No More Learning

And who would
hesitate to pronounce that negro the greatest of patriots, who, by
teaching his countrymen the arts of society, should teach them to defend
themselves in the possession of their fields, their families, and their
own personal liberties?

Evident, however, as it is, that the voyages of Gama and Columbus have
already carried a superior degree of happiness, and the promise of
infinitely more, to the eastern and western worlds; yet the advantages
to Europe from the discovery of these regions may perhaps be denied. But
let us view what Europe was, ere the genius of Don Henry gave birth to
the spirit of modern discovery.

Several ages before this period the feudal system had degenerated into
the most absolute tyranny. The barons exercised the most despotic
authority over their vassals, and every scheme of public utility was
rendered impracticable by their continual petty wars with each other; to
which they led their dependents as dogs to the chase. Unable to read, or
to write his own name, the chieftain was entirely possessed by the most
romantic opinion of military glory, and the song of his domestic
minstrel constituted his highest idea of fame. The classic authors slept
on the shelves of the monasteries, their dark but happy asylum, while
the life of the monks resembled that of the fattened beeves which loaded
their tables. Real abilities were indeed possessed by a Duns Scotus and
a few others; but these were lost in the most trifling subtleties of a
sophistry which they dignified with the name of casuistical divinity.
Whether Adam and Eve were created with navels? and How many thousand
angels might at the same instant dance upon the point of the finest
needle without one jostling another? were two of the several topics of
like importance which excited the acumen and engaged the controversies
of the learned. While every branch of philosophical, of rational
investigation, was thus unpursued and unknown, commerce, which is
incompatible with the feudal system, was equally neglected and
unimproved. Where the mind is enlarged and enlightened by learning,
plans of commerce will rise into action, and these, in return, will from
every part of the world bring new acquirements to philosophy and
science. The birth of learning and commerce may be different, but their
growth is mutual and dependent upon each other. They not only assist
each other, but the same enlargement of mind which is necessary for
perfection in the one is also necessary for perfection in the other; and
the same causes impede, and are alike destructive of, both. The
INTERCOURSE of mankind is the parent of each. According to the
confinement or extent of intercourse, barbarity or civilization
proportionately prevail. In the dark, monkish ages, the intercourse of
the learned was as much impeded and confined as that of the merchant. A
few unwieldy vessels coasted the shores of Europe, and mendicant friars
and ignorant pilgrims carried a miserable account of what was passing in
the world from monastery to monastery. What doctor had last disputed on
the peripatetic philosophy at some university, or what new heresy had
last appeared, not only comprised the whole of their literary
intelligence, but was delivered with little accuracy, and received with
as little attention. While this thick cloud of mental darkness
overspread the western world, was Don Henry, prince of Portugal, born;
born to set mankind free from the feudal system, and to give to the
whole world every advantage, every light that may possibly be diffused
by the intercourse of unlimited commerce:--

"For then from ancient gloom emerg'd
The rising world of trade: the genius, then,
Of navigation, that in hopeless sloth
Had slumber'd on the vast Atlantic deep
For idle ages, starting heard at last
The Lusitanian prince, who, Heaven-inspir'd,
To love of useful glory rous'd mankind,
And in unbounded commerce mix'd the world. "

THOMSON.

In contrast to this melancholy view of human nature, sunk in barbarism
and benighted with ignorance, let the present state of Europe be
impartially estimated. Yet, though the great increase of opulence and
learning cannot be denied, there are some who assert that virtue and
happiness have as greatly declined. And the immense overflow of riches,
from the East in particular, has been pronounced big with destruction to
the British empire. Everything human, it is true, has its dark as well
as its bright side; but let these popular complaints be examined, and it
will be found that modern Europe, and the British empire in a very
particular manner, have received the greatest and most solid advantages
from the modern, enlarged system of commerce. The magic of the old
romances, which could make the most withered, deformed hag, appear as
the most beautiful virgin, is every day verified in popular declamation.
Ancient days are there painted in the most amiable simplicity, and the
modern in the most odious colours. Yet, what man of fortune in England
lives in that stupendous gross luxury which every day was exhibited in
the Gothic castles of the old chieftains! Four or five hundred knights
and squires in the domestic retinue of a warlike earl was not uncommon,
nor was the pomp of embroidery inferior to the profuse waste of their
tables; in both instances unequalled by all the mad excesses of the
present age.

While the baron thus lived in all the wild glare of Gothic luxury,
agriculture was almost totally neglected, and his meaner vassals fared
harder, infinitely less comfortably, than the meanest industrious
labourers of England do now; where the lands are uncultivated, the
peasants, ill-clothed, ill-lodged, and poorly fed, pass their miserable
days in sloth and filth, totally ignorant of every advantage, of every
comfort which nature lays at their feet. He who passes from the trading
towns and cultured fields of England to those remote villages of
Scotland or Ireland which claim this description, is astonished at the
comparative wretchedness of their destitute inhabitants; but few
consider that these villages only exhibit a view of what Europe was ere
the spirit of commerce diffused the blessings which naturally flow from
her improvements. In the Hebrides the failure of a harvest almost
depopulates an island. Having little or no traffic to purchase grain,
numbers of the young and hale betake themselves to the continent in
quest of employment and food, leaving a few, less adventurous, behind,
to beget a new race, the heir of the same fortune. Yet from the same
cause, from the want of traffic, the kingdom of England has often felt
more dreadful effects than these. Even in the days when her Henries and
Edwards plumed themselves with the trophies of France, how often has
famine spread all her horrors over city and village? Our modern
histories neglect this characteristic feature of ancient days; but the
rude chronicles of these ages inform us, that three or four times in
almost every reign was England thus visited. The failure of the crop was
then severely felt, and two bad harvests in succession were almost
insupportable. But commerce has now opened another scene, has armed
government with the happiest power that can be exerted by the rulers of
a nation--the power to prevent every extremity[29] which may possibly
arise from bad harvests; extremities, which, in former ages, were
esteemed more dreadful visitations of the wrath of Heaven than the
pestilence itself. Yet modern London is not so certainly defended
against the latter, its ancient visitor, than the commonwealth by the
means of commerce, under a just and humane government, is secured
against the ravages of the former. If, from these great outlines of the
happiness enjoyed by a commercial over an uncommercial nation, we turn
our eyes to the manners, the advantages will be found no less in favour
of the civilized.

Whoever is inclined to declaim at the vices of the present age, let him
read, and be convinced, that the Gothic ages were less virtuous. If the
spirit of chivalry prevented effeminacy, it was the foster-father of a
ferocity of manners now happily unknown. Rapacity, avarice, and
effeminacy are the vices ascribed to the increase of commerce; and in
some degree, it must be confessed, they follow her steps. Yet infinitely
more dreadful, as every palatinate in Europe often felt, were the
effects of the two first under the feudal lords than can possibly be
experienced under any system of trade. The virtues and vices of human
nature are the same in every age: they only receive different
modifications, and are dormant, or awakened into action, under different
circumstances. The feudal lord had it infinitely more in his power to be
rapacious than the merchant. And whatever avarice may attend the trader,
his intercourse with the rest of mankind lifts him greatly above that
brutish ferocity which actuates the savage, often the rustic, and in
general characterizes the ignorant part of mankind. The abolition of the
feudal system, a system of absolute slavery, and that equality of
mankind which affords the protection of property, and every other
incitement to industry, are the glorious gifts which the spirit of
commerce, awakened by Prince Henry of Portugal, has bestowed upon Europe
in general; and, as if directed by the manes of his mother, a daughter
of England, upon the British empire in particular. In the vice of
effeminacy alone, perhaps, do we exceed our ancestors; yet, even here we
have infinitely the advantage over them. The brutal ferocity of former
ages is now lost, and the general mind is humanized. The savage breast
is the native soil of revenge; a vice, of all others, peculiarly stamped
with the character of hell. But the mention of this was reserved for the
character of the savages of Europe. The savage of every country is
implacable when injured; but among some, revenge has its measure. When
an American Indian is murdered his kindred pursue the murderer; and, as
soon as blood has atoned for blood, the wilds of America hear the
hostile parties join in their mutual lamentations over the dead, whom,
as an oblivion of malice, they bury together. But the measure of
revenge, never to be full, was left for the demi-savages of Europe. The
vassals of the feudal lord entered into his quarrels with the most
inexorable rage. Just or unjust was no consideration of theirs. It was a
family feud; no farther inquiry was made; and from age to age, the
parties, who never injured each other, breathed nothing but mutual
rancour and revenge. And actions, suitable to this horrid spirit,
everywhere confessed its virulent influence. Such were the late days of
Europe, admired by the ignorant for the innocence of manners. Resentment
of injury, indeed, is natural; and there is a degree which is honest,
and though warm, far from inhuman. But if it is the hard task of
humanized virtue to preserve the feeling of an injury unmixed with the
slightest criminal wish of revenge, how impossible is it for the savage
to attain the dignity of forgiveness, the greatest ornament of human
nature. As in individuals, a virtue will rise into a vice, generosity
into blind profusion, and even mercy into criminal lenity, so civilized
manners will lead the opulent into effeminacy. But let it be considered,
this consequence is by no means the certain result of civilization.
Civilization, on the contrary, provides the most effectual preventive of
this evil. Where classical literature prevails the manly spirit which it
breathes must be diffused; whenever frivolousness predominates, when
refinement degenerates into whatever enervates the mind, literary
ignorance is sure to complete the effeminate character. A mediocrity of
virtues and of talents is the lot of the great majority of mankind; and
even this mediocrity, if cultivated by a liberal education, will
infallibly secure its possessor against those excesses of effeminacy
which are really culpable. To be of plain manners it is not necessary to
be a clown, or to wear coarse clothes; nor is it necessary to lie on the
ground and feed like the savage to be truly manly. The beggar who,
behind the hedge, divides his offals with his dog has often more of the
real sensualist than he who dines at an elegant table. Nor need we
hesitate to assert, that he who, unable to preserve a manly elegance of
manners, degenerates into the _petit maitre_, would have been, in any
age or condition, equally insignificant and worthless. Some, when they
talk of the debauchery of the present age, seem to think that the former
ages were all innocence. But this is ignorance of human nature. The
debauchery of a barbarous age is gross and brutal; that of a gloomy,
superstitious one, secret, excessive, and murderous; that of a more
polished one, much happier for the fair sex,[30] and certainly in no
sense so big with political unhappiness. If one disease has been
imported from America,[31] the most valuable medicines have likewise
been brought from those regions; and distempers, which were thought
invincible by our forefathers, are now cured. If the luxuries of the
Indies usher disease to our tables the consequence is not unknown; the
wise and the temperate receive no injury, and intemperance has been the
destroyer of mankind in every age. The opulence of ancient Rome produced
a luxury of manners which proved fatal to that mighty empire. But the
effeminate sensualists of those ages were not men of intellectual
cultivation. The enlarged ideas, the generous and manly feelings
inspired by a liberal education, were utterly unknown to them. Unformed
by that wisdom which arises from science and true philosophy, they were
gross barbarians, dressed in the mere outward tinsel of
civilization. [32] Where the enthusiasm of military honour characterizes
the rank of gentlemen that nation will rise into empire. But no sooner
does conquest give a continued security than the mere soldier
degenerates; and the old veterans are soon succeeded by a new
generation, illiterate as their fathers, but destitute of their virtues
and experience. Polite literature not only humanizes the heart, but also
wonderfully strengthens and enlarges the mind. Moral and political
philosophy are its peculiar provinces, and are never happily cultivated
without its assistance. But, where ignorance characterizes the body of
the nobility, the most insipid dissipation and the very idleness and
effeminacy of luxury are sure to follow. Titles and family are then the
only merit, and the few men of business who surround the throne have it
then in their power to aggrandize themselves by riveting the chains of
slavery. A stately grandeur is preserved, but it is only outward; all is
decayed within, and on the first storm the weak fabric falls to the
dust. Thus rose and thus fell the empire of Rome, and the much wider one
of Portugal. Though the increase of wealth did, indeed, contribute to
that corruption of manners which unnerved the Portuguese, certain it is
the wisdom of legislature might certainly have prevented every evil
which Spain and Portugal have experienced from their acquisitions in the
two Indies. [33] Every evil which they have suffered from their
acquirements arose, as shall be hereafter demonstrated, from their
general ignorance, which rendered them unable to investigate or
apprehend even the first principles of civil and commercial philosophy.
And what other than the total eclipse of their glory could be expected
from a nobility, rude and unlettered as those of Portugal are described
by the author of the Lusiad--a court and nobility who sealed the truth
of all his complaints against them by suffering that great man, the
light of their age, to die in an almshouse! What but the fall of their
state could be expected from barbarians like these! Nor can the annals
of mankind produce one instance of the fall of empire where the
character of the nobles was other than that ascribed to his countrymen
by Camoens.




MICKLE'S SKETCH OF THE HISTORY

OF THE

DISCOVERY OF INDIA.


No lesson can be of greater national importance than the history of the
rise and the fall of a commercial empire. The view of what advantages
were acquired, and of what might have been still added; the means by
which such empire might have been continued, and the errors by which it
was lost, are as particularly conspicuous in the naval and commercial
history of Portugal as if Providence had intended to give a lasting
example to mankind; a chart, where the course of the safe voyage is
pointed out, and where the shelves and rocks, and the seasons of tempest
are discovered and foretold.

The history of Portugal, as a naval and commercial power, begins with
the designs of Prince Henry. But as the enterprises of this great man,
and the completion of his designs are intimately connected with the
state of Portugal, a short view of the progress of the power, and of the
character of that kingdom, will be necessary to elucidate the history of
the revival of commerce, and the subject of the Lusiad.

During the centuries when the effeminated Roman provinces of Europe were
desolated by the irruptions of the northern barbarians, the Saracens
spread the same horrors of brutal conquest over the finest countries of
the eastern world. The northern conquerors of the finer provinces of
Europe embraced the Christian religion as professed by the monks, and,
contented with the luxuries of their new settlements, their military
spirit soon declined. The Saracens, on the other hand, having embraced
the religion of Mohammed, their rage for war received every addition
which can possibly be inspired by religious enthusiasm. Not only the
spoils of the vanquished, but Paradise itself was to be obtained by
their sabres. Strengthened and inspired by a commission which they
esteemed divine, the rapidity of their conquests far exceeded those of
the Goths and Vandals. The majority of the inhabitants of every country
they subdued embraced their religion and imbibed their principles; thus,
the professors of Mohammedanism became the most formidable combination
ever leagued together against the rest of mankind. Morocco and the
adjacent countries had now received the doctrines of the Koran, and the
arms of the Saracens spread slaughter and desolation from the south of
Spain to Italy, and the islands of the Mediterranean. All the rapine and
carnage committed by the Gothic conquerors were now amply returned on
their less warlike posterity. In Spain, and the province now called
Portugal, the Mohammedans erected powerful kingdoms, and their lust of
conquest threatened destruction to every Christian power. But a romantic
military spirit revived in Europe under the auspices of Charlemagne. The
Mohammedans, during the reign of this sovereign, made a most formidable
irruption into Europe; France in particular felt the weight of their
fury. By the invention of new military honours that monarch drew the
adventurous youth of every Christian power to his standards, which
eventually resulted in the crusades, the beginning of which, in
propriety, should be dated from his reign. Few indeed are the historians
of this period, but enough remains to prove, that though the writers of
the old romance seized upon it, and added the inexhaustible machinery of
magic to the adventures of their heroes, yet the origin of their
fictions was founded on historical facts. [34] Yet, however this period
may thus resemble the fabulous ages of Greece, certain it is, that an
Orlando, a Rinaldo, a Rugero, and other celebrated names in romance,
acquired great honour in the wars which were waged against the
Saracens, the invaders of Europe. In these romantic wars, by which the
power of the Mohammedans was checked, several centuries elapsed, when
Alonzo, King of Castile, apprehensive that the whole force of the
Mohammedans of Spain and Morocco was ready to fall upon him, prudently
imitated the conduct of Charlemagne. He availed himself of the spirit of
chivalry, and demanded leave of Philip I. of France, and other princes,
that volunteers from their dominions might be allowed to distinguish
themselves, under his banners, against the Saracens. His desire was no
sooner known than a brave army of volunteers thronged to his standard,
and Alonzo was victorious. Honours and endowments were liberally
distributed among the champions; and to Henry, a younger son of the Duke
of Burgundy, he gave his daughter, Teresa, in marriage, with the
sovereignty of the countries south of Galicia as a dowry, commissioning
him to extend his dominions by the expulsion of the Moors. Henry, who
reigned by the title of Count, improved every advantage which offered.
The two rich provinces of Entro Minho e Douro, and Tras os Montes,
yielded to his arms; great part of Beira also was subdued, and the
Moorish King of Lamego became his tributary. Many thousands of
Christians, who had lived in miserable subjection to the Moors, took
shelter under the generous protection of Count Henry. Great numbers of
the Moors also changed their religion, and chose rather to continue in
the land where they were born than be exposed to the severities and
injustice of their native governors. And thus, one of the most
beautiful[35] and fertile spots of the world, with the finest climate,
in consequence of a crusade[36] against the Mohammedans, became in the
end the kingdom of Portugal, a sovereignty which in course of time
spread its influence far over the world.

Count Henry, after a successful reign, was succeeded by his infant son,
Don Alonzo-Henry, who, having surmounted the dangers which threatened
his youth, became the founder of the Portuguese monarchy. In 1139 the
Moors of Spain and Barbary united their forces to recover the dominions
from which they had been driven by the Christians. According to the
accounts of the Portuguese writers, the Moorish army amounted to near
400,000 men; nor is this number incredible when we consider what armies
they at other times have brought into the field, and that at this time
they came to take possession of lands from which they had been expelled.
Don Alonzo, however, with a very small army, gave them battle on the
plains of Ourique, and after a struggle of six hours, obtained a most
glorious and complete victory, and one which was crowned with an event
of the utmost importance. On the field of battle Don Alonzo was
proclaimed King of Portugal by his victorious soldiers, and he in return
conferred the rank of nobility on the whole army. The constitution of
the monarchy, however, was not settled, nor was Alonzo invested with the
regalia till six years after this memorable victory. The kind of
government the Portuguese had submitted to under the Spaniards and
Moors, and the advantages which they saw were derived from their own
valour, had taught them the love of liberty, while Alonzo himself
understood the spirit of his subjects too well to make the least attempt
to set himself up as a despotic monarch. After six years spent in
further victories, he called an assembly of the prelates, nobility, and
commons, to meet at Lamego. When the assembly opened, Alonzo appeared
seated on the throne, but without any other mark of regal dignity.
Before he was crowned, the constitution of the state was settled, and
eighteen statutes were solemnly confirmed by oath[37] as the charter of
king and people; statutes diametrically opposite to the divine right and
arbitrary power of kings, principles which inculcate and demand the
unlimited passive obedience of the subject.

The founders of the Portuguese monarchy transmitted to their heirs those
generous principles of liberty which complete and adorn the martial
character. The ardour of the volunteer, an ardour unknown to the slave
and the mercenary, added to the most romantic ideas of military glory,
characterized the Portuguese under the reigns of their first monarchs.
Engaged in almost continual war with the Moors, this spirit rose higher
and higher; and the desire to extirpate Mohammedanism--the principle
which animated the wish of victory in every battle--seemed to take
deeper root in every age. Such were the manners, and such the principles
of the people who were governed by the successors of Alonzo I. --a
succession of great men who proved themselves worthy to reign over so
military and enterprising a nation.

By a continued train of victories the Portuguese had the honour to drive
the Moors from Europe. The invasions of European soil by these people
were now requited by successful expeditions into Africa. Such was the
manly spirit of these ages, that the statutes of Lamego received
additional articles in favour of liberty, a convincing proof that the
general heroism of a people depends upon the principles of freedom.
Alonzo IV. ,[38] though not an amiable character, was perhaps the
greatest warrior, politician, and monarch of his age. After a reign of
military splendour, he left his throne to his son Pedro, surnamed the
Just. Ideas of equity and literature were now diffused by this great
prince,[39] who was himself a polite scholar, and a most accomplished
gentleman. Portugal began to perceive the advantages of cultivated
talents, and to feel its superiority over the barbarous politics of the
ignorant Moors. The great Pedro, however, was succeeded by a weak
prince, and the heroic spirit of the Portuguese seemed to exist no more
under his son Fernando, surnamed the Careless.

Under John I. [40] all the virtues of the Portuguese again shone forth
with redoubled lustre. Happily for Portugal, his father had bestowed an
excellent education upon this prince, which, added to his great natural
talents, rendered him one of the greatest of monarchs. Conscious of the
superiority which his own liberal education gave him, he was assiduous
to bestow the same advantages upon his children, and he himself often
became their preceptor in science and useful knowledge. Fortunate in all
his affairs, he was most of all fortunate in his family. He had many
sons, and he lived to see them become men of parts and of action, whose
only emulation was to show affection to his person and to support his
administration by their great abilities.

All the sons of John excelled in military exercises, and in the
literature of their age; Don Edward and Don Pedro[41] were particularly
educated for the cabinet, and the mathematical genius of Don Henry
received every encouragement which a king and a father could give to
ripen it into perfection and public utility.

History was well known to Prince Henry, and his turn of mind peculiarly
enabled him to make political observations upon it. The history of
ancient Tyre and Carthage showed him what a maritime nation might hope
to become; and the flourishing colonies of the Greeks were the frequent
topic of his conversation. Where Grecian commerce extended its influence
the deserts became cultivated fields, cities rose, and men were drawn
from the woods and caverns to unite in society. The Romans, on the other
hand, when they destroyed Carthage, buried in her ruins the fountain of
civilization, improvement and opulence. They extinguished the spirit of
commerce, and the agriculture of the conquered nations. And thus, while
the luxury of Rome consumed the wealth of her provinces, her
uncommercial policy dried up the sources of its continuance. Nor were
the inestimable advantages of commerce the sole motives of Henry. All
the ardour that the love of his country could awaken conspired to
stimulate the natural turn of his genius for the improvement of
navigation.

As the kingdom of Portugal had been wrested from the Moors, and
established by conquest, so its existence still depended on the
superiority of force of arms; and even before the birth of Henry, the
superiority of the Portuguese navies had been of the utmost consequence
to the protection of the state. Whatever, therefore, might curb the
power of the Moors, was of the utmost importance to the existence of
Portugal. Such were the views and circumstances which united to inspire
the designs of Henry, designs which were powerfully enforced by the
religion of that prince. Desire to extirpate Mohammedanism was
synonymous with patriotism in Portugal. It was the principle which gave
birth to, and supported their monarchy. Their kings avowed it; and
Prince Henry always professed, that to propagate the Gospel and
extirpate Mohammedanism, was the great purpose of all his enterprises.
The same principles, it is certain, inspired King Emmanuel, under whom
the eastern world was discovered by Gama. [42]

The crusades, which had rendered the greatest political service to Spain
and Portugal, had begun now to have some effect upon the commerce of
Europe. The Hanse Towns had received charters of liberty, and had united
together for the protection of their trade against the pirates of the
Baltic. The Lombards had opened a lucrative traffic with the ports of
Egypt, from whence they imported into Europe the riches of India; and
Bruges, the mart between them and the Hanse Towns, was, in consequence,
surrounded with the best agriculture of these ages,[43] a certain proof
of the dependence of agriculture upon the extent of commerce. The Hanse
Towns were liable, however, to be buried in the victories of a tyrant,
and the trade with Egypt was exceedingly insecure and precarious. Europe
was still enveloped in the dark mists of ignorance; commerce still
crept, in an infant state, along the coasts, nor were the ships adapted
for long voyages. A successful tyrant might have overwhelmed the system
of commerce entirely, for it stood on a much narrower basis than in the
days of Phoenician and Greek colonization. A broader and more permanent
foundation of commerce than the world had yet seen was wanting to bless
mankind, and Henry, Duke of Viseo, was born to give it.

In order to promote his designs, Prince Henry was appointed
Commander-in-chief of the Portuguese forces in Africa. He had already,
in 1412, three years before the reduction of Ceuta,[44] sent a ship to
make discoveries on the Barbary coast. Cape Nam[45] (as its name
implies) was then the _ne plus ultra_ of European navigation; the ship
sent by Henry, however, passed it sixty leagues, and reached Cape
Bojador. About a league and a half from Cape St. Vincent (supposed to be
the Promontorium Sacrum of the Romans), Prince Henry built his town of
Sagrez, the best planned and fortified town in Portugal. Here, where the
view of the ocean inspired his hopes, he erected his arsenals, and built
and harboured his ships. And here, leaving the temporary bustle and
cares of the State to his father and brothers, he retired like a
philosopher from the world in order to promote its happiness. Having
received all the information he could obtain in Africa, he continued
unwearied in his mathematical and geographical studies; the art of
ship-building received amazing improvement under his direction, and the
correctness of his ideas of the structure of the globe is now confirmed.
He it was who first suggested the use of the mariner's compass, and of
longitude and latitude in navigation, and demonstrated how these might
be ascertained by astronomical observations. Naval adventurers were now
invited from all parts to the town of Sagrez, and in 1418 Juan Gonsalez
Zarco and Tristran Vaz set sail on an expedition of discovery, the
circumstances of which give us a striking picture of the state of
navigation ere it was remodelled by the genius of Henry.

Cape Bojador, so named from its extent,[46] runs about forty leagues to
the westward, and for about six leagues off land there is a most violent
current, which, dashing upon the shallows, makes a tempestuous sea. This
was deemed impassable, for it had not occurred to any one that by
standing out to sea the current might be avoided. To pass this
formidable Cape was the commission of Zarco and Vaz, who were also
ordered to survey the African coast, which, according to the information
given to Henry by the Moors, extended to the Equator. Zarco and Vaz,
however, lost their course in a storm, and were driven to a small
island, which, in the joy of their deliverance, they named Puerto Santo,
or the Holy Haven. Nor was Prince Henry less joyful of their discovery
than they had been of their escape: sufficient proof of the miserable
state of navigation in those days; for this island is only a few days'
voyage from Sagrez.

The discoverers of Puerto Santo, accompanied by Bartholomew Perestrello,
were, with three ships, sent out on farther trial. Perestrello, having
sown some seeds and left some cattle at Puerto Santo, returned to
Portugal. [47] Zarco and Vaz directing their course southward, in 1419,
perceived something like a cloud on the water, and sailing towards it,
discovered an island covered with woods, which from this circumstance
they named Madeira. [48] And this rich and beautiful island was the first
reward of the enterprises of Prince Henry.

Nature calls upon Portugal to be a maritime power, and her naval
superiority over the Moors, was, in the time of Henry, the surest
defence of her existence as a kingdom. Yet, though all his labours
tended to establish that naval superiority on the surest basis, though
even the religion of the age added its authority to the clearest
political principles in favour of Henry, yet were his enterprises and
his expected discoveries derided with all the insolence of ignorance,
and the bitterness of popular clamour. Barren deserts like Lybia, it was
said, were all that could be found, and a thousand disadvantages, drawn
from these data, were foreseen and foretold. The great mind and better
knowledge of Henry, however, were not thus to be shaken. Twelve years
had elapsed since the discovery of Madeira in unsuccessful endeavours to
carry navigation farther. At length, one of his captains, named
Galianez, in 1434 passed the Cape of Bojador, till then invincible; an
action, says Faria, not inferior to the labours of Hercules.
Galianez, the next year, accompanied by Gonsalez Baldaya, carried his
discoveries many leagues farther. Having put two horsemen on shore to
discover the face of the country, the adventurers, after riding several
hours, saw nineteen men armed with javelins. The natives fled, and the
two horsemen pursued, till one of the Portuguese, being wounded, lost
the first blood that was sacrificed to the new system of commerce. A
small beginning, it soon swelled into oceans, and deluged the eastern
and western worlds. The cruelties of Hernando Cortez, and that more
horrid barbarian, Pizarro,[49] are no more to be charged upon Don Henry
and Columbus, than the villainies of the Jesuits and the horrors of the
Inquisition are to be ascribed to Him who commands us to do to our
neighbour as we would wish our neighbour to do to us. But, if it be
maintained that he who plans a discovery ought to foresee the miseries
which the vicious will engraft upon his enterprise, let the objector be
told that the miseries are uncertain, while the advantages are real and
sure.

In 1440 Anthony Gonsalez brought some Moors prisoners to Lisbon. These
he took two and forty leagues beyond Cape Bojador, and in 1442 he
returned with his captives. One Moor escaped, but ten blacks of Guinea
and a considerable quantity of gold dust were given in ransom for two
others. A rivulet at the place of landing was named by Gonsalez, Rio del
Oro, or the River of Gold. And the islands of Adeget, Arguim, and De las
Garcas were now discovered.

The negroes of Guinea, the first ever seen in Portugal, and the gold
dust, excited other passions beside admiration. A company was formed at
Lagos, under the auspices of Prince Henry, to carry on a traffic with
the newly discovered countries; and, as the Portuguese considered
themselves in a state of continual hostility with the Moors, about two
hundred of these people, inhabitants of the Islands of Nar and Tider, in
1444, were brought prisoners to Portugal. Next year Gonzalo de Cintra
was attacked by the Moors, fourteen leagues beyond Rio del Oro, where,
with seven of his men, he was killed.

This hostile proceeding displeased Prince Henry, and in 1446 Anthony
Gonsalez and two other captains were sent to enter into a treaty of
peace and traffic with the natives of Rio del Oro, and also to attempt
their conversion. But these proposals were rejected by the barbarians,
one of whom, however, came voluntarily to Portugal, and Juan Fernandez
remained with the natives, to observe their manners and the products of
the country.

In 1447 upwards of thirty ships followed the route of traffic which was
now opened; and John de Castilla obtained the infamy to stand the first
on the list of those names whose villainies have disgraced the spirit of
commerce, and afforded the loudest complaints against the progress of
navigation. Dissatisfied with the value of his cargo, he seized twenty
of the natives of Gomera (one of the Canaries), who had assisted him,
and with whom he was in friendly alliance, and brought them as slaves to
Portugal. But Prince Henry resented this outrage, and having given them
some valuable presents of clothes, restored the captives to freedom and
their native country.

The reduction of the Canaries was also this year attempted; but Spain
having challenged the discovery of these islands, the expedition was
discontinued. In the Canary Islands a singular feudal custom existed;
giving to the chief man, or governor, a temporary right to the person of
every bride in his district.

In 1448 Fernando Alonzo was sent ambassador to the king of Cape Verde
with a treaty of trade and conversion, which was defeated at that time
by the treachery of the natives. In 1449 the Azores were discovered by
Gonsalo Vello; and the coast sixty leagues beyond Cape Verde was visited
by the fleets of Henry. It is also certain that some of his commanders
passed the equinoctial line.

Prince Henry had now, with inflexible perseverance, prosecuted his
discoveries for upwards of forty years. His father, John I. , concurred
with him in his views, and gave him every assistance; his brother, King
Edward, during his short reign, took the same interest in his
expeditions as his father had done; nor was the eleven years' regency
of his brother Don Pedro less auspicious to him. [50] But the
misunderstanding between Pedro and his nephew Alonzo V. , who took upon
him the reins of government in his seventeenth year, retarded the
designs of Henry, and gave him much unhappiness. [51] At his town of
Sagrez, from whence he had not moved for many years, Don Henry, now in
his sixty-seventh year, yielded to the stroke of fate, in the year of
our Lord 1463, gratified with the certain prospect that the route to the
eastern world would one day crown the enterprises to which he had given
birth. He saw with pleasure the naval superiority of his country over
the Moors established on the must solid basis, its trade greatly upon
the increase, and flattered himself that he had given a mortal wound to
Mohammedanism. To him, as to their primary author, are due all the
inestimable advantages which ever have flowed, or ever will flow from
the discovery of the greatest part of Africa, and of the East and West
Indies. Every improvement in the state and manners of these countries,
or whatever country may be yet discovered, is strictly due to him. What
is an Alexander, crowned with trophies at the head of his army, compared
with a Henry contemplating the ocean from his window on the rock of
Sagrez! The one suggests the idea of a destroying demon, the other of a
benevolent Deity.

From 1448, when Alonzo V. assumed the power of government, till the end
of his reign in 1471, little progress was made in maritime affairs. Cape
Catherine alone was added to the former discoveries. But under his son,
John II. , the designs of Prince Henry were prosecuted with renewed
vigour. In 1481 the Portuguese built a fort on the Gold Coast, and the
King of Portugal took the title of Lord of Guinea. Bartholomew Diaz, in
1486, reached the river which he named _dell'Infante_ on the eastern
side of Africa, but deterred by the storms of that coast from proceeding
farther, on his return he had the happiness to be the discoverer of the
promontory, unknown for many ages, which bounds the south of Africa.
From the storms he there encountered he named it Cape of Storms; but
John, elated with the promise of India, which this discovery, as he
justly deemed, included, gave it the name of the Cape of Good Hope. The
arts and valour of the Portuguese had now made a great impression on the
minds of the Africans. The King of Congo sent the sons of some of his
principal officers to Lisbon, to be instructed in arts and religion; and
ambassadors from the King of Benin requested teachers to be sent to his
kingdom. On the return of his subjects, the King and Queen of Congo,
with 100,000 of their people, were baptized. An ambassador also arrived
from the Christian Emperor of Abyssinia, and Pedro de Covillam and
Alonzo de Payva were sent by land to penetrate into the East, that they
might acquire whatever intelligence might facilitate the desired
navigation to India. Covillam and Payva parted at Toro in Arabia, and
took different routes. The former having visited Conanor, Calicut, and
Goa in India, returned to Cairo, where he heard of the death of his
companion. Here also he met the Rabbi Abraham of Beja, who was employed
for the same purpose by King John. Covillam sent the Rabbi home with an
account of what countries he had seen, and he himself proceeded to Ormuz
and Ethiopia, but, as Camoens expresses it--

"To _his_ native shore,
Enrich'd with knowledge, _he_ return'd no more. "

Men, whose genius led them to maritime affairs began now to be possessed
by an ardent ambition to distinguish themselves; and the famous Columbus
offered his service to King John, and was rejected. Every one knows the
discoveries of this great adventurer, but his history is generally
misunderstood. [52] The simple truth is, Columbus, who acquired his
skill in navigation among the Portuguese, could be no stranger to the
design, long meditated in that kingdom, of discovering a naval route to
India, which, according to ancient geographers and the opinion of that
age, was supposed to be the next land to the west of Spain. And that
India and the adjacent islands were the regions sought by Columbus is
also certain. John, who esteemed the route to India as almost
discovered, and in the power of his own subjects, rejected the proposals
of the foreigner. But Columbus met a more favourable reception from
Ferdinand and Isabella, the king and queen of Castile. Columbus,
therefore, proposed, as Magalhaens afterwards did, for the same reason,
to steer a westward course, and having in 1492 discovered some western
islands, in 1493, on his return to Spain, he put into the Tagus with
great tokens of the riches of his discovery. Some of the Portuguese
courtiers (the same ungenerous minds, perhaps, who advised the rejection
of Columbus because he was a foreigner) proposed the assassination of
that great man, thereby to conceal from Spain the advantages of his
navigation. But John, though Columbus rather roughly upbraided him,
looked upon him now with a generous regret, and dismissed him with
honour. The King of Portugal, however, alarmed lest the discoveries of
Columbus should interfere with those of his crown, gave orders to equip
a war-fleet to protect his rights. But matters were adjusted by
embassies, and that celebrated treaty was drawn up by which Spain and
Portugal divided the western and eastern worlds between them. The
eastern half of the world was allotted for the Portuguese, and the
western for the Spanish navigation. A Papal Bull also, which, for
obvious reasons, prohibited the propagation of the gospel in these
bounds by the subjects of any other state, confirmed this amicable and
extraordinary treaty.

Soon after this, however, while the thoughts of King John were intent on
the discovery of India, his preparations were interrupted by his death.
But his earnest desires and great designs were inherited, together with
his crown, by his cousin Emmanuel; and in 1497 (the year before Columbus
made the voyage in which he discovered the mouth of the river Oronoko),
Vasco de Gama sailed from the Tagus for the discovery of India.

Of this voyage, the subject of the Lusiad, many particulars are
necessarily mentioned in the notes; we shall therefore only allude to
these, but be more explicit on the others, which are omitted by Camoens
in obedience to the rules of epic poetry.

Notwithstanding the popular clamour against the undertaking, Emmanuel
was determined to prosecute the views of Prince Henry and John II. Three
sloops of war and a store ship, manned with only 160 men, were fitted
out; for hostility was not the purpose of this expedition. Vasco de
Gama, a gentleman of good family, who, in a war with the French, had
given signal proofs of his naval skill, was commissioned admiral and
general, and his brother Paul, with his friend Nicholas Coello, were
appointed to command under him. It is the greatest honour of kings to
distinguish the characters of their officers, and to employ them
accordingly. Emmanuel in many instances was happy in this talent,
particularly in the choice of his admiral for the discovery of India.
All the enthusiasm of desire to accomplish his end, joined with the
greatest heroism, the quickest penetration, and coolest prudence, united
to form the character of Gama. On his appointment he confessed to the
king that his mind had long aspired to this expedition. The king
expressed great confidence in his prudence and honour, and gave him,
with his own hand, the colours which he was to carry. On this banner,
which bore the cross of the military Order of Christ, Gama, with great
enthusiasm, took the oath of fidelity.

About four miles from Lisbon is a chapel on the sea side. To this, the
day before their departure, Gama conducted the companions of his
expedition. He was to encounter an ocean untried, and dreaded as
unnavigable, and he knew the power of religion on minds which are not
inclined to dispute its authority. The whole night was spent in the
chapel in prayers for success, and in the rites of their devotion. The
next day, when the adventurers marched to the fleet, the shore of
Belem[53] presented one of the most solemn and affecting scenes perhaps
recorded in history. The beach was covered with the inhabitants of
Lisbon. A procession of priests, in their robes, sang anthems and
offered up invocations to heaven. Every one looked on the adventurers as
brave men going to a dreadful execution; as rushing upon certain death;
and the vast multitude caught the fire of devotion, and joined aloud in
prayers for their success. The relations, friends, and acquaintances of
the voyagers wept; all were affected; the sight was general; Gama
himself shed manly tears on parting with his friends, but he hurried
over the tender scene, and hastened on board with all the alacrity of
hope. He set sail immediately, and so much affected were the thousands
who beheld his departure, that they remained immovable on the shore,
till the fleet, under full sail, vanished from their sight.

It was on the 8th of July when Gama left the Tagus. The flag ship was
commanded by himself, the second by his brother, the third by Coello,
and the store ship by Gonsalo Nunio. Several interpreters, skilled in
Arabic, and other oriental languages, went along with them. Ten
malefactors (men of abilities, whose sentences of death were reversed,
on condition of their obedience to Gama in whatever embassies or dangers
among the barbarians he might think proper to employ them), were also on
board. The fleet, favoured by the weather, passed the Canary and Cape de
Verde islands, but had now to encounter other fortune. Sometimes stopped
by dead calms, but for the most part tossed by tempests, which increased
in violence as they proceeded to the south. Thus driven far to sea they
laboured through that wide ocean which surrounds St. Helena, in seas,
says Faria, unknown to the Portuguese discoverers, none of whom had
sailed so far to the west. From the 28th of July, the day they passed
the isle of St. James, they had seen no shore, and now on November the
4th they were happily relieved by the sight of land. The fleet anchored
in the large bay,[54] and Coello was sent in search of a river where
they might take in wood and fresh water. Having found one, the fleet
made towards it, and Gama, whose orders were to acquaint himself with
the manners of the people wherever he touched, ordered a party of his
men to bring him some of the natives by force, or stratagem. One they
caught as he was gathering honey on the side of a mountain, and brought
him to the fleet. He expressed the greatest indifference about the gold
and fine clothes which they showed him, but was greatly delighted with
some glasses and little brass bells. These with great joy he accepted,
and was set on shore; and soon after many of the blacks came for, and
were gratified with, the like trifles; in return for which they gave
plenty of their best provisions. None of Gama's interpreters, however,
could understand a word of their language, or obtain any information of
India. The friendly intercourse between the fleet and the natives was,
however, soon interrupted by the imprudence of Veloso, a young
Portuguese, which occasioned a skirmish wherein Gama's life was
endangered. Gama and some others were on shore taking the altitude of
the sun, when in consequence of Veloso's rashness they were attacked by
the blacks with great fury. Gama defended himself with an oar, and
received a dart in his foot. Several others were likewise wounded, and
they found safety in retreat. A discharge of cannon from the ships
facilitated their escape, and Gama, esteeming it imprudent to waste his
strength in attempts entirely foreign to the design of his voyage,
weighed anchor, and steered in search of the extremity of Africa.

In this part of the voyage, says Osorius, "The heroism of Gama was
greatly displayed. " The waves swelled up like mountains, the ships
seemed at one time heaved up to the clouds, and at another precipitated
to the bed of the ocean. The winds were piercing cold, and so boisterous
that the pilot's voice could seldom be heard, and a dismal darkness,
which at that tempestuous season involves these seas, added all its
horrors. Sometimes the storm drove them southward, at other times they
were obliged to stand on the tack and yield to its fury, preserving what
they had gained with the greatest difficulty.

"With such mad seas the daring Gama fought
For many a day, and many a dreadful night,
Incessant labouring round the stormy Cape,
By bold ambition led. "

THOMSON.

During any interval of the storm, the sailors, wearied out with fatigue,
and abandoned to despair, surrounded Gama, and implored him not to
suffer himself, and those committed to his care, to perish by so
dreadful a death. The impossibility that men so weakened could endure
much longer, and the opinion that this ocean was torn by eternal
tempest, and therefore had hitherto been, and was impassable, were
urged. But Gama's resolution to proceed was unalterable. [55] A
conspiracy was then formed against his life. But his brother discovered
it, and the courage and prudence of Gama defeated its design. He put the
chief conspirators and all the pilots in irons, and he himself, his
brother, Coello, and some others, stood night and day at the helm and
directed the course. At last, after having many days, with unconquered
mind, withstood the tempest and mutiny (_molem perfidiae_) the storm
suddenly ceased, and they beheld the Cape of Good Hope.

On November the 20th all the fleet doubled that promontory, and steering
northward, coasted along a rich and beautiful shore, adorned with large
forests and numberless herds of cattle. All was now alacrity; the hope
that they had surmounted every danger revived their spirits, and the
admiral was beloved and admired. Here, and at the bay, which they named
St. Blas, they took in provisions, and beheld these beautiful rural
scenes, described by Camoens. And here the store sloop was burnt by
order of the admiral. On December the 8th a violent tempest drove the
fleet out of sight of land, and carried them to that dreadful current
which made the Moors deem it impossible to double the Cape. Gama,
however, though unlucky in the time of navigating these seas, was safely
carried over the current by the violence of a tempest; and having
recovered the sight of land, as his safest course he steered northward
along the coast. On the 10th of January they discovered, about 230 miles
from their last watering place, some beautiful islands, with herds of
cattle frisking in the meadows. It was a profound calm, and Gama stood
near to land. The natives were better dressed and more civilized than
those they had hitherto seen. An exchange of presents was made, and the
black king was so pleased with the politeness of Gama, that he came
aboard his ship to see him. At this place, which he named Terra de
Natal, Gama left two of the malefactors before mentioned to procure what
information they could against his return. On the 15th of January, in
the dusk of the evening, they came to the mouth of a large river, whose
banks were shaded with trees laden with fruit. On the return of day they
saw several little boats with palm-tree leaves making towards them, and
the natives came aboard without hesitation or fear. Gama received them
kindly, gave them an entertainment, and some silken garments, which they
received with visible joy. Only one of them, however, could speak a
little broken Arabic. From him Fernan Martinho learned that not far
distant was a country where ships, in shape and size like Gama's,
frequently resorted. This gave the fleet great encouragement, and the
admiral named this place "The River of Good Signs. "

Here, while Gama refitted his ships, the crews were attacked with a
violent scurvy, which carried off several of his men. Having taken in
fresh provisions, on the 24th of February he set sail, and on the 1st of
March they descried four islands on the coast of Mozambique. From one of
these they perceived seven vessels in full sail bearing to the fleet.
The Rais, or captain, knew Gama's ship by the admiral's ensign, and made
up to her, saluting her with loud huzzas and instruments of music. Gama
received them aboard, and entertained them with great kindness. The
interpreters talked with them in Arabic. The island, in which was the
principal harbour and trading town, they said, was governed by a deputy
of the King of Quiloa; and many Arab merchants, they added, were settled
here, who traded with Arabia, India, and other parts of the world. Gama
was overjoyed, and the crew, with uplifted hands, returned thanks to
Heaven.

Pleased with the presents which Gama sent him, and imagining that the
Portuguese were Mohammedans from Morocco, the governor, dressed in rich
embroidery, came to congratulate the admiral on his arrival in the east.
As he approached the fleet in great pomp, Gama removed the sick out of
sight, and ordered all those in health to attend above deck, armed in
the Portuguese manner; for he foresaw what would happen when the
Mohammedans should discover it was a Christian fleet. During the
entertainment provided for him Zacocia seemed highly pleased, and asked
several questions about the arms and religion of the strangers. Gama
showed him his arms, and explained the force of his cannon, but he did
not affect to know much about religion; however he frankly promised to
show him his books of devotion whenever a few days refreshment should
give him a more convenient time. In the meanwhile he entreated Zacocia
to send him some pilots who might conduct him to India. Two pilots were
next day brought by the governor, a treaty of peace was solemnly
concluded, and every office of mutual friendship seemed to promise a
lasting harmony. But it was soon interrupted. Zacocia, as soon as he
found the Portuguese were Christians, used every endeavour to destroy
the fleet. The life of Gama was attempted. One of the Moorish pilots
deserted, and some of the Portuguese who were on shore to get fresh
water were attacked by the natives, but were rescued by a timely
assistance from the ships.

Besides the hatred of the Christian name, inspired by their religion,
the Arabs had other reasons to wish the destruction of Gama. Before this
period, they were almost the only merchants of the East; they had
colonies in every place convenient for trade, and were the sole masters
of the Ethiopian, Arabian, and Indian seas. They clearly foresaw the
consequences of the arrival of Europeans, and every art was soon exerted
to prevent such formidable rivals from effecting any footing in the
East. To these Mohammedan traders the Portuguese gave the name of Moors.

Immediately after the skirmish at the watering-place, Gama, having one
Moorish pilot, set sail, but was soon driven back by tempestuous
weather. He now resolved to take in fresh water by force. The Moors
perceiving his intention, about two thousand of them rising from ambush,
attacked the Portuguese detachment. But the prudence of Gama had not
been asleep. His ships were stationed with art, and his artillery not
only dispersed the hostile Moors, but reduced their town, which was
built of wood, into a heap of ashes. Among some prisoners taken by
Paulus de Gama was a pilot, and Zacocia begging forgiveness for his
treachery, sent another, whose skill in navigation he greatly commended.

A war with the Moors was now begun. Gama perceived that their jealousy
of European rivals gave him nothing to expect but open hostility and
secret treachery; and he knew what numerous colonies they had on every
trading coast of the East. To impress them, therefore, with the terror
of his arms on their first act of treachery, was worthy of a great
commander. Nor was he remiss in his attention to the chief pilot who had
been last sent. He perceived in him a kind of anxious endeavour to bear
near some little islands, and suspecting there were unseen rocks in that
course, he confidently charged the pilot with guilt, and ordered him to
be severely whipped. The punishment produced a confession and promises
of fidelity. And he now advised Gama to stand for Quiloa, which he
assured him was inhabited by Christians. Three Ethiopian Christians had
come aboard the fleet while at Zacocia's island, and the opinions then
current about Prester John's country inclined Gama to try if he could
find a port where he might obtain the assistance of a people of his own
religion. A violent storm, however, drove the fleet from Quiloa, and
being now near Mombas, the pilot advised him to enter that harbour,
where, he said, there were also many Christians.

The city of Mombas is agreeably situated on an island, formed by a river
which empties itself into the sea by two mouths. The buildings are lofty
and of solid stone, and the country abounds with fruit-trees and cattle.
Gama, happy to find a harbour where everything wore the appearance of
civilization, ordered the fleet to cast anchor, which was scarcely done,
when a galley, in which were 100 men in oriental costume, armed with
bucklers and sabres, rowed up to the flag ship. All of these seemed
desirous to come on board, but only four, who by their dress seemed
officers, were admitted; nor were these allowed, till stripped of their
arms. When on board they extolled the prudence of Gama in refusing
admittance to armed strangers; and by their behaviour, seemed desirous
to gain the good opinion of the fleet. Their country, they boasted,
contained all the riches of India; and their king, they professed, was
ambitious of entering into a friendly treaty with the Portuguese, with
whose renown he was well acquainted. And, that a conference with his
majesty and the offices of friendship might be rendered more convenient,
Gama was requested to enter the harbour. As no place could be more
commodious for the recovery of the sick, Gama resolved to enter the
port; and in the meanwhile sent two of the pardoned criminals as an
embassy to the king. These the king treated with the greatest kindness,
ordered his officers to show them the strength and opulence of his city;
and, on their return to the navy, he sent a present to Gama of the most
valuable spices, of which he boasted such abundance, that the
Portuguese, he said, if they regarded their own interest, would seek for
no other India.

To make treaties of commerce was the business of Gama; and one so
advantageous was not to be refused. Fully satisfied by the report of his
spies, he ordered to weigh anchor and enter the harbour. His own ship
led the way, when a sudden violence of the tide made Gama apprehensive
of running aground. He therefore ordered the sails to be furled, and the
anchors to be dropped, and gave a signal for the rest of the fleet to
follow his example. This manoeuvre, and the cries of the sailors in
executing it, alarmed the Mozambique pilots. Conscious of their
treachery, they thought their design was discovered, and leaped into the
sea. Some boats of Mombas took them up, and refusing to put them on
board, set them safely on shore, though the admiral repeatedly demanded
the restoration of the pilots. These proofs of treachery were farther
confirmed by the behaviour of the King of Mombas. In the middle of the
night Gama thought he heard some noise, and on examination, found his
fleet surrounded by a great number of Moors, who, with the utmost
secrecy, endeavoured to cut his cables. But their scheme was defeated;
and some Arabs, who remained on board, confessed that no Christians were
resident either at Quiloa or Mombas. The storm which drove them from the
one place, and their late escape at the other, were now beheld as
manifestations of the Divine favour, and Gama, holding up his hands to
heaven, ascribed his safety to the care of Providence. [56] Two days,
however, elapsed before they could get clear of the rocky bay of Mombas.
Having now ventured to hoist their sails, they steered for Melinda, a
port, they had been told, where many merchants from India resorted. In
their way thither they took a Moorish vessel, out of which Gama selected
fourteen prisoners, one of whom he perceived by his mien to be a person
of distinction. By this Saracen, Gama was informed that he was near
Melinda, that the king was hospitable, and celebrated for his faith, and
that four ships from India, commanded by Christian masters, were in that
harbour. The Saracen also offered to go as Gama's messenger to the king,
and promised to procure him an able pilot to conduct him to Calicut, the
chief port of India.

As the coast of Melinda appeared to be dangerous, Gama anchored at some
distance from the city, and, unwilling to risk the safety of any of his
men, he landed the Saracen on an island opposite to Melinda.