leaving his minister, Khudāvand Khān b. Yusuf, who
had married his sister, at Ahmadābād in charge of his son
Ahmad.
Mahmūd's tireless energy and ceaseless activity were most
wearisome to his courtiers and officers, and during his absence from
his capital his minister, Khudāvand Khān, having on December 4,
1480, assembled at Ahmadābād, on the pretext of celebrating the
festival 'Id-ul-Fitr at the end of the month's fast, the principal
nobles, formed a conspiracy with the object of deposing Mahmūd
20-2


## p. 308 (#354) ############################################

308
CH.
GUJARĀT AND KHĀNDESH
and raising to the throne his son, Ahmad Khān. The minister
desired to put to death 'Imād-ul-Mulk Hāji Sultāni, whose fidelity
to Mahmūd was believed to be unalterable, but Rāi Rāyān, the
chief Hindu noble and one of the leading spirits among the con-
spirators, was a personal friend of 'Imād-ul-Mulk, and refused to
be a party to his death. He proposed to inforın him of the plot
and to gain his acquiescence, and, notwithstanding the minister's
protests, carried out his intention. 'Imād-ul-Mulk feigned acquie-
scence, but secretly summoned his troops from his fiefs and took
other steps to defeat the designs of the conspirators, and Qaisar
Khān Fārūqi, who was at Ahmadābād, privately informed the king
of the affair, so that it came to naught.
Mahmud, instead of arraigning the conspirators, as might have
been expected from the energy of his character, took steps to test
the fidelity of his servants. He made all the necessary preparations
for a sea voyage, and announced that he intended to perform the
pilgrimage to Mecca, leaving his son Ahmad as regent of the king-
dom. The nobles were summoned from Ahmadābād to Cambay to
consider this proposal, and, perceiving that their plot had been
discovered, urged the king to return to Ahmadābād and set the
affairs of the kingdom in order before taking any irrevocable step.
He accepted their advice and returned to Ahmadābād, where he kept
them still on the rack. He desired, he said, to make the pilgrimage,
but must leave the matter to the decision of his counsellors, and
would neither eat nor drink until he had received that decision.
The courtiers were in a quandary. They knew not how their advice
would be accepted, but knew that they must either for go the object
of their conspiracy or be accounted hypocrites. So long did they
hesitate that it became necessary to remind them that the king was
hungry and awaited their decision. They had arrived at none, and
sent Nizām-ul-Mulk Aisan, the oldest courtier, to the king as their
spokesman. Nizām-ul-Mulk, who perceived that the king had out-
witted the conspirator, adroitly suggested that just as the king
was satisfied of his son's ability to guide the affairs of the kingdom,
so he too had a son who was competent to advise and assist him,
and requested that he himself might be permitted to accompany
the king on his pilgrimage. It was now Mahmūd's turn to be at a
loss, but he sent Nizām-ul-Mulk back to those who had sent him,
saying tha the could not permit him to accompany him to Mecca
and demanding a categorical answer. By the advice of 'Imād-ul-
Mulk, Nizām-ul-Mulk was sent back to the king with the message
that he would do well to conquer Chāmpāner before deciding to
1


## p. 309 (#355) ############################################

XII ]
SIEGE OF CHĀMPĀNER
309
a
make the pilgrimage. This advice was accepted, but it was not
convenient to attack Chāmpāner at once, and Mahmud marched to
Pātan and thence sent 'Imād-ul-Mulk and Qaisar Khān Fārūqi on
an expedition to Sānchor and Jālor in Marwār. As the expedition
was about to start the two sons of the minister, Khudāvand Khān,
entered the tent of Qaisar Khān and murdered him for his share
in discovering the plot to the king. The actual murderers escaped,
but Khudāvand Khān was imprisoned, and Muhāfiz Khān was
made chief vazir in his place. 'Imād-ul-Mulk died in the same year,
and was succeeded by his son, Buda 'Imād-ul-Mulk. From Pātan
Mahmúd returned to Ahmadābād, and the country now suffered
from a failure of the rains and famine.
In 1482 Mahmūd obtained the opportunity which he sought of
attacking Chāmpāner. Mulik Südha, his governor of Rasūlabād,
fourteen miles south-west of Chāmpāner, led a raid into the raja's
territories, and plundered and laid them waste nearly to the walls
of the fortress, slaying the inhabitants. As he was returning, the
raja, Patãi, son of Udai Singh, followed him up, attacked and slew
him, recovered all his booty, took two elephants, and sacked and
destroyed Rasūlabād. Mahmûd, on hearing of this defeat, assembled
his forces, and on December 4, 1482, marched from Ahmadābād to
Baroda, on his way to Chāmpāner. From Baroda he sent an army
to besiege Chāmpāner while he invaded the raja's territories to
collect supplies for the besiegers, whom it was difficult, owing to the
famine, to provision.
Raja Patāi came forth to meet his enemy, but was defeated and
driven into Pavagurh, his hill fortress above Chāmpāner, while the
besiegers occupied the town. Patāi succeeded in cutting off one
convoy sent by Mahmūd to his army, but this was his sole
When Mahmūd joined the besieging army in person Patāi
made repeated offers of submission, but none was accepted, and
Mahmūd displayed his determination to capture the place by
building in the city the beautiful mosque which still adorns its
ruins. This measure not only discouraged Patāi, but stimulated
the Muslim officers, who now perceived that they would not be
allowed to leave the fortress uncaptured, to exertions more strenu-
ous than their former faint efforts. Patāi sent him minister, Sūrī, to
seek help of Ghiyās-ud-din Khalji of Mālwa, and Ghiyās-ud-din,
assembling his troops, left Māndū and marched as far as Na'lcha.
Mahmūd, leaving his officers to continue the siege, led a force as
far as Dohad to meet Ghiyās-ud-din, but the latter, repenting of
his enterprise, which, as he was advised by Muslim doctors at his
success.


## p. 310 (#356) ############################################

310
[CH,
GUJARAT AND KHĀNDESH
court, was unlawful, retired to Māndū, and Mahmûd returned to
Chāmpāner and continued the siege.
The operations lasted for a year and nine months, throughout
which period Mahmūd, besides besieging the fortress, continued to
plunder the country, so that there remained no town, no village,
no house, of which the money was not taken into the royal treasury,
the cloths and stuffs into the royal storehouses, the beasts into the
royal stables, the corn into the royal granaries and kitchens. At
the end of this time the Rājputs were reduced to extremities, and
resolved to perform the dreadful rite of jauhar. The women were
burnt, and the men, arrayed in yellow garments, went forth to die.
On November 21, 1484, the Muslims forced the gate and met their
desperate opponents. Of the seven hundred Rājputs who performed
the rite nearly all were slain, but Raja Patăi and a minister named
Dungarsi were wounded and captured. Mahmūd called upon them
to accept Islam, but they refused and remained steadfast in their
refusal during an imprisonment of five months, at the end of which
time they were executed, together with the minister Sūri. Patäi's
son accepted Islam and in the next reign became Amir of Idar,
receiving the title of Nizām-ul-Mulk.
Mahmūd now made Chāmpāner one of his principal places of
residence, giving it the name of Muhammadābād, the other being
Mustafā. ābād or Junāgarh. The kingdom of Gujarāt had reached
its extreme limits. After this conquest Mahmūd held possession of
the country from the frontiers of Mindū to the frontiers of Sind,
by Junagarh ; to the Siwālik Parbat by Jālor and Nāgaur ; to
Nāsik Trimbak by Baglāna ; from Burhānpur to Berar and Mal-
kāpur of the Deccan ; to Karkūn and the river Narbada on the
side of Burhānpur ; on the side of Idar as far as Chitor and Küm-
bhalgarh, and on the side of the sea as far as the bounds of Chaul.
It seems to have been after the conquest of Chāmpāner that
Mahmud was first styled Begarha.
In 1487, while he was hunting at Hālol, near Chāmpāner, a
company of horsedealers complained to him that the raja of Ābū
had robbed them of 403 horses, which they were bringing to Gujarāt
for him by his order. Mahmūd paid them the full price of the
horses and gave them a letter to the raja demanding restitution of
the stolen property. The raja was terrified, and restored 370 horses,
paid the price of 33 which had died, gave the merchants valuable
gifts for Mahmud, and begged them to intercede with him. Mahmud
content with this display of his power and the raja's humiliation,
permitted the merchants to retain the horses as well as their price,


## p. 311 (#357) ############################################

XIII)
DEPREDATIONS OF BAHADUR GILANI
311
In 1491 Mahmud received complaints of the exactions of
Bahādur Gīlānī, who, during the troubles which had fallen upon
the Bahmani kingdom, had possessed himself of the whole of the
Konkan and committed piracy at sea and brigandage on land, his
depredations extending as far north as Cambay. Qivām-ul-Mulk,
who was sent with an army to punish him, discovered that he
could not reach him without invading the Deccan, and returned to
Ahmadābād to seek authority for this action, but Mahmūd was
averse from any act of aggression against the southern kingdom,
and contented himself with writing to Mahmud Shāh Bahmani,
reminding him of the claims which Gujarāt had on the gratitude of
his house and requesting him to suppress the marauder. Bahādur
was in fact in rebellion against the feeble Bahmanid, who had no
control over him, but a reassuring reply was sent to Gujarāt and
Mahmud Bahmani, or rather his minister Qāsim, Barid-ul-Mamālik,
with the help of Ahmad Nizām Shāh, who was now virtually in-
dependent at Junnar, undertook a campaign against the pirate.
The operations were protracted, and it was not until 1494 that
Bahādur Gilāni was defeated and slain and full reparation was made
to Gujarāt. The ships which Bahādur had taken were restored to
their owners, and gifts consisting of Arab horses, a large quantity of
pearls, five elephants, and a jewelled dagger were sent to Mahmūd.
In 1492 Bahā-ud-din Ulugh Khān, son of Ulugh Khān, Suhrāb
and governor of Modāsa, oppressed the people and appropriated
the pay of his troops, so that they rose against him and he fled.
Mahmud sent Sharaf-i-Jahān to reassure him, but the mission was
a failure, and Ulugh Khān, just as his father had joined Mahmud
Khalji, sought an asylum with Ghiyās-ud-din Khalji of Mālwa, who
refused to receive him. He then went to Sultanpur, and besieged
the governor, 'Aziz-ul-Mulk Shaikhan, but on the arrival of a
relieving force fled into Baglāna, and was followed thither and
defeated. After wandering for some time as a fugitive he submitted
to the king and was pardoned and reinstated, but shortly after-
wards, having murdered one of his officers, was thrown into prison,
where he died in 1496.
On November 20, 1500, Ghiyas-ud-din Khalji of Mālwa, had
been deposed by his son, Nāsir-ud-din, and died in February 1501,
not without suspicion of poison. Mahmūd resolved to punish the
reputed parricide, and prepared to invade Mālwa, but Nāsir-ud.
din succeeded in persuading him that his father had acquiesced
in his deposition, and that he was innocent of his death, and the
expedition was abandoned,


## p. 312 (#358) ############################################

312.
[CH.
GUJARĀT AND KHĀNDESH
a
Vasco da Gama had appeared on the Malabar coast in 1498,
and the Portuguese were now firmly established in more than one
western port. In 1506 a strong fort was built at Cochin, which was
their chief emporium, and in 1507 a settlement was made on the
island of Socotra, near the entrance of the Red Sea. Thus, in less
than a decade, they had diverted the greater part of the lucrative
spice trade from the Red Sea and Egypt; for the discovery of the
direct sea route to Europe had deprived the Mamluk Sultans of one
of their chief sources of revenue, heavy dues being levied both at
Jedda and Alexandria on goods in transit. The important ports of
north-western India, such as Cambay and Chaul, which were held
by the Muslims, were at the same time seriously affected, and thus
the Portuguese incurred the hostility of all the Muhammadan
powers surrounding the Arabian Sea, who determined to make a
combined effort to oust the infidel intruders. It was finally arranged,
by correspondence which passed between Qansauh-al-Ghauri, sultan
of Egypt, the king of Gujarāt, other local Muhammadan rulers, and
the Zamorin of Calicut, who had been the most intimately associated
with the Europeans, that a fleet should be equipped at Suez and
dispatched to India, where it would be reinforced by such vessels
as were available locally. The Egyptian fleet was under the com-
mand of Amir Husain the Kurd, governor of Jedda, while the Indian
contingent was commanded by Malik Ayāz, a Turkish subject who
had found his way to the court of Gujarāt. Up to the year 1507
the Portuguese had confined their activities inland to the Malabar
coast, though they had frequently harassed the trading vessels and
pilgrim ships bound from Gujarāt, 'the Gate of Mecca' to Indian
Muslims, for Jedda. The Portuguese Viceroy, Francesco de Almeida,
in this year resolved to exploit the northerly coast of India, and
dispatched his gallant son Lourenco with a squadron to explore
the coast as far as Gujarāt. It does not appear that the Viceroy
had any intimation of the attack which was to be made by the
Egyptian fleet, although he was aware of the correspondence which
had been passing between India and Egypt. Had he known that
Amir Husain was on his way it is unlikely that he would have
sent so small a squadron under his son. Amir Husain reached
India at the end of 1507 and encountered Lourenco in the harbour
of Chaul in January, 1508, when a fierce fight ensued in which the
Portuguese were utterly defeated by Amir Husain and Malik Ayāz,
and Dom Lourenco died a hero's death. After this victory, which
was the occasion of much jubilation and of mutual congratulations
among the Muslims, Mahmūd returned to Chāmpāner,


## p. 313 (#359) ############################################

XII]
WAR OF SUCCESSION IN KHĀNDESH
313
There was,
We must revert to the history of Khāndesh, in the affairs of
which Mahmud was now, not unwillingly, entangled. We have
already traced its history, in outline, to the succession of Ādil
Khăn II in 1457.
'Adil Khān II was one of the most energetic and most powerful
rulers of Khāndesh. He consolidated his authority in that region,
and extended it over Gondwāna, he suppressed the depredations of
the Kolis and Bhīls, thus ensuring the safety of travellers in his
dominions, and carried arms as far as Jhārkhand, the modern
Chota Nāgpur, from which circumstances he is known as Jhār-
Khandi Sultan. Since Khalaf Hasan's invasion the rulers of
Khāndesh had regarded the king of Gujarāt as their natural pro-
tector, and had paid him tribute, but Ādil Khān II, in his career
of victory, had scorned dependence, and had omitted to send the
usual tribute. A demonstration of force by Mahmud in 1499 or
1500 had sufficed to bring him to his senses, and from that time
until his death, more than a year later, he was on cordial terms
with his suzerain and visited his court.
On September 28, 1501, 'Ādil Khān II died without issue and
was succeeded by his younger brother, Dāūd Khān.
however, another aspirant belonging to the Fārūqi family, named
“Alam Khān, who had enjoyed the protection of the king of Gu-
jarāt. This Ālam Khān was the great-great-grandson of Hasan
Khān, who had been expelled from Khāndesh by his elder brother,
Nasir Khān, and had fled to the court of Ahmad Shāh of Gujarāt.
All Hasan Khān's descendants, with the exception of one, who
married a daughter of Jām Nizām-ud-din of Sind, had married
princesses of the royal house of Gujarāt, and 'Alam Khān was the
grandson of Mahmud Begarha. It thus came about that Mahmūd
induced •Ādil Khān II to nominate his youthful kinsman as his
heir, to the exclusion of his brother Dāūd, but in 1501 Mahmūd
was not in a position to press his grandson's claim, and Dāūd suc-
ceeded without opposition to the throne of Khāndesh.
He was a
feeble but reckless prince, who contrived to embroil himself with
Ahmad Nizām Shāh of Ahmadaagar, who invaded Khāndesh and
could not be expelled until Dāūd had purchased the aid of Nāsir-
ud-din Khalji of Malwa by the humiliating concession of causing
the Khutba to be recited in his name. His death on August 28,
1508, ended an inglorious reign, and he was succeeded by his son
Ghazni Khān, who was poisoned after a reign of ten days. Ahmad
Nizām Shah now again invaded Khāndesh with the object of placing
on the throne another scion of the Fārüqi house also named Alam
.


## p. 314 (#360) ############################################

314
[CH.
GUJARAT AND KHĀNDESH
Khān, who had taken refuge at his court. Mahmud Begarha was
at this juncture reminded of his pledge to support his grandson's
claim, and he too invaded Khāndesh with the object of placing
the other •Adam Khăn on the throne. Khāndesh was divided into
two factions, the one supporting the Gujarāt claimant and the other
the Ahmadnagar claimant. The adherents of the former, under
Malik Husain the Mughul, established themselves in Burhānpur,
where they were joined by Ahmad Nizām Shāh and the king of
Berar, while Malik Lādan, the leader of the Gujarāt party, shut
himself up in Asirgarh, where he was besieged. Meanwhile Mahmud
Begarha, with his grandson, was marching on Thālner, and when
news of his 'arrival reached Burhānpur Ahmad Nizām Shāh and
the king of Berar withdrew, leaving a force of 4000 to support the
Ahmadnagar candidate and Malik Husain. When they heard that
Mahmūd had sent a force to attack them these troops fled from
Burhānpur, carrying the pretender with them and Malik Husain,
thus deserted, was obliged to submit to Mahmūd. All opposition
being thus removed, the king of Gujarāt held a court at Thālner
and installed his candidate on the throne of Khāndesh with the
title of Ādil Khān III. Aſter Mahmud's return to Gujarāt an
envoy from Ahmad's son and successor, Burhān Nizām Shāh, waited
on him and demanded that some provision should be made for
'Alam Khān, but was compelled to convey to his master the humi-
liating message that the sultan of Gujarāt recognised no royalty
in the rebellious slave of the kings of the Deccan, and that if
Burhān dared again to address a king otherwise than as a humble
suppliant he should repent it.
Adil Khān III of Khāndesh cemented his alliance with Gujarāt
by marrying a daughter of Sultān Muzaffar, Mahmūd's son, who
afterwards succeeded his father as Muzaffar II. One of his first
acts was to cause Malik Husain, who was again plotting with the
king of Ahmadnagar, to be assassinated. The dispatch from Gu-
jarāt of a large force averted a danger which threatened the state
from the direction of Ahmadnagar, and the reign of 'Ādil Khān III
was not marked by any noteworthy event. On his death, on August
25, 1520, he was succeeded by his son, Muhammad I, generally
known as Muhammad Shāh, from his having been summoned to the
throne of Gujarāt, which he never lived to occupy.
From Thālner Mahmud returned to Chāmpāner, where, in 1510,
he was gratified by the arrival of a mission from Sikandar Lodi of
Delhi, who tendered him his congratulations on his success in
Khāndesh. A mission in the following year from Shāh Isma'il !
a


## p. 315 (#361) ############################################

XIII ]
DEATH OF MAHMOD BEGARHA
315
Safavi, of Persia, was less favourably received. The envoy, Yādgār
Beg Qizilbāsh, was commissioned to invite Mahmūd to embrace
the Shiah faith, but Mahmud, whose health was failing, had refreshed
his orthodoxy by visits to the shrines of saints at Pātan and Sarkhej,
and sent a message to the heretics bidding them begone. He had
already designated his son Muzaffar as his heir, and feeling the
approach of death summoned him from Baroda. Muzaffar arrived
only in time to assist in bearing his father's coffin from Ahmadābād
to his tomb at Sarkhej, for Mahmud I, the greatest of the sultans
of Gujarāt, had breathed his last on November 23, 1511.
Mahmud Begarha was not only the greatest of the sultans of
Gujarāt. He holds a prominent place among the warrior princes
of India. Succeeding to the throne at an age when even Akbar
was under tutelage, he at once assumed the management of affairs,
overcame an extensive conspiracy backed by armed force, and
administered his kingdom with complete freedom, whether from
the dictation of a minister or from the more pernicious influence
of the harem. He was, in short, a prodigy of precocity. When he
grew to manhood his appearance was striking Tall and robust,
with a beard which descended to his girdle and a heavy moustache
which twisted and curled upwards, his mien struck awe into his
courtiers. His elder brother, Qutb-ud-din Ahmad Shāh, had died
by poison, and wonderful fables are related of the means by which
Mahmūd protected himself from a like fate. He is said gradually
to have absorbed poisons into his system until he was so impreg-
nated with them that a fly settling on his hand instantly died, and
he was immune from the effects of any poison which might be
administered to him. It is to him that Samuel Butler refers in
Hudibras, first published in 1664 :
The prince of Cambay's daily food
Is asp and basilisk and toadl.
Physicians will estimate the practicability and efficacy of such a
course of prophylactic treatment, but whatever foundation there
may be for these strange legends there is no reason to doubt that
Mahmūd profited from the general belief in his immunity from
poison, and Butler's description of his diet is at least incomplete,
for his voracious appetite demanded large supplies of more whole-
some food. His daily allowance was between twenty and thirty
pounds' weight, and before going to sleep he placed two pounds or
more of boiled rice on either side of his couch, so that he might
1Part II, Canto i,


## p. 316 (#362) ############################################

316
(CH.
GUJARĀT AND KHĀNDESH
find something to eat on whichever side he awoke. When he rose
in the morning he swallowed a cup of honey, a cup of butter, and
from 100 to 150 bananas.
His martial exploits and the expansion of his dominions which
they brought about have been recounted. He was mild and just to
his own servants, and his fierce intolerance of Hinduism is counted
to him by historians of his own religion as a merit. Of his nick-
name Begarha two explanations have been given, but there can be
no doubt that the true interpretation is be garh, or 'two forts,'
and that it had reference to his capture of the two great Hindu
strongholds of Girnār and Chāmpāner.
The naval victory over the Portuguese at Chaul in 1508, which
had so elated the Muslims, was without lasting results, for in the
following year Almeida sailed up the west coast with his whole
fleet to Diū, where he found the Egyptian fleet with its Indian
auxiliaries lying between the island and the mainland. In the
desperate battle which followed the Muslims were totally defeated
and the Egyptian fleet almost entirely destroyed. No mention of
this Portuguese victory is made by the Muslim historians, but it
is alluded to by the Arabic historian of the Zamorins of Calicut.
Full and circumstantial accounts are, however, to be found in the
Portuguese chronicles. After this failure to drive the Portuguese
from the Indian seas Mahmud Begarha ordered Malik Ayāz to
make peace, and to return the prisoners taken at Chaul. In the
following year the Portuguse first obtained possession of Goa and
transferred their headquarters from Cochin to that city. Mahmūd
offered them a site for a factory at Diū, and almost immediately
after the accession of Muzaffar II in 1511 a Portuguese mission
arrived to seek permission for the construction of a fort to protect
the factory. This request was not granted, and the mission left.
Yadgar Beg, the ambassador from Shāh Ismāʻīl Safavī whom
Mahmūd Begarha had refused to receive, was favourably received
by Muzaffar, and was lodged at Ahmadābād, and afterwards at
Chāmpāner.
Mahmūd II, who had ascended the throne of Mālwa in 1510,
was the younger son of his father, Nāsir. ud-din, whom he had
deposed, and the elder son, Sāhib Khān, entitled Muhammad Shāh,
now sought refuge with Muzaffar and begged him to help him to
expel his brother and gain his throne. He joined Muzaffar's camp
at Baroda, on the way from Ahmadābād to Chāmpāner, and Mu-
zaffar sent an agent into Mālwa to investigate the situation and
report upon it, The agent, Qaisar Khān, returned with a report


## p. 317 (#363) ############################################

XII ]
EVENTS IN MÁLIIA
311
favourable to Sāhib Khān's claim, and Sāhib Khān was impatient
for his host to take the field. Muzaffar bade him have patience
and promised to invade Mālwa at the end of the rainy season, but
before the time came to redeem his promise Sāhib Khān had left
Gujarāt in consequence of the gross misconduct of the Persian
ambassador, who invited him to dinner and assaulted him. The
prince's servants attacked the ambassador's suite and plundered
his lodging, but the affair was noised abroad, and Sāhib Khān was
so overcome with shame that he fled from Gujarāt and attempted
to take refuge with 'Adil Khān III of Khāndesh, but while he was
travelling to that court the governor of a frontier district of the
kingdom of Mālwa attacked and defeated him, and he fled, with a
following of 300 horse, to 'Alā-ud-din 'Imăd Shāh of Berar, who
would not offend the sultan of Mālwa by offering the fugitive armed
assistance, but assigned to him lands for his maintenance.
Nāsir-ud-din of Mālwa had employed in his army a large number
of Rājputs from eastern Hindūstān, who had become so powerful
in the kingdom that Mıhmũi II was a puppet in their hands.
Muzaffar Il marched to Godhra with a view to invading Mālwa
and restoring Mahmūd's authority by crushing the Rajputs, but
at Godhra he received disturbing news from Idar. “Ain-ul-Mulk
Fülādi, governor of Pātan, was marching with his contingent to
join him at Godhra, but on the way learned that Bhim Singh of
Idar, taking advantage of Muzaffar's preoccupation with the affairs
of Mālwa, had raided the whole country to the east of the Sābar-
mati river. He turned aside to punish him, but the raja defeated
him, slew his brother and 200 of his men, and compelled him to
flee. Muzaffar, on receiving the news, marched in person to Modāsa,
drove Bhim Singh to the hills and sacked his capital, destroying
the temples and other buildings. Bhim Singh was fain to purchase
peace, and permission to return to Idar by a payment of 800,000
rupees and the delivery of 100 horses.
Having thus settled affairs on his north-eastern frontier Muzaffar,
in 1513, marched to Godhra, sent his son Sikandar to Chāmpāner as
governor, dispatched a force under Qaisar Khān to Deolīt near the
Māhi, and followed him with his army. He had now changed his
intention of aiding Mahmūd by crushing the Rājputs, and had
formed the design of conquering and annexing Mālwa. He sent a
force to occupy Dhār, the governor of which offered no resistance on
| receiving an assurance that the city should not be sacked nor its
inhabitants massacred.
1 In 22° 57' N. and 74° 58' E.


## p. 318 (#364) ############################################

318
(
GUJARĀT AND KHĀNDESH
CĦ.
Muzaffar now learnt that Mahmud was at Chanderi, endea-
vouring to crush a rebellion of the Rājput troops under their
leader, Medeni Rāi, and he once more changed his mind. For this
second instance of vacillation two reasons are assigned. The first
more favourable to Muzaffar's character, was the reflection that
to attack a brother Muslim who was in straits owing to the mis-
conduct of infidels would be both unlawful and ungenerous, and
the second was the defeat of a detachment sent by him to Na'lcha,
which he regarded as an evil omen. The former reason may be
accepted as the true one, first because it is conformable to the whole
course of Muzaffar's behaviour towards Mahmud Khalji, and
secondly because the fact that his troops were defeated is not estab.
lished.
He retired to his own dominions and relieved the anxiety
which oppressed Mahmūd, beset on all sides by difficulties.
In 1515 Raja Bhim Singh of Idar died, and should have been
succeeded by his son Bihari Mal, but his cousin german contested
the succession, and Sangrama Singh, Rānā of Mewār, the Sāngā or
Sānkā of Muslim historians, welcomed the opportunity of asserting
his ill-founded claim to supremacy over all Rājput princes and
supported the pretender, who was his brother-in-law. He invaded
Idar and enthroned Rāi Mal, expelling Bihāri Mal, who took refuge
with Muzaffar. Muzaffar would not brook this interference in a
state which had for many years owned allegiance to Gujarāt, and,
marching to Ahmadnagar, sent Nizām-ul-Mulk to Idar to expel
Rāi Mal and establish Bihari Mal as raja. The selection of Nizām.
ul-Mulk for the duty was not merely fortuitous, for he was the
son of Raja Patai of Chāmpāner, and had embraced Islam after
the fall of that stronghold. He expelled Rāi Mal from Idar and
restored Bihari Mal. He then followed Rai Mal into the Bichabhera
hills and attacked him. The battle was indecisive, many lives being
lost to no purpose, and Muzaffar rebuked Nizām-ul-Mulk for his
inconsiderate rashness; and shortly afterwards Nizām-ul-Mulk was
stricken with paralysis and was relieved at his
relieved at his own request,
Nusrat-ul-Mulk being sent to Idar in his place. Nizām-ul-Mulk
was so eager to return to Chāmpāner that he started from Idar
before Nusrat-ul-Mulk could arrive, leaving Zahir-ul-Mulk with
no more than a hundred men to hold Idar. .
Rāi Mal marched on Idar and Zahir-ul-Mulk went forth with
his small force to meet him, and was defeated with the loss of more
than a quarter of his men. Nusrat-ul-Mulk, who was at Ahmad.
nagar, pressed on, drove off Rāi Mal, and made Ahmadnagar his
a


## p. 319 (#365) ############################################

XIII ]
DEFEAT OF THE RĂJPUTS
319
headquarters, maintaining order in the plains by harrying the
brigands of the Vajinagar hills.
Mahmūd Il of Mālwa was so weary of the dominance of his
Rājput officers that he secretly left his capital and arrived at
Bhāgor', where he was received by the Gujarāt noble, Qaisar
Khān. As soon as Muzaffar heard of his arrival he sent him tents,
treasure, and elephants, and shortly afterwards joined him with an
army and entertained him at banquet to celebrate the occasion.
When Medeni Rāi heard of these doings he set out for Chitor, in
order to seek help from Rānā Sangrama, leaving a garrison to pro-
tect Māndū, against which Mahmūd and Muzaffar were marching.
The Rājput garrison was twice defeated before the walls, and
Muzaffar formed the siege of the fortress. Pithaura, who com-
manded the garrison, had heard from Medeni Rāi that the Rānā
was coming to his aid, and strove by feigned negotiations, as well
as by force of arms, to hold out as long as possible. Muzaffar II
was now joined by his nephew and son-in-law, "Ādil Khan III of
Khāndesh, whom he sent with Qivām-ul-Mulk to check the progress
of the Rānā and Medeni Rāi, who had already reached Ujjain.
On February 23, 1518, the day of the Hindu festival of the Holi,
Māndū was carried by escalade, the Rājput garrison performed the
rite of jauhar, and Muzaffar, on entering the city, ordered a general
massacre of the surviving Rājputs. Nineteen thousand were put
to the sword, and the streets ran with blood, which streamed from
the drains which carried rainwater into the ditch.
Muzaffar now prepared to march against the Rānā and Medeni
Rāi, but learned that they had been so terror-stricken by the news
of the massacre that they at once turned and fled, riding fifty-four
miles on the first night of their flight. Muzaffar restored Māndū
to Mahmud, who entertained him sumptuously and accompanied
him on his homeward way as far as Deoli, and Asaf Khān with
10,000 horse was left in Mālwa to aid Mahmūd against his enemies.
In connexion with the siege of Māndū we first hear of 'Imād-ul-
Mulk, Khush Qadam, who played such an important part in the
affairs of Gujarāt at this time.
Muzaffar, after returning to Chāmpāner, learned that Rāi Mal
had been ravaging the Pātna district, and marched to punish him,
remaining for some time in Idar while Rai Mal and his confederates
were pursued in hills.
In 1519, after his return to Chāmpāner Muzaffar heard of the
defeat and capture of Mahmud II by Rānā Sangrama near Gāgraun,
1 In 22° 53' N. and 74° 36' E.


## p. 320 (#366) ############################################

320
GUJARĀT AND KHĀNDESH
CH
and of the heavy losses suffered by his own contingent of 10,000
horse. He sent reinforcements into Mālwa, but they were not
required, for the Rānā generously restored his vanquished foe to
his throne.
Mubāriz-ul-Mulk was now sent to relieve Nusrat-ul-Mulk at
Idar, where he was so annoyed by hearing the praise of the valour
and generosity of the Rānā that he named a dog Sangrama, and
tied it up at one of the gates of the town. The Rānā, on hearing
of this insult, assembled his army and marched on Idar, where
Mubāriz-ul-Mulk's officers were so enraged with him for having by
his contemptible act endangered them and the city that they dis-
suaded the king from sending assistance to him, and retired to
Ahmadnagar, carrying him with them. The Rānā occupied Idar
and marched on to Ahmadnagar, where he defeated Mubāriz-ul.
Mulk with heavy loss and compelled him to retreat to Ahmadā.
bād. After plundering Ahmadnagar he marched to Vadnagar, the
inhabitants of which town, being Brāhmans, escaped molesta-
tion thence he marched to Visnagar, plundered the town after
defeating Malik Hātim, who gallantly came forth to meet him with
the small force at his disposal, and then returned to his own
country.
After his departure Mubāriz-ul-Mulk returned with a small
force to Ahmadnagar and buried the dead. Here he was attacked
by the Kolīs of Idar, whom he defeated.
In January, 1521, Muzaffar sent an army of 100,000 horse and
100 elephants under the command of Malik Ayāz, governor of
Sorath, to chastise the Rānā for his raid into Gujarāt. Bākor",
Gāliākot, Dungarpurs, Sagwāra", and Bānswāra“ were ravaged
and laid waste. At Bānswāra a large force of Hindus lying in
ambush was attacked and put to fight after suffering losses. Malik
Ayāz then marched to Mandasor, and besieged that town. Rānā
Sangrama marched to its relief, but would not venture within
twenty miles of the muslim camp, and sent agents to Malik Ayāz
offering to pay tribute to Muzaffar II if he would raise the siege,
but his prayers were unheeded. Mahmūd II joined Malik Ayāz,
and Mandasor might have been captured and Sangrama defeated,
but for the jealousy of Malik Ayāz, who feared lest Qivām-ul. Mulk,
his principal lieutenant, should gain the credit for the victory. He
therefore made peace with the Rānā on his promising to pay
1 In 23° 21' N. and 73° 37' E.
2 In 23° 21' N. and 74° 1' E.
3 In 23° 50' N. and 73° 43' E.
4 In 23° 40' N. and 74° 2' E.
5 In 23° 33' N. and 74° 27' E.


## p. 321 (#367) ############################################

XIII ]
BAHĀDUR'S FLIGHT FROM GUJARĀT
321
tribute, to place a son at Muzaffar's court as a hostage, to wait in
person on the king and to be obedient to his orders. Qivām-ul-
Mulk was strongly opposed to this treaty and persuaded Mahmúd
Shāh to join him in an attack on the Rānā, but Malik Ayāz was
informed of this design, used his authority over the army of
Gujarāt to prevent its execution and marched b ck to Ahmadā-
bād. Muzaffar was so deeply disappointed by this termination of a
promising campaign that he would not see Malik Ayaz, but sent
him straight back to Sorath, where he died in the following year
and was succeeded by his son Ishāq.
Muzaffar himself was preparing in 1522, to march against the
Rānā but before he could start from Ahmadābād Sangrama's son
arrived with gifts from his father, and the expedition was aban-
doned.
In 1524 'Ālam Khān, son of Buhlūl Lodi of Delhi, who was a
refugee at Muzaffar's court, informed him that according to infor.
mation received by him from Delhi there was much dissatisfaction
with his nephew, Sultān Ibrāhim Lodi, and the chances of his
obtaining his father's throne appeared to be good. Muzaffar accord-
ingly supplied him with a sum of money and a small force and dis-
missed him.
Late in 1524 Muzaffar's second son, Bahādur, demanded equality
of treatment with his eldest brother, Sikandar, but the king who
had designated Sikandar as his heir, feared to place more power in
the hands of the ablest and most energetic of his sons, and put him
off with fair words. Bahādur fled disgusted from his father's court
and repaired first to Udai Singh of Dūngarpur, then to Sanggrama
Singh at Chitor, and next to Mewāt, where the local Muhammadan
ruler, Hasan entertained him hospitably. He eventually proceeded
to Delhi, but it is not quite clear at what precise date. In all pro-
bability it was at the beginning of 1526, for the people of Delhi
were then expecting the approach of Bābur with his invading
army. Bahādur was well received by Ibrāhīm Lodi who was doubt-
less glad to obtain the services of this young but experienced
soldier. Ibrāhīm was encamped at Pānīpat when Bahādur joined
him, and skirmishes had already begun with the advanced guard of
the Mughul army. It was in one of these skirmishes that Bahādur
so greatly distinguished himself that the jealousy of Ibrāhīm Lodi
was roused, and Bahādur deemed it prudent to withdraw, and set
out for Jaunpur, possibly selecting this town in response to an in-
vitation received from the local nobles, who are said to have offered
him the throne. The battle of Pānīpat, in which Bābur defeated
C, H, 1, ,
21
>


## p. 322 (#368) ############################################

322
(CH
GUJARĀT AND KHĀNDESH
Ibrāhīm, was fought on April 18. Abū Turāb, a contemporary
writer, tells us that Bahādur was present at this battle, but took
no part in the fighting. If this refers to the decisive action Bahādur
must have left for Jaunpur as soon as the issue of the day had been
decided. On April 7 his father Muzaffar died, and it was while he
was on his way to Jaunpur that Bahādur received an invitation to
return, and immediately turned back in the direction of Gujarāt,
travelling by way of Chitor.
The nobles of Gujarāt were now divided into three factions,
supporting the claims of Sikandar, Bahādur, and Latif, the eldest,
second, and third sons of Muzaffar. Sikandar, who had been
designated heir by his father, was immediately proclaimed by
'Imād-ul-Mulk Khush Qadam and Khudāvand Khān al-Ijī, and
marched from Ahmadābād to Chāmpāner. The new king was
feeble and ill-advised. He alienated the old nobles of his father's
reign by advancing his own personal servants beyond their merits,
and by his untimely profusion. There was general dissatisfaction,
and an impression prevailed that Bahādur would soon return to
seize the throne, but the immediate danger was from Latif Khān,
who was assembling, his forces at Nandurbār. A force under
Sharza Khān was sent against him, but he retired into Baglāna
and when Sharza Khān followed him thither he was attacked,
defeated , and slain by the raja, and the Rājputs and Kolis followed
the defeated army and slew 170) of them. The superstition of the
time regarded the termination of the first enterprise of the reign
as an augury of the future fortune of the king. Another army, under
Qaisar Khān, was assembled, but the choice was an indication
either of the ignorance and folly of the king or of the treachery of
the nobles, for Qaisar Khān was Latif's principal adherent ; but
before the expedition could start 'Imād-ul-Mulk Khush Qadam had
caused Sikandar to be assassinated during the midday slumbers,
and had raised to the throne Mahmūd, an infant son of Muzaffar II,
whom on April, 12, 1526, he caused to be proclaimed as Mahmūd II.
His object in selecting an infant son, was, of course, that the
government of the kingdom might remain entirely in his hands, but
it may be doubted whether he expected to maintain his puppet
against Bahādur, or even against Latif. The adherents of the
former had been writing to urge him to return without delay to
Gujarāt, and he had eagerly responded to their solicitations. The
old nobles of the kingdom, disgusted with the rule of the freedman,
'Imād-ul-Mulk, who was as lavish of titles and robes of honour as
he was niggardly of more substantial favours, fled from Chāmpāner,


## p. 323 (#369) ############################################

XIII ]
ACCESSION OF BAHADUR
323
and Tāj Khān Narpāli led a force to escort Bahādur back to
Gujarāt.
'Imād-ul-Mulk in his terror sent large sums of money to Burhān
Nizām Shāh I of Ahmadnagar and Udai Singh, raja of Pālanpur,
to induce the former to invade Nandurbār and the latter to advance
on Chāmpāner in support of the infant king, and wrote also to
Bābur, requesting him to send a force to Diū with the same object,
and promising him a gift of 10,000,000 tangas and the allegiance
of Gujarāt. This last promise was reported to Khudāvand Khān
and Tāj Khān, and only served to increase the general detestation
in which 'Imād-ul-Mulk was held. Burhān Nizām Shāh accepted
the
money sent to him, but did nothing in return.
Udai Singh
did indeed march to Chāmpāner, but his aid alone was of little
consequence, and he almost immediately transferred his allegiance
to Bahādur.
Bahādur at once returned to Gujarāt by way of Modāsa and
Pātan and, as he advanced, was everywhere welcomed and joined
by the nobles and officers of his father's court. On July 11 he
ascended the throne at Ahmadābād, and immediately continued his
journey to Chāmpāner. The feeble efforts of 'Imād-ul-Mulk to
delay or hamper his advance were ineffectual ; he entered Chām-
pāner without opposition and at once went about to punish those
who had murdered his brother and prepared his own way to the
throne. 'Imād-ul-Mulk Khush Qadam, Saif-ul-Mulk, and the actual
assassins of Sikandar were immediately put to death. Latif Khān,
who was lurking in the city in the hope of events taking a turn
favourable to his pretensions, wisely accepted the advice of his
friends and fled to Pālanpur, and thence to Nandurbār, where he
was joined by a number of his partisans. His adherents at Chām-
pāner were arrested, and their houses were plundered by the mob.
Ghāzi Khān, who was upholding Bahādur's cause in the Nandurbār
district, reported that Latif Khān had raised the standard of revolt,
that he had defeated him and dispersed his followers, and that
Latif was a wounded prisoner in his hands. He was ordered to see
that his prisoner received proper treatment and to send him to
court, but the prince died on his way thither and Bahādur was left
without a competitor except his infant brother Mahmūd, who was
secretly put to death within the year. Another brother, Chānd
Khān, had taken refuge with Mahmud Khalji at Māndū, and
Mahmūd's refusal to surrender him dissolved the friendship which
had once saved his kingdom for him. The murder of the child
Mahmūd II alienated Udai Singh of Pālanpur, who sacked the town
21–2


## p. 324 (#370) ############################################

324
(CH.
GUJARĀT AND KHĀNDESH
of Dohad, but Tāj Khān Narpāli led a punitive expedition against
him and chastised him severely.
Malik Ishāq, who had succeeded his father, Malik Ayāz, in the
important government of Sorath, lost his reason in 1527, and
attacked without any justification the Hindu chief of Dwārkā, who
was an obedient vassal of Bahādur. After his return to Junāgarh
he became so violent that it was found necessary to put him in
prison, where he died shortly afterwards. He was succeeded by his
brother, Malik Tūghān, famous for his stature and great bodily
strength, who in order to watch the Portuguese made Diū his
principal place of residence. The adventurers would not abandon
their design to build at Diū a fort for the protection of their trade
and merchandise, and sought to execute it at times by means of
negotiations and at times by force, but for several years had no
success. At length, on September 21, 1534, Bahādur permitted
them by treaty to build a fort.
Towards the end of 1527 Bahādur received an appeal for help
from 'Alā-ud-din 'Imăd Shāh of Berar and Muhammad I of Khān-
desh. The kings of Ahmadnagar and Berar had quarrelled over the
possession of the town and district of Pāthri on the Godāvari, which
belonged to the latter but were coveted and had been annexed by
the former. 'Alā-ud-din had enlisted the aid of Muhammad and had
marched to recover the district, but Burhān Nizām Shāh of Ahmad-
nagar and his ally, Amir 'Ali Barid of Bidar, had attacked and
defeated them, captured their artillery and elephants, pursued
them through Berar, and expelled 'Alā-ud-din from his kingdom,
compelling him to take refuge in Khāndesh. Bahādur marched to
Nandurbār, where he was met by his cousin, Muhammad of Khān.
desh, and by the Rāhtor raja of Baglāna, who did homage to him
and entertained him in his fortress of Sālher. Bahādur gave his
sister in marriage to Muhammad, upon whom he conferred the
title of Shāh, and after the rainy season of 1528 marched on
Ahmadnagar by way of Berar, where he was joined by ‘Alā-ud-din
'Imad Shāh, sending a force with the raja of Baglāna, whom he
ordered to advance on Ahmadnagar by the more direct route of his
own principality.
Burhān's army, with a contingent of 6000 horse furnished by
Ismā'il "Ādil Shāh of Bijāpur and 3000 furnished by Amir 'Alī
Barid, was in the hilly country about Bir, and Amir 'Ali Barid in-
flicted two defeats on detachments of Bahādur's
army between
Paithan and Bir, but the army of Gujarāt continued to advance,
and occupied Ahmadnagar for forty days, while Burhān Nizām
.


## p. 325 (#371) ############################################

Xun)
INVASION OF THE DECCAN
325
Shāh, who had first retired from Bir to Parenda, was pursued to
Junnār. Meanwhile the army of Ahmadnagar had been engaged in
cutting off Bahādur's supplies, and the invaders had already begun
to suffer from famine when Bahādur marched to Daulatābād and
opened the siege of the fortress, while Burhān and Amir ‘Ali Barid
occupied the neighbouring hills. They attempted to relieve Daula-
tābād but were driven back into the hills, and then opened nego-
tiations with Sultān Bahādur's allies, and found no difficulty in
seducing 'Alā-ud-din 'Imād, Shāh, who was beginning to suspect
that Bahādur did not intend to leave the Deccan, and regretted
having summoned him to his aid. He sent a quantity of supplies
into the fortress and hurriedly retired into Berar, leaving his camp
standing.
Bahādur's situation gave him some cause for anxiety. He had
no prospect of capturing Daulatābād, one of his allies had deserted
him, the other, Muhammad of Khāndesh, desired peace, and the
rainy season of 1529 was approaching. He therefore permitted
Muhammad to open negotiations, and after some discussion agreed
to peace on terms sufficiently humiliating to Burhān Nizām Shāh.
Both he and 'Alā-ud-din 'Imād Shāh were to cause the khutba to
be recited in Bahādur's name in their dominions, and were to
appear before him as vassals ; all the elephants taken from 'Alā-ud-
din and Muhammad were to be restored, and Pāthri and Māhūr
were to be ceded again to Berar. Burhān fulfilled the first condition
by causing the khutba to be recited on one occasion in Bahādur's
name, but it was only with great difficulty that Muhammad of
Khāndesh recovered his elephants, and those of 'Alā-ud-din were
never restored, nor were Pāthrī and Māhūr ceded to him.
Bahādur returned to Gujarāt in the spring of 1529, and his
relative, the Jām Fīrūz of Sind, who had been expelled from his
country by Shāh Beg Arghūn, took refuge at his court.
In 1530 the Portuguese, having already assembled at Bombay
a great fleet, sailed for Damān and captured that town, and in
February, 1931, arrived before Diū, which they attacked, but
Bahādur had already visited the place in 1530, and had made all
provision for its defence, and the Portuguese, having failed to
take the town, sailed back to Goa, leaving a fleet in the Gulf of
Cambay to harass the trade and shipping of Gujarāt.
Bahādur returned from Diū to Chāmpāner, where he received
some of the nobles of the late Ibrāhīm Shāh Lodi of Delhi, who had
reached his court with 300 followers. From Chāmpāner Bahādur
marched to Modāsa and thence led an expedition into Bāker and


## p. 326 (#372) ############################################

326
(ch.
GUJARĀT AND KHÂNDESH
Bānswāra. The Rānā, Ratan Singh II, who had succeeded San-
grama after the battle of Sīkrī, interceded for the two chiefs, and
Bahādur stayed his hand.
Mahmūd II of Mālwa was now pursuing a suicidal policy. He
had sent a force to ravage the southern districts of the territories
of the Rānā, he had so alienated by his sinister and deceitful course
of conduct the nobles of Mālwa that some had taken refuge with
the Rānā and others with Bahādur, and he was harbouring at his
court a son of the late Sultān Muzaffar of Gujarāt, Chānd Khān, a
pretender to Bahādur's throne, whose claims he was understood to
favour. The old friendship between Mālwa and Gujarāt was thus
entirely dissolved. Bahādur, less bigoted than his father, and
sensible of Ratan Singh's claims of his friendship, which were based
on Sangrama's reception of him when he was a fugitive, was
inclined to deprecate wanton attacks on his territories, was bitterly
resentful of the harbourage offered to Chānd Khān, and was
inclined to regard Mahmūd, who owed his tenure of his throne to
the capture of Māndū from rebellious Rājputs by Mahmūd Begarha,
as a vassal : Mahmud, on the other hand, was perturbed by
Bahādur's harbourage of malcontents from Mālwa, and suggested
a meeting at which differences could be settled. Bahādur haughtily
replied that he had been awaiting a request for an interview at
which Mahmud could appear before him and explain matters.
This had not been Mahmūd's intention, but he found it difficult to
recede from his suggestion, and could hardly propose that Bahādur
should wait upon him. He feigned to be eager to pay his respects
to the sultan of Gujarāt but always discovered a pretext for
evading a meeting. Ratan Singh of Mewār marched as far as
Sārangpur and threatened Ujjain, to which city Mahmūd advanced.
Bahādur entered Malwa and awaited Mahmūd's arrival at his
camp, but an envoy from Mahmūd made his excuses by explaining
that his master had broken his arm whilst out hunting. In private
he informed Bahādur that Chānd Khān was the real difficulty, as
Mahmūd did not wish to surrender him, but feared to refuse.
Bahādur bade the envoy reassure his master on this point, and
marched slowly towards Māndū, accompanied by Muhammad Shāh
of Khāndesh, expecting Mahmūd at each stage ; but Mahmūd had
washed his hands of kingship, and had withdrawn into his seraglio
at Māndū, meeting the remonstrances of his courtiers with the
answer that he knew that his reign was drawing to its close, and
that he intended to enjoy life while it lasted. He had thoughts of
abdicating and installing his son Ghiyās-ud-din, but seemed to be


## p. 327 (#373) ############################################

km)
CONQUEST OF MĂLWA
327
on
unable to execute any plan. Meanwhile Bahādur marched to
Naʻlcha and formed the siege of Mandū, being joined by many of
the nobles and officers of Mālwa. The sloth and carelessness of
Mahmud infacted his army, and on the night of March 17 the
besiegers scaled an unguarded section of the wall and entered the
city unopposed. Mahmūd formed the intention of imitating the
Rājputs and performing the rite of jauhar, but, on receiving a
message from Bahādur that his life and honour were sale, aban-
doned it and waited on Bahadur with seven of his officers. The
khutba was recited at Māndū in the name of Bahādur, Mālwa was
annexed to Gujarāt, and Mahmūd and his family were sent towards
Chāmpāner, where Bahādur proposed to imprison them, but
April 12, 1531, the camp of Āsaf Khān; in whose custody the prisoners
were, was attacked by Bhils and Kolīs, and Mahmūd's guards, fearing
a rescue, put him to death, and he was buried near Dohad. His
seven sons were sent to Chāmpāner, where they were imprisoned.
Bhādur remained a while at Mandū and marched in June to
Burhānpur, where he was entertained by Muhammad Shāh of
Khāndesh, who persuaded him, with some difficulty, to receive the
learned and pious Shāh Tahir, who had come as an envoy from
Burhān Nizām Shah I of Ahmadnagar. Burhān had not fulfilled
the conditions of the treaty of Daulatābād, and Bahādur was con.
sequently ill-disposed towards him, but Shāh Tāhir undertook that
his master should wait on him at Burhānpur and, returning to
Ahmadnagar, persuaded Burhān, to carry out this promise, which
he had made at Daulatābād. The humiliating circumstances of the
reception were somewhat alleviated by an artifice of Shāh Tāhir,
who bore a copy of the Koran for presentation to Bahādur, and
thus obliged the latter to descend from his throne to do reverence
to the holy book. Both Bahādur and Burhān remained for a short
time at Burhānpur as the guests of Muhammad Shāh, and before
they parted Bahādur gratified Burhān's vanity by recognising his
title of Shāh.
The Rājput Silāhdi, who held the districts of Rāisen, Bhilsa,
and Sārangpur, nominally as fiefs of Mālwa but actually as a small
principality, had been permitted by Bahādur to visit Räisen aſter
the fall of Māndū, but showed no disposition to fulfil his promise
to return, aud Nassan Khān, who was sent to Rāisen and brought
him to court, privately informed the king that he was disloyal, and
if permitted again to leave the court would ally himself to the
Rānā. He was therefore arrested at Dhār, his troops were plundered
and dispersed, and his elephants were confiscated.


## p. 328 (#374) ############################################

328
CH
GUJARĀT AND KHÂNDESH
Early in January, 1532, Bahādur sent 'Imād-ul-Mulk Malikjī,
son of Tawakkul, to arrest Silāhdi's son Bhopat, who had remained
at Ujjain when his father came to court and had since occupied
Sārangpur. “Imād-ul-Mulk reported that he had fled to Chitor to
seek help of the Rānā, and the king marched by Bhilsa, which he
occupied, to Räisen, still held by Silāhdi's brother, Lakhman Singh.
He was attacked as he approached the town on January 26, but
drove the Rājputs into the fortress and formed the siege.
Bahādur's artillery, under Mustafā Rūmi Khān, who had succeeded
Tūghān as governor of Diū, did much execution, and Silāhdi con-
ciliated Bahādur by perfidiously feigning to accept Islam, and thus
obtained permission to meet his brother, ostensibly with the object
of arranging for the surrender of the fortress, but when he and
Lakhman Singh met they agreed to await the relieving force
expected from Chitor, and sent 2000 men under Silāhdi's youngest
son to hasten its arrival. This force, was, however, intercepted by
the besiegers and defeated, Silāhdi's son being slain, and Bahādur,
on learning of Silāhdi's perfidy, sent him in custody to Māndū and
dispatched a force under Muhammad Shāh of Khāndesh and 'Imād-
ul-Mulk Malikji to meet the Rānā and Bhopat. This force met and
put to flight at Kamkera another force of 2000 Rājputs under
Puran Mal, another of Silāhdi's sons, and Bahādur, learning that
the Rānā was at the head of a large army left his officers to continue
the siege and marched against him. Vikramāditya, who had suc-
ceeded his father Ratan Singh would not face Bahādur in the field,
but retired to Chitor, and Bahādur returned to Rāisen. Lakhman
Singh, despairing of relief, offered to surrender on condition that
Silāhdi was pardoned, but when Silāhdi, having been recalled from
Māndū, was again permitted to enter Rāisen, he was persuaded to
perform the rite of jauhar rather than incur the disgrace of being
implicated in the surrender. Over 700 women were burnt, and the
men sallied forth, according to custom, in garments died yellow,
but exhibited little of the spirit of the Rājput, for though all were
slain the losses of the Muslims amounted to no more than four or
five.
Muhammad Shāh of Khāndesh, who was sent to establish
Bahādur's authority over the outlying districts of Mālwa, captured
Gāgraun' and Kanor, both of which had been treacherously sur-
rendered by Medeni Rāi, who had held them of the king of Mālwa,
to the Rānā of Mewar, and Bahādur, having appointed as governor
of Rāisen Sultān 'Alam, chief of Kālpi, who had fled from his prin-
1 In 24° 38' N. and 76° 12' E.
2 In 24° 26' N. and 74° 16' E.


## p. 329 (#375) ############################################

XII )
QUARREL WITH HUMÀYÓN
329
cipality before Bābur, overran part of Gondwāna, captured many
elephants, appointed Alp Khān governor of that region, and, turning
westward, captured Islāmābād and Hoshangābād, and met Muham-
mad Shāh, of Khandesh at Sārangpur, where the Rānā's governor
of Gāgraun was presented to him. Then returning to Māndū he
sent 'Iinād-ul-Mulk Malikji and Ikhtiyār Khān to take Mandasor,
formerly spared at the intercession of Sangrama Singh, whose
successor's writ no longer ran either in Mālwa or in Gujarāt. The
town and fortress were taken, the Rānā's officer fled, and Bahādur
dismissed Muhammad Shāh to Khāndesh, visited Diū, and on his
return thence spent the rainy season at Chāmpāner considering the
punishment of the Rānā. The occasion was opportune, for Vikra-
māditya was the Commodus of Rājputānā and disgusted his haughty
nobles by his preference for the society of gladiators, wrestlers, and
professional swashbucklers.
Bahādur, having been joined by Muhammad Shāh of Khāndesh,
marched from Chāmpāner on November 6, 1532, and on February
14, 1533, the two kings arrived before Chitor. Ten days later the
queen-mother, the widow of Sangrama Singh, purchased peace with
what remained of the plunder taken by her husband when he
captured Mahmud Khalji II of Mālwa, including the jewelled crown
of Hūshang and Bahādur retired, but returned again in 1534.
On this occasion he received in his camp Muhammad Zamān
Mirzā, a prince of the house of Tīmūr, whose pretensions had so
incensed his kinsman, the emperor, that he had been sentenced to
imprisonment in the fortress of Bayāna and to the loss of his eyes,
which he saved by flight. Humāyūn whose relations with Bahādur
had hitherto been perfectly friendly, took umbrage at his harbouring
the fugitive and his followers, and a correspondence ensued which
led to a permanent rupture between the two monarchs. Two of
the letters which passed between them have been preserved in
their entirety and offer a striking picture of the diplomatic methods
of that day. Humāyūn pointed out that although his ancestor
Tīmūr had desisted from attacking the Ottoman Sultan Bāyazid
while he was engaged in fighting the Franks he protested against
Bāyazīd's harbouring princes who had rebelled against himself.
He therefore demanded that the prince should be either surrendered
or expelled. To this Bahādur, who is said to have dictated his
reply when in his cups, sent a most insulting answer, in which he
ironically suggested that Humāyūn had boasted of the exploits of
‘his sire seven degrees removed' because he himself had achieved
nothing worthy of record.
a


## p. 330 (#376) ############################################

330
( ch.
GUJARĀT AND KHÂNDESH
So shocked were Bahādur and his nobles when they considered
the tone of this letter on the morrow that an effort was made to
overtake the courier, but without success, and their only solace
was the reflection that nothing more could be done, and that what
was decreed must come to pass.
Bahādur gained an easy victory over Vikramāditya at Loichal;
in the dominions of Surjan, Rão of Būndī, for the Rānā was deserted
by most of his vassals, who marched to the defence of Chitor, and
Bahādur, after his successs turned in the same direction and formed
the siege. Burhān-ul-Mulk now held Ranthambhor, which he had
captured for Bahādur when he had first appeared before Chitor
in the preceding year, and Bahādur sent Tātār Khān Lodi, a
grandson of Buhlūl Lodi of Delhi who had entered his service,
with a vast sum of money, in order that he and Burhān-ul-Mulk
might attack the Mughul empire. Tātār Khān raised an army and
captured the fortress of Bayāna, but Humāyūn's youngest brother
immediately recovered it, and slew him. Meanwhile the siege of
Chitor continued. According to Rājput legend Jawāhir Bāi, the
queen-mother, of Rāhtor race, sent Humāyūn a bracelet, in accord-
ance with the chivalrous custom of Rājasthān, adopting him as her
champion against Bahādur, but the legend is inconsistent with the
Muslim chronicles and with the conduct of Humāyān, who, despite
the gross provocation which he had received, would not attack
a brother Muslim while he was engaged in fighting the misbelievers.
Bahādur was seriously perturbed by the news of the defeat and
death of Tātār Khān Lodi and by apprehensions of being attacked
by Humāyān, and would have raised the siege but for the confident
assurance of Sadr Khān, one of his officers, that Humāyūn would
never attack him while he was besieging Chitor. After a lapse of
three months an extensive breach was made in the rampart, which
had never before been exposed to artillery fire. It was stoutly
defended but with a terrible sacrifice of life, and the valiant, Jawāhir
Bāi led a sortie from the fortress and was slain at the head of her
warriors. The garrison lost hope. The infant heir, Udai Singh, was
conveyed by Surjan prince of Būndī, to a place of safety, and the
surviving Rājputs performed the rite of jauhar. Thirteen thousand
women, so the legend says, headed by Karnavati, the mother of
the young prince, voluntarily perished in an immense conflagra-
tion fed by combustibles, and the survivors of the slaughter in the
breach, led by Bāghji, prince of Deola, rushed on the Muslim and
1 In 25° 17' N. and 75° 34' E.