Of his
criticism
on Sallust
as quoted by Ascham, something has already been said?
as quoted by Ascham, something has already been said?
Cambridge History of English Literature - 1908 - v03
Hebrew bad
more students than Greek. Tremellius, who taught it at Cam-
bridge, was a foreigner; so were most of his successors. Oxford
learnt Calvinian divinity from Huguenots and other refugees,
Spanish and Italian. It is not the least title to their place in the
## p. 423 (#445) ############################################
Civil Law at the
Universities
423
history of literature, that Oxford and Cambridge bred the men
to whom we owe the Bishops' Bible, the prayer-book and the
Authorised Version!
The place of civil law in the English universities needs brief
mention. Sir Thomas Smith claimed it as a branch of humanism.
In Elyot's vein, he will have it broadly based upon philosophy,
ethics and history. This, the doctrine of Cujas and Alciati, he had
imbibed at Padua and Bologna. For a short time, he succeeded
in winning minds of distinction to study in this spirit a juris-
prudence from which, in respect of precision and authority,
English lawyers might learn much. But the uncertain professional
demand for civilians, the academic temper of the Cambridge
school, the suspicion attaching to the subject as Italian and,
therefore, inevitably, papal, the growing sense of nationality
and the unassailable place of English law which accompanied it,
rendered Smith's hopes ultimately fruitless. Yet there was felt
in high places some need for civil lawyers to advise upon
international usages, to draft treaties and conduct diplomatic corre-
spondence. In 1549, visitors were instructed to set apart, at both
universities, colleges for the exclusive study of civil law, but the
proposal had no countenance. Fellowships, specifically allotted to
this subject, as at All Souls, were, in very many cases, held by
theologians.
Oxford possessed, in Albericus Gentilis (1552—1608) a civilian
of Perugia, elected regius professor of civil law in 1587, the most
learned lawyer of the Elizabethan time. In his hands grew up
a system of international law to serve the needs of a world in
which church and empire alike had ceased to be the dominant
powers. His chief works were De Legationibus (1584), in which
he defined the basis and limits of diplomatic privilege, and De
Jure Belli (1588–98). This standing monument of Oxford
civil studies exhibits a masterly examination of international
historical precedents of the sixteenth century, utilised to reconcile
the Bible, the protestant doctrine of natural law and the essential
principles of the imperial code. Grotius, a century later, was
deeply indebted to Gentilis, from whom, indeed, international law,
as a systematic body of doctrine, is, ultimately, derived. Gentilis, a
man of wide interests and of great learning, exercised profound
influence in the university and was highly regarded at court. His
method of teaching differed from that of Smith and his successor
Haddon, in that he concentrated attention upon the development
1 See ante, chap. u.
## p. 424 (#446) ############################################
424 Universities, Schools and Scholarship
of civil law in its direct application to modern use, with entire
indifference to it as a branch of humanist study; for so to regard law
could, in the England of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
only end in its relegation to 'polite learning. ' The supremacy
of English law was, indeed, already secured. The activity of the
Inns of Court and the genius of Coke did but serve to enforce
the inevitable trend of things. Trinity Hall, however (especially
under its master, Cowell, 1598), All Souls and Broadgates were, more
or less, frequented by civilians. But, to Stewart parliamentarians,
Roman law was identified with absolutism and high prelacy.
The lines of classical study were, nominally, determined by
requirements for degrees. But the colleges were already dominant
in teaching and in administration. The more strenuous exacted
entrance tests. Rhetoric, in the wider humanist sense, philosophy,
ethical and natural,' and logic were the accepted subjects for the
degree. Oxford logic was strictly Aristotelian. Elsewhere, as
at Cambridge and St Andrews, it began to be taught on lines
which Ramus elaborated from Agricola, and this, in turn, developed
into the logic of Port Royal Greek, as a university study,
steadily declined from the standard set up by Cheke. None of
his successors could arouse the old enthusiasm. Whitgift, the
strongest force in the university, knew no Greek. Under Mary, it
was reputed to have disappeared from Oxford. Sir Thomas Pope's
lament concerns this. Leicester, as chancellor, complained, in 1582,
that the Oxford professor read seldom or never. Indeed, it may
be affirmed that no work in classical scholarship was produced at
Oxford or Cambridge during the period under review which is
remotely worthy of comparison with that turned out by Scaliger,
Estienne, Nizolius, Casaubon, Turnebus, or a hundred industrious,
but now half forgotten, scholars in French and German lands. Nor
can English learning show a scholar, unless it were Henry Savile,
to rank with George Buchanan. In Greek, not one of the trans-
lators, Savile excepted, but works through a French version, like
North. There was, on the other hand, a large output of Latin
plays? -evidence, no doubt, of careful study in school and uni-
versity of classical or neo-Latin models. Trinity (Cambridge)
statutes (1560) contain clauses concerning the performance of
college plays. Acting was the accepted mode of training youth
in speaking Latin and in grace of gesture, wherever humanists
controlled education. Shrewsbury, in this matter, held the pre-
eminence amongst English schools ; but at none of any pretension
1 See vol. v of the present work.
6
i
## p. 425 (#447) ############################################
English Learning in the XVIth Century
Century 425
was the practice neglected, though in Westminster alone has the
tradition retained its vitality to our own day.
As the humanism of the sixteenth century became more
strictly literary in its range, so surely did mathematics and
natural philosophy sink to a lower place in English learning.
Their affinity was with navigation, architecture or military science,
not with the learned professions; a typical and very popular
hand-book was Blundeville His exercises . . . in Cosmographie. . . .
Methods of observation and experiment, working to practical
ends, superseded authoritative appeal to Aristotle or Ptolemy.
Recorde's The Castel of Knowledge (1553) had a vogue for half
a century as a manual of the new mathematic, harmonised to the
Copernican astronomy. The English Euclid (1570) would seem to
have had but a poor sale. Original work, like Gilbert's De Magnete
(1600) kept its Latin dress, and, apart from this, nothing of first
rate importance in the field of pure science was produced from
an English press during the period under discussion.
It is an interesting, though difficult, task to realise the actual
range and level of the work of a studious undergraduate coming
up from Westminster or Shrewsbury to Christ Church at Oxford or
St John's at Cambridge. Statutes, in effect, lend little or no help.
Colleges ordered and gave the instruction and, apparently, were
powerful enough to secure dispensation from the formal university
exercises. A large, though varying, number in every college never
graduated at all. Though the age at matriculation tended to rise,
Bacon (who, himself, entered at twelve years and three months)
complained, in the closing years of the century, that a prime cause
of the futility of university education lay in the immaturity of the
undergraduate. We may remember that Bentham, two centuries
later, went up at twelve. Magdalen (Oxford) wisely put raw first
year 'men' to the learning of rudiments in its own admirable
grammar school. Yet, there is ample evidence that ambitious and
well-prepared boys-precocious, perhaps, to our seeming-not only
found helpful teaching in classical letters, but developed broad and
abiding interests. Bodley, Wotton, Savile, Sidney and Hooker at
Oxford, Spenser, Downes, Fraunce and Harington at Cambridge,
are typical of different groups of men who owed much to the univer-
sities for the shaping of their bent. But that single-eyed devotion
to scholarship which marked the circle of Cheke, Smith and Ascham
at the outset of this period is far to seek as it draws to a close.
Theology attracted the strongest intelligence as it has done at
certain epochs since. The way to secular advance lay at court or
## p. 426 (#448) ############################################
426 Universities, Schools and Scholarship
>
in adventure. Wotton, indeed, wrote his Latin play like many
another.
But he found his enjoyment at Oxford in reading law
with Gentilis, in learning Italian and in working at optics. Donne
had read enough for graduation by the time he was thirteen : and
he then left to spend four desultory years at Cambridge. Henry
Savile, warden of Merton and, later, like Wotton, provost of Eton,
whose rightful repute for scholarship even Scaliger allowed, trans-
lated the Annals of Tacitus (1692) wrote on Roman warfare, edited
Xenophon (the Cyropaedia) and produced the first substantial
work of English patristic learning since the revival. He stands
for the courtier' as developed on English soil, a man of the
world, versatile and travelled, 'the scholar gentleman. ' Before
the queen died, the English universities Bad already begun to
realise their national function as the breeders of men of talent
for affairs, of divines and schoolmasters, with here and there, as
a ‘sport,' a' man of letters and, yet more rarely, a leader in
scholarship
Three other foundations call for mention : Edinburgh (1582)
Trinity College, Dublin (1591) and Gresham College (1596). The
reformation struggle had all but extinguished university teaching in
Scotland, which sent students to Padua or Douay, or to the Collège
de Guyenne, at Bordeaux, where we meet with many Scottish
names, that of George Buchanan, as a teacher, among them. It is
characteristic of the time that young Scotsmen very rarely found
their way to Oxford or Cambridge. Andrew Melville, though as
fanatic as Knox, was, however, a humanist and did something to
restore learning at Glasgow and St Andrews. Edinburgh was
too young to take effective part in building up the fabric of
Scottish protestant humanism. Trinity College, Dublin, an
outstanding product of the English reformation, was, as Fuller
describes it, a plantation settled from Cambridge. The first
suggestion for a foundation in Dublin had come from archbishop
Browne, some forty years before, and was repeated after Elizabeth's
accession. The temper of the founder was revealed in the two
men who filled the office of provost, the first, archbishop Loftus,
a fellow of Trinity, Cambridge--and admirer of Cartwright-and
the second, Travers, of Disciplina fame, puritan and arch-separatist.
The college was, of course, part and parcel of the English occu-
pation. Sir Thomas Gresham designed his college (1596), in
London, to be 'an epitome of a University. Oxford chose the
original seven professors, who included Henry Briggs, Napier's
collaborator. The professor of law was expressly directed to
## p. 427 (#449) ############################################
English Schools under Elizabeth
427
treat of contracts, monopolies, shipping and the like. "Medicine'
covered not only the study of Galen and Hippocrates, but, also,
modern theories of physiology, pathology and therapeutics. Geo-
metry was to be both theoretical and practical. In divinity,
she professor was charged specially to defend the Church of
England. It was a notable attempt to adapt the widening know-
ledge of the day to the needs of the spacious time.
It is significant that, in both universities, the art of printing
ceased at some date between 1520—30, to be restored at
Cambridge, in 1582, when Thomas was recognised as printer to the
university, and at Oxford, in 1585, when Barnes set up a press.
But the centre of English printing and publishing was London,
where fifty presses were at work under strict surveillance of court
and bishop. From 1586, licence to publish was granted by the
archbishop of Canterbury and the bishop of London, and the only
two presses authorised without the London area were those of
Oxford and Cambridge. Little of the first order was produced,
however, by the university printers. The mass of texts for school
and college were not of English origin, but bear the imprint of
Plantin, Aldus, or Gryphius and of the busy workshops of Basel
and Paris.
The influence of Edwardian legislation on English schools is
a subject for the general historian. It is, however, to be noted
how large was the supply of small schools, elementary, ‘song,'
or grammar schools in England, as revealed by the chantry com-
mission of 1548, particularly in the eastern half of the kingdom.
Some half dozen school foundations, such as Sedbergh and Bir-
mingham, are in debt to Northumberland. Mary could do as little
for schools as for universities. Elizabeth's counsellors took up
the task where Edward's death had left it. The queen's trained
intelligence was on the side of knowledge. In church and in
state, the men she trusted owed more to acquired gifts than to
birth. Classical education was in favour at court; money from
religious houses was though sparingly, as always--accorded to
school endowments on request. To restore the local grammar
school became a fashion. Merchants, servants of the crown,
country gentry, superior clergy, borough corporations, founded
free grammar schools. Westminster was reconstructed; Eton
and Winchester, which had the immunities of a college of the
universities, widened studies and enlarged their numbers. The
leaving age was advanced. A new type of scholar, sometimes, like
## p. 428 (#450) ############################################
428
Universities, Schools and Scholarship
a
Ashton of Shrewsbury, a man of versatile gifts and standing at
court, or a travelled historian like Camden, became headmaster.
Savile and Wotton dignified the office of provost of Eton. Purely
local schools, such as Peterborough or Colchester, made stringent
requirements of attainment in their headmasters. Fellows of the
best colleges took service in schools, and, though often incompetent
as teachers, were but rarely ill-educated men. The best houses
began to send boys to school. The tutor remained for the younger
brothers, or piloted the promising graduate through the perils of
the foreign tour. The burgher class adopted the new education.
Colet's reformed school of St Paul's was copied in fifty towns.
Borough councils were importunate to secure charters and grants.
In order to keep a high level of efficiency, here and there a founder
linked his school to one of the colleges of the university, after the
fashion of Eton or Winchester. The lay spirit became dominant.
Shrewsbury, indeed, was a civic school, but ecclesiastical founda-
tions also, like Westminster and Winchester, now and again had
lay heads. The licence to teach was granted by the bishop of the
diocese, and, nominally at least, royal sanction gave its imprimatur
to a Latin grammar or to a historical text-book like Ocland's
Anglorum Praelia. Yet, in reality, instruction was unfettered
within the limits of school statutes.
There were, in effect, two main types of school. The first was the
great public boarding school : Eton, Winchester and Westminster,
drawing pupils from the country at large, though Westminster was,
largely, a London school ; with these ranked Shrewsbury, which,
of local origin and a day school, yet served a province, and was
filled with sons of the gentry of north Wales, and the north-
west midlands. The second type was the town day school, of diverse
origin, such as St Paul's, Merchant Taylors', St Saviour's South-
wark, Manchester, Guildford, Tonbridge, or Magdalen College
school. Wolsey's school of Ipswich apart, there is no reason to
assume imitation of French or German models in organisation.
The statutes of Wykeham or of Colet were the standing guide.
Compared with the superior clergy, headmasters, like heads of
houses in the universities, were poorly paid. Ashton had £40
per annum at Shrewsbury. The Westminster headship was worth
£27. 11s. 8d. , but ‘presents' were expected from parents. Camden
said he earned enough. Guildford could pay £24 in 1596. Bucer's
stipend of £100, in Edward's reign, was magnificent, but unique.
The usual pay of the one master of a small grammar school, in
1548, was six or seven pounds. Rotherham and Southwell,
>
## p. 429 (#451) ############################################
The School Curriculum 429
collegiate schools, could afford £10 or a little more. Shrewsbury
was, about 1570, far the best paid headship in England, and the
school numbers exceeded those of Eton or Winchester. The
custom of taking 'private pupils,' however, grew rapidly towards
the end of the century. As a Cambridge fellow rarely received
so much as £6, including his allowance for commons, the new
schools tended to attract promising material to their staff.
The practice of the better schools was to require that boys,
on admission, should have had good grounding in accidence, know
the concords and read and write English intelligibly. The curricu-
lum was, almost exclusively, classical. A little mathematics, some
smattering of astronomy, may have been added here and there;
but neither logic nor English was taught, and history (Ocland,
indeed, is an interesting phenomenon) simply as a comment
on Livy or Plutarch. The four public schools followed a very
similar order. At Westminster, apparently, Greek was carried
further than elsewhere: for Xenophon, Isocrates, Demosthenes,
Homer and Hesiod are expressly prescribed in the Elizabethan
curriculum. Eton seems to have aimed no higher than the grammar.
Shrewsbury makes no mention of any author harder than Isocrates.
Thucydides and Euripides are never named. The grammar generally
used was Clenard's, until Grant, at Westminster, introduced his
Spicilegium and Eton adapted it to its own use as the Eton Greek
grammar. Efforts at Greek composition were exceptional. Chief
stress was laid in every school upon exercises in Latin prose and
verse. To lay the foundations of prose style was the object of every
master. To this end, he began with the Colloquies of Erasmus,
Cordier and Vives, and passed to Sturm's selection of Cicero's Letters.
As early as possible, the pupil was turned on to Terence, whose
pure Roman diction every humanist, Catholic or puritan alike,
upheld for imitation. Caesar, properly, was not regarded as an
elementary text. Sallust was commonly read, but Tacitus very
rarely. There was no reluctance to put Juvenal and Martial into
boys' hands. The Figurae of Mosellanus, the Epitome Troporum
of Susenbrotus, the grammars of Despauterius and Lily are
commonly alluded to. At Ipswich, Wolsey prescribed the Ele-
gantiae of Valla. Rhetoric, in the developed sense, was left to the
university. The school-play took the place of the mystery, and the
pageant competed with the play. Shrewsbury and Chester schools
were famous for dramatic exhibitions. Henry Sidney, lord of the
Welsh March, whose son Philip was a pupil of Ashton, was enter-
tained, after a visit to the town, with a noteworthy river-pageant
## p. 430 (#452) ############################################
430 Universities, Schools and Scholarship
performed by the boys as he was rowed down the Severn on his
journey home. In many schools, the performance of a scene
from Terence or Seneca was a weekly exercise, the example of
Melanchthon and John Sturm being herein followed. English writing
was, probably, more cared for than directly appears. For the
admirable training provided by exact construing, by essay-writing
and by declamations, though these were never vernacular exercises,
developed taste in words and some sense of the logical texture of
speech. What natural history was imparted was given by way of
notes to classical texts. Much attention was often given to sing-
ing. But the arts of writing and ciphering were relegated to
separate and inferior schools. There was, inevitably, much repe-
tition, and a harsh discipline enforced attention to uncongenial
task-work. In the Elizabethan school, the hard edge of circum-
stance was never softened to the weak. The 'big school,' in which
all classes were held together, carried with it the idea of corporate
life. Monitors were always employed for discipline and for aid in
teaching junior forms. As a rule, foundationers, and these alone,
received education free of all charges, except for 'birch broom and
candles. ' The age of leaving for the university is hard to estimate;
but the better taught schools tried to retain their promising pupils
till their sixteenth year. In time of plague, a large school, like
the colleges, had its retreat; Westminster had a house at
Chiswick, Eton at Chippenham, Magdalen College, Oxford, at
Brackley. Not a few schools began to acquire a library of merit,
which, in the case of such a school as Shrewsbury, has, by happy
neglect, survived intact to our own day.
The rapid growth of the revival in England may be illustrated
by contrasting the position and attainments of Grocyn at Oxford
(1491) and those of 'John Cheke who taught Cambridge Greek'as
regius professor, in 1540. Admitted at St John's when twelve years
of age, Cheke so proved his skill in the tongues as 'to have laid the
very foundations of learning in his College. ' The foundation of
the royal chair of Greek gave him the pre-eminence, both titular
and real, in Cambridge scholarship. His expositions of Euripides
and Sophocles, Herodotus and the Ethics of Aristotle, are specially
recorded. These, probably, were of far more importance in the
history of learning in England than the controversy as to the
right value of Greek vowel sounds, with which his name is usually
associated. Cheke became public orator in 1544, and was ap-
pointed tutor to prince Edward. At heart a reformer, he had no
## p. 431 (#453) ############################################
The Writers on Rhetoric
431
scruple in accepting conventual lands, whereby he became a man
of wealth and station. As provost of King's College, one of
Somerset's visitors, a knight and intimate at court, he was familiar
with the currents both of learning and of politics. For rashly
embracing the cause of lady Jane Grey, he went, in due course,
to the Tower; he was soon released, but, circumspectly, passed
to the continent, where we hear of him teaching Greek at Padua
and at Strassburg. He was arrested by order of Philip II, near
Brussels, as an 'unlicensed' traveller and conveyed, once more, to
the Tower. Under threat of torture, he abjured his convictions,
and died (1557) within a year, a broken man.
a
Cheke was un-
questionably a scholar of distinction.
Of his criticism on Sallust
as quoted by Ascham, something has already been said? . He left
behind a copious body of Latin translation from the Greek,
patristic and classical. His bulky tracts of controversial divinity
are chiefly noteworthy as exhibiting the temper of the time,
especially as it affected Cambridge learning. He wrote nothing
but a pamphlet or two in the vernacular, though he endeavoured,
unsuccessfully, to reform English spelling on a phonetic method.
His outstanding merit lies in his stimulating force as a teacher,
and the respect which his learning won for English scholarship.
The contribution of Thomas Wilson, friend and disciple of
Cheke, to the classical renascence in England has, also, already
been mentioned. The first book of The Arte of Rhetorique (1553)
treats of the purpose of rhetoric, which is affirmed to be the art
which perfects the natural gifts of speech and reason. The distinc-
tions of several types of arguments,' and their constituent factors,
are set out by means of examples shaped, indeed, on classical and
Erasmian models, but with an added seriousness, born of the time,
which lifts them above the Petrarchian commonplaces of the
Italians. The second book treats, in the customary manner, of the
fundamental qualities of style as an instrument of persuasion. The
orator must be easily intelligible. He must secure the goodwill
of his audience, must wind his way into the subject by suitable
approaches, particularly if he be a preacher. Let the latter
diligently seek his pattern in Chrysostom. The conditions oí
right eloquence, such as logical order, emphasis, repetition, climax,
are as necessary in English speech as in Latin; nor can an
English speaker neglect the art of stirring the emotions by the
employment of humour, or pathos, by appeal to indignation or
passion. The third book, ranging over a wide field, deals with
1 See ante, p. 290.
6
3 See ante, p. 23.
1
## p. 432 (#454) ############################################
432 Universities, Schools and Scholarship
the choice of words and the use of figure and ornament; with the
functions of gesture; with the essential art of memory. It con-
tains some of the sanest Elizabethan criticism of classical writers.
The marks of The Arte of Rhetorique are its clearness, its
freedom from pedantry and its modern instances. It was several
times reprinted during the century and even now repays a reading.
Wilson's treatise should be read side by side with Guazzo's Civile
Conversation, translated by Pettie twenty years later, with a
preface in which he refers to Wilson and in which he urges the
need for a liberal expansion of English vocabulary. A work far
less attractive than either was Richard Sherry's Treatise of Schemes
and Tropes (1555). The author was headmaster of Magdalen
College school, at this time, perhaps, the best Latin school in
England. His writing is crabbed and technical, and had small vogue
outside lecture rooms. More popular were Richard Rainolde's
Foundation of Rhetorike (1563), Henry Peacham's Garden of
Eloquence (1577) and The Arcadian Rhetorike (1584) of Abraham
Fraunce, who works in modern examples from poetry and prose,
notably quoting Sidney and Tasso, and not overlooking the
Spaniards.
Roger Ascham was entered at St John's, Cambridge, a little
later than Cheke and, as he neared manhood, found himself drawn
into his circle, which embraced Redman and Pember, Thomas
Smith, Ridley and Wilson. Upon Cheke, Ascham looked back as
upon his great master, counting him worthy to rank with John
Sturm of Strassburg, the chief luminary of protestant scholarship
in the middle of the sixteenth century.
In 1548, Ascham, perhaps the ablest Greek scholar in England,
and public orator of the university, was called to court as
tutor to princess Elizabeth. But, while he enjoyed his task
of teaching a pupil of Elizabeth's acquisitive temper, his self-
respect ill brooked a court position. Two years later, he made
the tour of Germany, as secretary to a mission, touching Italy at
Venice. He was alert to meet scholars, observe institutions and
visit historic sites. Characteristically, the secretary taught his
chief Greek grammar during their intervals of leisure. The
Report and Discourse of the affairs of Germany, written in 1553,
shows him a keen student of French and German politics. He
has made Thucydides, Polybius and Livy his models. Commines
has his favour, but, though he would not have allowed it, we may
safely affirm that Macchiavelli's Relazioni had taught him more
than the ancients. Queen Mary made him Latin secretary at
## p. 433 (#455) ############################################
Roger Ascham
433
court, where his own caution, aided by Gardiner's personal feeling
for him, secured him from molestation on account of his opinions,
and Elizabeth was glad to keep him in her service as Greek
preceptor and courtier of the new style.
Much of Ascham's classical writing-translation from Sopho-
cles, studies in Herodotus, a tract de Imitatione-has disappeared.
Probably, the three works by which he is now known adequately
represent his powers. Toscophilus (1545), a treatise on the art
of shooting with the long-bow, treats, in the accepted dialogue form,
of the function of bodily training in education, with the urgent
prescription of practice with the bow as the national exercise.
There is not a little of Plato and the Italians in his concept of the
place of physical grace and vigour in personality. Plutarch and
Epicharmus, Domitian and Galen, are all called in to defend his
argument. This was inevitable, given the time and place; but,
in spite of the fanciful play made with Jupiter and Minos in this
connection, the skilled English archer for more than a hundred
years has made Toxophilus his text-book, and 'Ascham’s Five
Points' are part of the lore today.
Ascham’s nationalism, which inspires every paragraph of
Toxophilus, is but characteristic of English humanism of the finer
type. Elyot, Smith, Cheke and Hoby are Englishmen first and
men of scholarship next. Learning, indeed, they win from every
source; they are voracious readers, their interests are well-nigh
universal. But, whatever the flowers, native or foreign, whole-
some or poisonous, the sweetness drawn therefrom is the honey
of English hives. The Scholemaster (1570) is essentially the work
of a scholar who has no illusions on the subject of Erasmian
cosmopolitanism. Like Elyot, he wrote in his own tongue-
English matter, in English speech, for Englishmen, as he had said
in his Toxophilus. He made, indeed, of a technical treatise
a piece of literature, and that of no mean order. We may notice
that writings upon education which were written or found welcome
in this country had a note of reality which is often far to seek in
German or, still more, in Italian pieces of similar character. The
starting point of The Scholemaster is, essentially, that of Elyot's
Governour. This is, that England loses much fruitful capacity
through the ill-training of its youth of station. In the first book,
Ascham considers the chief reasons of the ineffectiveness of the
new education. From the text that news had reached court that
Eton boys had broken school to escape the birch, he inveighs,
in the vein of Erasmus, against the cruelty of school discipline,
E. L. IJI.
OH. XIX.
28
## p. 434 (#456) ############################################
434 Universities, Schools and Scholarship
not realising that, given the curriculum and the mode of teaching
it, harsh punishments were, in fact, inevitable. He next considers
the differing nature of wits. ' The schoolmaster is prone to hold
'
precocity the singular mental and moral virtue: Ascham pleads
for the slow but solid temper, and protests that, by contempt for
late developed minds, Pedantius drives away many a fine intelli-
gence from due opportunity of public service. He draws from
Plato seven true ‘notes of a good wit,' which 'he plainly declares
in English': in essence, these are industry, interest, curiosity, a
good will, but never premature gifts of acquisition. Now, these
are qualities which the 'lewd and ignorant teacher bars from
their natural growth by his impatient pedantry. The second hin-
drance is the decay of home discipline. The youth of seventeen sent
to court, left without a career, hanging idly about a great house,
falls to gambling, and all licence, swelling that clan of the gentle
unemployed for which relief was sought later in adventure and
plantation. Travel, in the third place, has made shipwreck of many,
not because I do contemn either the knowledge of strange and divers tongues,
and namely the Italian tongue, which next the Greek and Latin tongue I do
like and love above all others, or else because I do despise the learning that is
gotten or the experience that is gathered in strange countries,
but travel meant a sojourn in Italy, and, in well remembered words,
he proclaims his aversion to what he had seen in Venice, and the
deep seated distrust with which he views the morals, the politics,
the irreligion, the newer literature of the Italy of the Spaniard
and the inquisition. Study will provide all the worthy fruits of
travel, and manners can be learnt by all who care to read
Castiglione's Cortegiano, in its new English dress. Let a young
Englishman be proud of his England, and, if he will see other
manners, other minds, Strassburg or Frankfort will give him what
he seeks, with no danger to faith and morals. The second book is
largely concerned with the teaching of Latin. The method of
Ascham, according to which a classical language is taught by the
process of re-translation of construes, is, at least, as old as Cicero
and is of slight importance in the history of instruction. But this
section of The Scholemaster is of interest as evidence of the thorough-
ness and breadth of Ascham's reading. He avows Greek to be the
subject of his truest affection. He has a sound view of the
function of historical writing, which far transcends the superficial
aspect of it which confronts us in Italian humanists prior to the
later Patrizi. Much space is given to the art of teaching rhetoric.
Cicero is the accepted master; where Quintilian differs from him,
## p. 435 (#457) ############################################
a
-
Richard Mulcaster
435
he is to be disregarded. John Sturm he regards as unapproach-
able amongst neo-Latinists. Ascham pleads for style: 'ye know
not what hurt ye do to learning that are not for words but for
matter, and do make a divorce betwixt the tongue and the heart. '
The secret of true imitation is to read exactly and, at the same
time, to read widely. English will have its fruit of such right
imitation of classic models, for in them alone are the 'true pre-
cepts and perfect examples' of sound writing. Upon poetic imita-
tion only did Ascham lapse into pedantry! He will recognise no
English metres. Much as he admires Chaucer, he apologises for
his riming, an inheritance from the Goth and Hun.
It seems that The Scholemaster was, for a time, accepted as
the approved manual of method in instruction. The licence of
The Positions (1581) of Richard Mulcaster runs thus : 'provided
always that if this book contain anything prejudicial or hurtful
to the Book of Master Ascham . . . called The Scholemaster, that
then this licence shall be void. ' In passing from Ascham to
Mulcaster we step into a different world. For Mulcaster, though
an Eton boy and a student of Christ Church, spent his life as a
master of the two great day schools of the city of London-head-
master of Merchant Taylors' 1561–86 ; surmaster and, later,
highmaster (1596) of St Paul's. The fruit of his experience is
embodied in two books, The Positions (1581) and The Elementarie
(1582), the latter an instalment of a larger work. Whilst Ascham was
concerned with youth of station, destined to become landowners,
courtiers or diplomatists, Mulcaster's subject is the education of
the burgher class. Both, again, use English as their instrument;
Ascham wrote good Tudor prose, whilst it is no gibe to say that
Mulcaster's own example is enough to imperil his thesis that
English speech is as harmonious and as precise as Latinity itself.
He had Spenser for his pupil, and has often been identified with
the caricature in Love's Labour's Lost. Mulcaster is, by training
and by interests, a humanist, but of a temper little akin to that of
Cheke or Ascham. The hard experience of twenty years had
proved to him how different was the training in letters set out by
the great writers from the realities of the schoolroom. It is a
standing puzzle to us today that men of strong intelligence,
knowing however little of boys, should assume, as without
question, that a rigorous course of grammar, construing, com-
position and conversation in Latin, and that only, must appeal to
youthful minds. They do not seem to have understood that, to
1 See ante, chap. XIV.
1
28-2
## p. 436 (#458) ############################################
436
Universities, Schools and Scholarship
win effective attention to arid and meaningless material, nothing
less than the most harsh pressure could be expected to succeed with
the average boy. Now, Mulcaster is the uncouth prophet of a new
order. For he sees the problem in a modern way. He has shaken
himself free of traditional platitudes. He is conscious of a new
world, and of the need of a new education adapted to it. His two
books, written in close succession, exhibit a consistent idea and
may be viewed together. He writes in English, wishing to reach
the vulgar; no fishmonger or tailor in London could touch it in
Latin shape. The time has gone by, as he perceives, for illusions
as to the place of Latin speech in Elizabethan England. He will
have the elements of education for all; the grammar school and
the university will provide for the select few of promising wit.
But he boldly states that he sees loss to the community in alluring
the unfit to the unpractical training of letters. 'I am tooth and
nail for woman-kind' in matters of education, he declares. But
their instruction must fit them for their station. Only such as
are born to high place or to prospect of coming wealth should, in
humanist fashion, be taught the learned tongues or history or
logic. Mulcaster has a sound perception of the importance of
physical training to mental efficiency, which he partly owes to
Girolamo Mercuriale and other Italians. The growing custom
of sending boys of every class to school has his goodwill : but,
sympathising here with Ascham, he sets himself against the habit
of travel for youth as bad for patriotism and religious constancy.
He would have a training school for teachers set up in each
university; he is the first English master to grasp the significance
of what Vives had said on this head long before. Further, he would
.
see with approval the colleges at Oxford and Cambridge specifically
allotted to the study of the three subjects of general training,
languages, mathematics and philosophy, and to the four profes-
sional disciplines of medicine, law, divinity and teaching. He is
consistent in objecting to the study of Roman and of canon law
for English youth. He sets out in detail his views of the function
of English in the new education, advocating, in particular, that
scholars should devote themselves to the settling of the ortho-
graphy, accidence and syntax of the language, that, thereby,
English may claim its place side by side with Latin, whose merits
of precision and elaboration he is foremost to perceive. For ‘I
love Rome, but London better, I favour Italy, but England more,
I honour Latin, but worship English. '
It would be impossible to enumerate the works of foreign
## p. 437 (#459) ############################################
The Courtier and other Courtesy Books 437
origin which affected the ideals of manners and instruction in
England during Elizabeth's reign, but account may be taken of
certain representative books which were popular enough to
demand translation. Il Cortegiano of Castiglione', translated
by Hoby as The Courtier (1561) is, of course, much more than
a treatise on the up-bringing of youth, but, as presenting a
picture of the perfect man' of the renascence, it had an
undoubted, if indirect, effect on higher education in England.
Il Cortegiano speedily became cosmopolitan in its vogue. High
society in France, Spain and the Low Countries, not less than
in Italy, revered it as an inspired guide, supplementing, according
to choice, its obvious omissions with respect to the side of religion
and the stalwart virtues. The concept of a complete personality
constituted of physical gifts, learning, taste and grace of manner
was the gift which the Italian revival at its noblest offered to the
western peoples. Himself “a perfect Castilio,' Sidney never
stirred abroad without The Courtier in his pocket. To Cleland,
writing for the new century (The Institution of a Nobleman,
1607), it is the final word on a gentleman's behaviour. Especially
does its spirit breathe through such writers as La Primaudaye and
Count Annibale Romei, whose books were in wide circulation at
the time when this period was drawing to its close. The French
Academy-so Bowes translates the title of La Primaudaye's work
-is written (1577) in dialogue form, and dedicated to Henri III.
It is less strictly confined to the courtly ideal than Castiglione's Il
Cortegiano; its gentlemen of Anjou discourse together of the means
by which all estates of men may live courteously, happily and with
true dignity. The secret of the worthy life lies in the due ordering
of home and commonwealth by parent and ruler, 'the grace of
God working in them. ' The best chapter is that on the rearing of
children, based upon accepted humanist precedents, though with
a vein of Huguenot piety running through it all. The author
holds that civility comes not of arms, but of learning and virtue ;
and, of all means of training, historic studies are the most effective
instruments: he bids youth ponder Cyrus, Charlemagne and
Francis I. The power of education is such that it can change the
temper of whole countries not less than the character of a man.
Hence, the modern state should have concern to provide right
teaching for all its sons. 'In every town of the realm’ should be
ordained the public teaching of grammar (Latin) to all comers.
The popularity of this bulky work is proved by the number of its
editions during twenty years. Though written in the Aristotelian
· Ed. pr. Aldus, 1528.
## p. 438 (#460) ############################################
438
Universities, Schools and Scholarship
vein made familiar by Patrizi and Acontio, the dialogue is modelled
on Castiglione, with, it must be said, but little of the grace of n
Cortegiano. I Galateo (1545), a far better known book, was trans-
lated into English (1576) by Peterson. It is a frank handbook of
manners, a manual for the schoolboy and the parvenu, and became
popular in England under the titles of Refined Courtier and the
like, given to it by later editors and adapters. The Courtier's
Academy, a translation, by Kepers, of the Discorsi of Count
Annibale Romei of Ferrara (1586), treats of the ideal of personality
approved in cultivated society when the renascence was already
on the verge of decline. The Elizabethan scholar or merchant
was interested, we can believe, in the argument for learning and
for wealth as titles to gentilezza, when birth or skill in arms
could not be pleaded.
As the century draws to a close, we trace, on the one hand, a
gradual enlargement of the concept of what is possible in the way
of education for a youth of parts and opportunity, side by side
with a process of ossification of school instruction. Sir Humphrey
Gilbert's project of Queene Elizabethes Achademy (1572) was an
anticipation of later 'academies' and, in a sense, of Milton's
generous' dream. Gilbert's scheme of a training in which lan-
guages, modern no less than ancient, mathematics and law, are
grouped with technical and military exercises is an attempt to
bring education into immediate touch with actual life. In essence,
it is a protest against the narrow humanism of the public school,
the herald of a reaction which was to take one shape in Bacon,
and another in Montaigne. Meanwhile, in spite of Ascham, men
of the world sent their boys to complete their training abroad.
The French court was accounted the best school of courtesy.
Venice was the centre for art, and for such sciences as astronomy;
Florence for letters. Politics, history, painting, building, scientific
invention, the technique of war, drew the interest of Englishmen
wherever they sojourned. And the finer minds returned with a
deeper and more intelligent patriotism. Hakluyt’s Principal
Navigations, Stow's Annales, Camden's Britannia, Holinshed's
Chronicles and its predecessors are evidence of a fuller national
self-consciousness. More truly than works of scholarship do these
represent the genius of Elizabethan England. For the end of a
man's 'whole traine' lay in action rather than in the knowledge
itself which equipped him for it. The universities had definitely
recognised this as their principal function, and the temper of the
English race responded readily to the call.
## p. 439 (#461) ############################################
CHAPTER XX
THE LANGUAGE FROM CHAUCER TO SHAKESPEARE
THE all-important feature in the development of English during
the pre-Chaucerian period consisted of those grammatical changes
which entirely altered the organic character of the language. From
being a highly inflected language, it became one partially stripped
of inflections, whereas its changes in vocabulary during the same
period, though important in themselves, were far less radical in
their effects. After 1400, the order of importance is reversed. It
was a change in the vocabulary, particularly in that of the sixteenth
century, which made almost all the difference; the grammatical
structure was modified in but a comparatively slight degree.
The causes of these differing tendencies are not far to seek.
The period before Chaucer was one in which English was not,
as yet, the literary language: it shared that dignity with Latin
and Anglo-French, and, of its four main dialects, no one had
become predominant. These were conditions which readily per-
mitted grammatical change and led to attempts being made
at removing ambiguities and irregularities from the inflectional
system. After 1400, the restraining influences of a recognised
literary dialect and a growing literature made themselves felt.
Writers became more and more adverse to modifications of
grammatical forms, which had already been simplified almost to
their limit, while the vocabulary grew mechanically under varying
but ever increasing influences.
The period (1400—1600) with which this chapter deals divides
naturally into two centuries, the dividing point being, roughly, the
date of Caxton's death (1491). The first of these two periods—the
fifteenth century-though transitional and somewhat chaotic in
character, was, nevertheless, responsible for certain marked develop-
ments. In it an increased importance was given to the vernacular,
and a uniform written language was established, both of which
effects were due to tendencies visible already in Chaucer's day. And
## p. 440 (#462) ############################################
440 Language from Chaucer to Shakespeare
the period is further characterised by some considerable changes in
vocabulary, as well as by changes of a more gradual kind in gram-
matical structure and pronunciation, which may be said to culminate
in the following century.
The increasing importance of the vernacular in the fifteenth
century was due, in part, to the growing sense of nationality
under Edward III. Although the use of English had never
died out, and even Robert of Gloucester had been able to
state that 'lowe men holdep to Engliss, yet, in the thirteenth
century and later, Anglo-French was the courtly language, Latin
the language of learned and documentary writings. Under
Edward III, the conditions began to change : in 1362, parliament
was opened by an English speech, and, about the same time,
English began to be used in the law courts and the schools? . It
also came to be generally regarded as the language of literature, as
is seen when Gower forsakes French and Latin to write in Englisb,
and when Capgrave (1462) compiles what was the first ebronicle in
English since the Conquest. Though the struggles of the vernacular
for recognition were not completed in this century, the position it
held was stronger than at any time since 1066, and its supremacy
was to be assured by Caxton's work.
The causes which brought about the recognition of a standard
dialect of English have already been treated. London furnished
that dialect, just as the chief city of Attica furnished the language
of literary Greek and Paris the language of literary French ; and
throughout the fifteenth century this London dialect was gaining
ascendency. Various dialectal forms inserted in a text would still
betray the district from which their writer hailed, even when he
had deliberately adopted the standard dialect; and such pro-
vincialisms remained until the time of printed texts. But, from
now onwards, the one dialect was to represent the spoken language
of the educated, as well as the literary and official medium. The
dialects of Ormulum and the Ancren Riwle lost caste, and
remained, apart from literature, on the tongues of the people
The most striking feature in connection with the fifteenth
century vocabulary was the rapid manner in which old native words
became obsolete. This is clearly seen from the following lists,
taken, on the one hand, from fourteenth century texts, and, on the
a
1 The oldest private records in English are dated 1375 and 1381; the oldest London
documents in English, 1384, 1386; the earliest petition to parliament in English,
1386; the earliest English wills, 1387. See Morsbach: Über den Ursprung der
neuengl. Schriftsprache (Heilbronn, 1888), passim.
5
## p. 441 (#463) ############################################
shall resgeyve
encrece
teke away
axe him
a
olde age
Fifteenth Century Changes in Vocabulary 441
other, from modernised versions of those texts, belonging to the
fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.
Trevisa's Chron. Caxton's version Wyclif's trans. Tindale's version
(1387)
(1482)
(1380)
(1525)
icleped
called
heathens gentyls
schullep fonge
Zeerd
rod
to eche
to meke
to humble
byneme
soure dow3
leven
buxom
obedient
bitake
delyver
hist
was named
questen with bim
as me trowej
as men suppose walow a stoon roll a stone
steihe
ascended
abide it
wayte for it
zede
went
elde
nesche
soft
to hie hymself to exalt hym selfel.
Literary diction is not always a true test as to the condition of
the spoken language, but there can be little doubt that the
changes here represented stand for changes of the language in
common use ; for the object in modernising the texts had been to
bring them into conformity with the language of the day.
more students than Greek. Tremellius, who taught it at Cam-
bridge, was a foreigner; so were most of his successors. Oxford
learnt Calvinian divinity from Huguenots and other refugees,
Spanish and Italian. It is not the least title to their place in the
## p. 423 (#445) ############################################
Civil Law at the
Universities
423
history of literature, that Oxford and Cambridge bred the men
to whom we owe the Bishops' Bible, the prayer-book and the
Authorised Version!
The place of civil law in the English universities needs brief
mention. Sir Thomas Smith claimed it as a branch of humanism.
In Elyot's vein, he will have it broadly based upon philosophy,
ethics and history. This, the doctrine of Cujas and Alciati, he had
imbibed at Padua and Bologna. For a short time, he succeeded
in winning minds of distinction to study in this spirit a juris-
prudence from which, in respect of precision and authority,
English lawyers might learn much. But the uncertain professional
demand for civilians, the academic temper of the Cambridge
school, the suspicion attaching to the subject as Italian and,
therefore, inevitably, papal, the growing sense of nationality
and the unassailable place of English law which accompanied it,
rendered Smith's hopes ultimately fruitless. Yet there was felt
in high places some need for civil lawyers to advise upon
international usages, to draft treaties and conduct diplomatic corre-
spondence. In 1549, visitors were instructed to set apart, at both
universities, colleges for the exclusive study of civil law, but the
proposal had no countenance. Fellowships, specifically allotted to
this subject, as at All Souls, were, in very many cases, held by
theologians.
Oxford possessed, in Albericus Gentilis (1552—1608) a civilian
of Perugia, elected regius professor of civil law in 1587, the most
learned lawyer of the Elizabethan time. In his hands grew up
a system of international law to serve the needs of a world in
which church and empire alike had ceased to be the dominant
powers. His chief works were De Legationibus (1584), in which
he defined the basis and limits of diplomatic privilege, and De
Jure Belli (1588–98). This standing monument of Oxford
civil studies exhibits a masterly examination of international
historical precedents of the sixteenth century, utilised to reconcile
the Bible, the protestant doctrine of natural law and the essential
principles of the imperial code. Grotius, a century later, was
deeply indebted to Gentilis, from whom, indeed, international law,
as a systematic body of doctrine, is, ultimately, derived. Gentilis, a
man of wide interests and of great learning, exercised profound
influence in the university and was highly regarded at court. His
method of teaching differed from that of Smith and his successor
Haddon, in that he concentrated attention upon the development
1 See ante, chap. u.
## p. 424 (#446) ############################################
424 Universities, Schools and Scholarship
of civil law in its direct application to modern use, with entire
indifference to it as a branch of humanist study; for so to regard law
could, in the England of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
only end in its relegation to 'polite learning. ' The supremacy
of English law was, indeed, already secured. The activity of the
Inns of Court and the genius of Coke did but serve to enforce
the inevitable trend of things. Trinity Hall, however (especially
under its master, Cowell, 1598), All Souls and Broadgates were, more
or less, frequented by civilians. But, to Stewart parliamentarians,
Roman law was identified with absolutism and high prelacy.
The lines of classical study were, nominally, determined by
requirements for degrees. But the colleges were already dominant
in teaching and in administration. The more strenuous exacted
entrance tests. Rhetoric, in the wider humanist sense, philosophy,
ethical and natural,' and logic were the accepted subjects for the
degree. Oxford logic was strictly Aristotelian. Elsewhere, as
at Cambridge and St Andrews, it began to be taught on lines
which Ramus elaborated from Agricola, and this, in turn, developed
into the logic of Port Royal Greek, as a university study,
steadily declined from the standard set up by Cheke. None of
his successors could arouse the old enthusiasm. Whitgift, the
strongest force in the university, knew no Greek. Under Mary, it
was reputed to have disappeared from Oxford. Sir Thomas Pope's
lament concerns this. Leicester, as chancellor, complained, in 1582,
that the Oxford professor read seldom or never. Indeed, it may
be affirmed that no work in classical scholarship was produced at
Oxford or Cambridge during the period under review which is
remotely worthy of comparison with that turned out by Scaliger,
Estienne, Nizolius, Casaubon, Turnebus, or a hundred industrious,
but now half forgotten, scholars in French and German lands. Nor
can English learning show a scholar, unless it were Henry Savile,
to rank with George Buchanan. In Greek, not one of the trans-
lators, Savile excepted, but works through a French version, like
North. There was, on the other hand, a large output of Latin
plays? -evidence, no doubt, of careful study in school and uni-
versity of classical or neo-Latin models. Trinity (Cambridge)
statutes (1560) contain clauses concerning the performance of
college plays. Acting was the accepted mode of training youth
in speaking Latin and in grace of gesture, wherever humanists
controlled education. Shrewsbury, in this matter, held the pre-
eminence amongst English schools ; but at none of any pretension
1 See vol. v of the present work.
6
i
## p. 425 (#447) ############################################
English Learning in the XVIth Century
Century 425
was the practice neglected, though in Westminster alone has the
tradition retained its vitality to our own day.
As the humanism of the sixteenth century became more
strictly literary in its range, so surely did mathematics and
natural philosophy sink to a lower place in English learning.
Their affinity was with navigation, architecture or military science,
not with the learned professions; a typical and very popular
hand-book was Blundeville His exercises . . . in Cosmographie. . . .
Methods of observation and experiment, working to practical
ends, superseded authoritative appeal to Aristotle or Ptolemy.
Recorde's The Castel of Knowledge (1553) had a vogue for half
a century as a manual of the new mathematic, harmonised to the
Copernican astronomy. The English Euclid (1570) would seem to
have had but a poor sale. Original work, like Gilbert's De Magnete
(1600) kept its Latin dress, and, apart from this, nothing of first
rate importance in the field of pure science was produced from
an English press during the period under discussion.
It is an interesting, though difficult, task to realise the actual
range and level of the work of a studious undergraduate coming
up from Westminster or Shrewsbury to Christ Church at Oxford or
St John's at Cambridge. Statutes, in effect, lend little or no help.
Colleges ordered and gave the instruction and, apparently, were
powerful enough to secure dispensation from the formal university
exercises. A large, though varying, number in every college never
graduated at all. Though the age at matriculation tended to rise,
Bacon (who, himself, entered at twelve years and three months)
complained, in the closing years of the century, that a prime cause
of the futility of university education lay in the immaturity of the
undergraduate. We may remember that Bentham, two centuries
later, went up at twelve. Magdalen (Oxford) wisely put raw first
year 'men' to the learning of rudiments in its own admirable
grammar school. Yet, there is ample evidence that ambitious and
well-prepared boys-precocious, perhaps, to our seeming-not only
found helpful teaching in classical letters, but developed broad and
abiding interests. Bodley, Wotton, Savile, Sidney and Hooker at
Oxford, Spenser, Downes, Fraunce and Harington at Cambridge,
are typical of different groups of men who owed much to the univer-
sities for the shaping of their bent. But that single-eyed devotion
to scholarship which marked the circle of Cheke, Smith and Ascham
at the outset of this period is far to seek as it draws to a close.
Theology attracted the strongest intelligence as it has done at
certain epochs since. The way to secular advance lay at court or
## p. 426 (#448) ############################################
426 Universities, Schools and Scholarship
>
in adventure. Wotton, indeed, wrote his Latin play like many
another.
But he found his enjoyment at Oxford in reading law
with Gentilis, in learning Italian and in working at optics. Donne
had read enough for graduation by the time he was thirteen : and
he then left to spend four desultory years at Cambridge. Henry
Savile, warden of Merton and, later, like Wotton, provost of Eton,
whose rightful repute for scholarship even Scaliger allowed, trans-
lated the Annals of Tacitus (1692) wrote on Roman warfare, edited
Xenophon (the Cyropaedia) and produced the first substantial
work of English patristic learning since the revival. He stands
for the courtier' as developed on English soil, a man of the
world, versatile and travelled, 'the scholar gentleman. ' Before
the queen died, the English universities Bad already begun to
realise their national function as the breeders of men of talent
for affairs, of divines and schoolmasters, with here and there, as
a ‘sport,' a' man of letters and, yet more rarely, a leader in
scholarship
Three other foundations call for mention : Edinburgh (1582)
Trinity College, Dublin (1591) and Gresham College (1596). The
reformation struggle had all but extinguished university teaching in
Scotland, which sent students to Padua or Douay, or to the Collège
de Guyenne, at Bordeaux, where we meet with many Scottish
names, that of George Buchanan, as a teacher, among them. It is
characteristic of the time that young Scotsmen very rarely found
their way to Oxford or Cambridge. Andrew Melville, though as
fanatic as Knox, was, however, a humanist and did something to
restore learning at Glasgow and St Andrews. Edinburgh was
too young to take effective part in building up the fabric of
Scottish protestant humanism. Trinity College, Dublin, an
outstanding product of the English reformation, was, as Fuller
describes it, a plantation settled from Cambridge. The first
suggestion for a foundation in Dublin had come from archbishop
Browne, some forty years before, and was repeated after Elizabeth's
accession. The temper of the founder was revealed in the two
men who filled the office of provost, the first, archbishop Loftus,
a fellow of Trinity, Cambridge--and admirer of Cartwright-and
the second, Travers, of Disciplina fame, puritan and arch-separatist.
The college was, of course, part and parcel of the English occu-
pation. Sir Thomas Gresham designed his college (1596), in
London, to be 'an epitome of a University. Oxford chose the
original seven professors, who included Henry Briggs, Napier's
collaborator. The professor of law was expressly directed to
## p. 427 (#449) ############################################
English Schools under Elizabeth
427
treat of contracts, monopolies, shipping and the like. "Medicine'
covered not only the study of Galen and Hippocrates, but, also,
modern theories of physiology, pathology and therapeutics. Geo-
metry was to be both theoretical and practical. In divinity,
she professor was charged specially to defend the Church of
England. It was a notable attempt to adapt the widening know-
ledge of the day to the needs of the spacious time.
It is significant that, in both universities, the art of printing
ceased at some date between 1520—30, to be restored at
Cambridge, in 1582, when Thomas was recognised as printer to the
university, and at Oxford, in 1585, when Barnes set up a press.
But the centre of English printing and publishing was London,
where fifty presses were at work under strict surveillance of court
and bishop. From 1586, licence to publish was granted by the
archbishop of Canterbury and the bishop of London, and the only
two presses authorised without the London area were those of
Oxford and Cambridge. Little of the first order was produced,
however, by the university printers. The mass of texts for school
and college were not of English origin, but bear the imprint of
Plantin, Aldus, or Gryphius and of the busy workshops of Basel
and Paris.
The influence of Edwardian legislation on English schools is
a subject for the general historian. It is, however, to be noted
how large was the supply of small schools, elementary, ‘song,'
or grammar schools in England, as revealed by the chantry com-
mission of 1548, particularly in the eastern half of the kingdom.
Some half dozen school foundations, such as Sedbergh and Bir-
mingham, are in debt to Northumberland. Mary could do as little
for schools as for universities. Elizabeth's counsellors took up
the task where Edward's death had left it. The queen's trained
intelligence was on the side of knowledge. In church and in
state, the men she trusted owed more to acquired gifts than to
birth. Classical education was in favour at court; money from
religious houses was though sparingly, as always--accorded to
school endowments on request. To restore the local grammar
school became a fashion. Merchants, servants of the crown,
country gentry, superior clergy, borough corporations, founded
free grammar schools. Westminster was reconstructed; Eton
and Winchester, which had the immunities of a college of the
universities, widened studies and enlarged their numbers. The
leaving age was advanced. A new type of scholar, sometimes, like
## p. 428 (#450) ############################################
428
Universities, Schools and Scholarship
a
Ashton of Shrewsbury, a man of versatile gifts and standing at
court, or a travelled historian like Camden, became headmaster.
Savile and Wotton dignified the office of provost of Eton. Purely
local schools, such as Peterborough or Colchester, made stringent
requirements of attainment in their headmasters. Fellows of the
best colleges took service in schools, and, though often incompetent
as teachers, were but rarely ill-educated men. The best houses
began to send boys to school. The tutor remained for the younger
brothers, or piloted the promising graduate through the perils of
the foreign tour. The burgher class adopted the new education.
Colet's reformed school of St Paul's was copied in fifty towns.
Borough councils were importunate to secure charters and grants.
In order to keep a high level of efficiency, here and there a founder
linked his school to one of the colleges of the university, after the
fashion of Eton or Winchester. The lay spirit became dominant.
Shrewsbury, indeed, was a civic school, but ecclesiastical founda-
tions also, like Westminster and Winchester, now and again had
lay heads. The licence to teach was granted by the bishop of the
diocese, and, nominally at least, royal sanction gave its imprimatur
to a Latin grammar or to a historical text-book like Ocland's
Anglorum Praelia. Yet, in reality, instruction was unfettered
within the limits of school statutes.
There were, in effect, two main types of school. The first was the
great public boarding school : Eton, Winchester and Westminster,
drawing pupils from the country at large, though Westminster was,
largely, a London school ; with these ranked Shrewsbury, which,
of local origin and a day school, yet served a province, and was
filled with sons of the gentry of north Wales, and the north-
west midlands. The second type was the town day school, of diverse
origin, such as St Paul's, Merchant Taylors', St Saviour's South-
wark, Manchester, Guildford, Tonbridge, or Magdalen College
school. Wolsey's school of Ipswich apart, there is no reason to
assume imitation of French or German models in organisation.
The statutes of Wykeham or of Colet were the standing guide.
Compared with the superior clergy, headmasters, like heads of
houses in the universities, were poorly paid. Ashton had £40
per annum at Shrewsbury. The Westminster headship was worth
£27. 11s. 8d. , but ‘presents' were expected from parents. Camden
said he earned enough. Guildford could pay £24 in 1596. Bucer's
stipend of £100, in Edward's reign, was magnificent, but unique.
The usual pay of the one master of a small grammar school, in
1548, was six or seven pounds. Rotherham and Southwell,
>
## p. 429 (#451) ############################################
The School Curriculum 429
collegiate schools, could afford £10 or a little more. Shrewsbury
was, about 1570, far the best paid headship in England, and the
school numbers exceeded those of Eton or Winchester. The
custom of taking 'private pupils,' however, grew rapidly towards
the end of the century. As a Cambridge fellow rarely received
so much as £6, including his allowance for commons, the new
schools tended to attract promising material to their staff.
The practice of the better schools was to require that boys,
on admission, should have had good grounding in accidence, know
the concords and read and write English intelligibly. The curricu-
lum was, almost exclusively, classical. A little mathematics, some
smattering of astronomy, may have been added here and there;
but neither logic nor English was taught, and history (Ocland,
indeed, is an interesting phenomenon) simply as a comment
on Livy or Plutarch. The four public schools followed a very
similar order. At Westminster, apparently, Greek was carried
further than elsewhere: for Xenophon, Isocrates, Demosthenes,
Homer and Hesiod are expressly prescribed in the Elizabethan
curriculum. Eton seems to have aimed no higher than the grammar.
Shrewsbury makes no mention of any author harder than Isocrates.
Thucydides and Euripides are never named. The grammar generally
used was Clenard's, until Grant, at Westminster, introduced his
Spicilegium and Eton adapted it to its own use as the Eton Greek
grammar. Efforts at Greek composition were exceptional. Chief
stress was laid in every school upon exercises in Latin prose and
verse. To lay the foundations of prose style was the object of every
master. To this end, he began with the Colloquies of Erasmus,
Cordier and Vives, and passed to Sturm's selection of Cicero's Letters.
As early as possible, the pupil was turned on to Terence, whose
pure Roman diction every humanist, Catholic or puritan alike,
upheld for imitation. Caesar, properly, was not regarded as an
elementary text. Sallust was commonly read, but Tacitus very
rarely. There was no reluctance to put Juvenal and Martial into
boys' hands. The Figurae of Mosellanus, the Epitome Troporum
of Susenbrotus, the grammars of Despauterius and Lily are
commonly alluded to. At Ipswich, Wolsey prescribed the Ele-
gantiae of Valla. Rhetoric, in the developed sense, was left to the
university. The school-play took the place of the mystery, and the
pageant competed with the play. Shrewsbury and Chester schools
were famous for dramatic exhibitions. Henry Sidney, lord of the
Welsh March, whose son Philip was a pupil of Ashton, was enter-
tained, after a visit to the town, with a noteworthy river-pageant
## p. 430 (#452) ############################################
430 Universities, Schools and Scholarship
performed by the boys as he was rowed down the Severn on his
journey home. In many schools, the performance of a scene
from Terence or Seneca was a weekly exercise, the example of
Melanchthon and John Sturm being herein followed. English writing
was, probably, more cared for than directly appears. For the
admirable training provided by exact construing, by essay-writing
and by declamations, though these were never vernacular exercises,
developed taste in words and some sense of the logical texture of
speech. What natural history was imparted was given by way of
notes to classical texts. Much attention was often given to sing-
ing. But the arts of writing and ciphering were relegated to
separate and inferior schools. There was, inevitably, much repe-
tition, and a harsh discipline enforced attention to uncongenial
task-work. In the Elizabethan school, the hard edge of circum-
stance was never softened to the weak. The 'big school,' in which
all classes were held together, carried with it the idea of corporate
life. Monitors were always employed for discipline and for aid in
teaching junior forms. As a rule, foundationers, and these alone,
received education free of all charges, except for 'birch broom and
candles. ' The age of leaving for the university is hard to estimate;
but the better taught schools tried to retain their promising pupils
till their sixteenth year. In time of plague, a large school, like
the colleges, had its retreat; Westminster had a house at
Chiswick, Eton at Chippenham, Magdalen College, Oxford, at
Brackley. Not a few schools began to acquire a library of merit,
which, in the case of such a school as Shrewsbury, has, by happy
neglect, survived intact to our own day.
The rapid growth of the revival in England may be illustrated
by contrasting the position and attainments of Grocyn at Oxford
(1491) and those of 'John Cheke who taught Cambridge Greek'as
regius professor, in 1540. Admitted at St John's when twelve years
of age, Cheke so proved his skill in the tongues as 'to have laid the
very foundations of learning in his College. ' The foundation of
the royal chair of Greek gave him the pre-eminence, both titular
and real, in Cambridge scholarship. His expositions of Euripides
and Sophocles, Herodotus and the Ethics of Aristotle, are specially
recorded. These, probably, were of far more importance in the
history of learning in England than the controversy as to the
right value of Greek vowel sounds, with which his name is usually
associated. Cheke became public orator in 1544, and was ap-
pointed tutor to prince Edward. At heart a reformer, he had no
## p. 431 (#453) ############################################
The Writers on Rhetoric
431
scruple in accepting conventual lands, whereby he became a man
of wealth and station. As provost of King's College, one of
Somerset's visitors, a knight and intimate at court, he was familiar
with the currents both of learning and of politics. For rashly
embracing the cause of lady Jane Grey, he went, in due course,
to the Tower; he was soon released, but, circumspectly, passed
to the continent, where we hear of him teaching Greek at Padua
and at Strassburg. He was arrested by order of Philip II, near
Brussels, as an 'unlicensed' traveller and conveyed, once more, to
the Tower. Under threat of torture, he abjured his convictions,
and died (1557) within a year, a broken man.
a
Cheke was un-
questionably a scholar of distinction.
Of his criticism on Sallust
as quoted by Ascham, something has already been said? . He left
behind a copious body of Latin translation from the Greek,
patristic and classical. His bulky tracts of controversial divinity
are chiefly noteworthy as exhibiting the temper of the time,
especially as it affected Cambridge learning. He wrote nothing
but a pamphlet or two in the vernacular, though he endeavoured,
unsuccessfully, to reform English spelling on a phonetic method.
His outstanding merit lies in his stimulating force as a teacher,
and the respect which his learning won for English scholarship.
The contribution of Thomas Wilson, friend and disciple of
Cheke, to the classical renascence in England has, also, already
been mentioned. The first book of The Arte of Rhetorique (1553)
treats of the purpose of rhetoric, which is affirmed to be the art
which perfects the natural gifts of speech and reason. The distinc-
tions of several types of arguments,' and their constituent factors,
are set out by means of examples shaped, indeed, on classical and
Erasmian models, but with an added seriousness, born of the time,
which lifts them above the Petrarchian commonplaces of the
Italians. The second book treats, in the customary manner, of the
fundamental qualities of style as an instrument of persuasion. The
orator must be easily intelligible. He must secure the goodwill
of his audience, must wind his way into the subject by suitable
approaches, particularly if he be a preacher. Let the latter
diligently seek his pattern in Chrysostom. The conditions oí
right eloquence, such as logical order, emphasis, repetition, climax,
are as necessary in English speech as in Latin; nor can an
English speaker neglect the art of stirring the emotions by the
employment of humour, or pathos, by appeal to indignation or
passion. The third book, ranging over a wide field, deals with
1 See ante, p. 290.
6
3 See ante, p. 23.
1
## p. 432 (#454) ############################################
432 Universities, Schools and Scholarship
the choice of words and the use of figure and ornament; with the
functions of gesture; with the essential art of memory. It con-
tains some of the sanest Elizabethan criticism of classical writers.
The marks of The Arte of Rhetorique are its clearness, its
freedom from pedantry and its modern instances. It was several
times reprinted during the century and even now repays a reading.
Wilson's treatise should be read side by side with Guazzo's Civile
Conversation, translated by Pettie twenty years later, with a
preface in which he refers to Wilson and in which he urges the
need for a liberal expansion of English vocabulary. A work far
less attractive than either was Richard Sherry's Treatise of Schemes
and Tropes (1555). The author was headmaster of Magdalen
College school, at this time, perhaps, the best Latin school in
England. His writing is crabbed and technical, and had small vogue
outside lecture rooms. More popular were Richard Rainolde's
Foundation of Rhetorike (1563), Henry Peacham's Garden of
Eloquence (1577) and The Arcadian Rhetorike (1584) of Abraham
Fraunce, who works in modern examples from poetry and prose,
notably quoting Sidney and Tasso, and not overlooking the
Spaniards.
Roger Ascham was entered at St John's, Cambridge, a little
later than Cheke and, as he neared manhood, found himself drawn
into his circle, which embraced Redman and Pember, Thomas
Smith, Ridley and Wilson. Upon Cheke, Ascham looked back as
upon his great master, counting him worthy to rank with John
Sturm of Strassburg, the chief luminary of protestant scholarship
in the middle of the sixteenth century.
In 1548, Ascham, perhaps the ablest Greek scholar in England,
and public orator of the university, was called to court as
tutor to princess Elizabeth. But, while he enjoyed his task
of teaching a pupil of Elizabeth's acquisitive temper, his self-
respect ill brooked a court position. Two years later, he made
the tour of Germany, as secretary to a mission, touching Italy at
Venice. He was alert to meet scholars, observe institutions and
visit historic sites. Characteristically, the secretary taught his
chief Greek grammar during their intervals of leisure. The
Report and Discourse of the affairs of Germany, written in 1553,
shows him a keen student of French and German politics. He
has made Thucydides, Polybius and Livy his models. Commines
has his favour, but, though he would not have allowed it, we may
safely affirm that Macchiavelli's Relazioni had taught him more
than the ancients. Queen Mary made him Latin secretary at
## p. 433 (#455) ############################################
Roger Ascham
433
court, where his own caution, aided by Gardiner's personal feeling
for him, secured him from molestation on account of his opinions,
and Elizabeth was glad to keep him in her service as Greek
preceptor and courtier of the new style.
Much of Ascham's classical writing-translation from Sopho-
cles, studies in Herodotus, a tract de Imitatione-has disappeared.
Probably, the three works by which he is now known adequately
represent his powers. Toscophilus (1545), a treatise on the art
of shooting with the long-bow, treats, in the accepted dialogue form,
of the function of bodily training in education, with the urgent
prescription of practice with the bow as the national exercise.
There is not a little of Plato and the Italians in his concept of the
place of physical grace and vigour in personality. Plutarch and
Epicharmus, Domitian and Galen, are all called in to defend his
argument. This was inevitable, given the time and place; but,
in spite of the fanciful play made with Jupiter and Minos in this
connection, the skilled English archer for more than a hundred
years has made Toxophilus his text-book, and 'Ascham’s Five
Points' are part of the lore today.
Ascham’s nationalism, which inspires every paragraph of
Toxophilus, is but characteristic of English humanism of the finer
type. Elyot, Smith, Cheke and Hoby are Englishmen first and
men of scholarship next. Learning, indeed, they win from every
source; they are voracious readers, their interests are well-nigh
universal. But, whatever the flowers, native or foreign, whole-
some or poisonous, the sweetness drawn therefrom is the honey
of English hives. The Scholemaster (1570) is essentially the work
of a scholar who has no illusions on the subject of Erasmian
cosmopolitanism. Like Elyot, he wrote in his own tongue-
English matter, in English speech, for Englishmen, as he had said
in his Toxophilus. He made, indeed, of a technical treatise
a piece of literature, and that of no mean order. We may notice
that writings upon education which were written or found welcome
in this country had a note of reality which is often far to seek in
German or, still more, in Italian pieces of similar character. The
starting point of The Scholemaster is, essentially, that of Elyot's
Governour. This is, that England loses much fruitful capacity
through the ill-training of its youth of station. In the first book,
Ascham considers the chief reasons of the ineffectiveness of the
new education. From the text that news had reached court that
Eton boys had broken school to escape the birch, he inveighs,
in the vein of Erasmus, against the cruelty of school discipline,
E. L. IJI.
OH. XIX.
28
## p. 434 (#456) ############################################
434 Universities, Schools and Scholarship
not realising that, given the curriculum and the mode of teaching
it, harsh punishments were, in fact, inevitable. He next considers
the differing nature of wits. ' The schoolmaster is prone to hold
'
precocity the singular mental and moral virtue: Ascham pleads
for the slow but solid temper, and protests that, by contempt for
late developed minds, Pedantius drives away many a fine intelli-
gence from due opportunity of public service. He draws from
Plato seven true ‘notes of a good wit,' which 'he plainly declares
in English': in essence, these are industry, interest, curiosity, a
good will, but never premature gifts of acquisition. Now, these
are qualities which the 'lewd and ignorant teacher bars from
their natural growth by his impatient pedantry. The second hin-
drance is the decay of home discipline. The youth of seventeen sent
to court, left without a career, hanging idly about a great house,
falls to gambling, and all licence, swelling that clan of the gentle
unemployed for which relief was sought later in adventure and
plantation. Travel, in the third place, has made shipwreck of many,
not because I do contemn either the knowledge of strange and divers tongues,
and namely the Italian tongue, which next the Greek and Latin tongue I do
like and love above all others, or else because I do despise the learning that is
gotten or the experience that is gathered in strange countries,
but travel meant a sojourn in Italy, and, in well remembered words,
he proclaims his aversion to what he had seen in Venice, and the
deep seated distrust with which he views the morals, the politics,
the irreligion, the newer literature of the Italy of the Spaniard
and the inquisition. Study will provide all the worthy fruits of
travel, and manners can be learnt by all who care to read
Castiglione's Cortegiano, in its new English dress. Let a young
Englishman be proud of his England, and, if he will see other
manners, other minds, Strassburg or Frankfort will give him what
he seeks, with no danger to faith and morals. The second book is
largely concerned with the teaching of Latin. The method of
Ascham, according to which a classical language is taught by the
process of re-translation of construes, is, at least, as old as Cicero
and is of slight importance in the history of instruction. But this
section of The Scholemaster is of interest as evidence of the thorough-
ness and breadth of Ascham's reading. He avows Greek to be the
subject of his truest affection. He has a sound view of the
function of historical writing, which far transcends the superficial
aspect of it which confronts us in Italian humanists prior to the
later Patrizi. Much space is given to the art of teaching rhetoric.
Cicero is the accepted master; where Quintilian differs from him,
## p. 435 (#457) ############################################
a
-
Richard Mulcaster
435
he is to be disregarded. John Sturm he regards as unapproach-
able amongst neo-Latinists. Ascham pleads for style: 'ye know
not what hurt ye do to learning that are not for words but for
matter, and do make a divorce betwixt the tongue and the heart. '
The secret of true imitation is to read exactly and, at the same
time, to read widely. English will have its fruit of such right
imitation of classic models, for in them alone are the 'true pre-
cepts and perfect examples' of sound writing. Upon poetic imita-
tion only did Ascham lapse into pedantry! He will recognise no
English metres. Much as he admires Chaucer, he apologises for
his riming, an inheritance from the Goth and Hun.
It seems that The Scholemaster was, for a time, accepted as
the approved manual of method in instruction. The licence of
The Positions (1581) of Richard Mulcaster runs thus : 'provided
always that if this book contain anything prejudicial or hurtful
to the Book of Master Ascham . . . called The Scholemaster, that
then this licence shall be void. ' In passing from Ascham to
Mulcaster we step into a different world. For Mulcaster, though
an Eton boy and a student of Christ Church, spent his life as a
master of the two great day schools of the city of London-head-
master of Merchant Taylors' 1561–86 ; surmaster and, later,
highmaster (1596) of St Paul's. The fruit of his experience is
embodied in two books, The Positions (1581) and The Elementarie
(1582), the latter an instalment of a larger work. Whilst Ascham was
concerned with youth of station, destined to become landowners,
courtiers or diplomatists, Mulcaster's subject is the education of
the burgher class. Both, again, use English as their instrument;
Ascham wrote good Tudor prose, whilst it is no gibe to say that
Mulcaster's own example is enough to imperil his thesis that
English speech is as harmonious and as precise as Latinity itself.
He had Spenser for his pupil, and has often been identified with
the caricature in Love's Labour's Lost. Mulcaster is, by training
and by interests, a humanist, but of a temper little akin to that of
Cheke or Ascham. The hard experience of twenty years had
proved to him how different was the training in letters set out by
the great writers from the realities of the schoolroom. It is a
standing puzzle to us today that men of strong intelligence,
knowing however little of boys, should assume, as without
question, that a rigorous course of grammar, construing, com-
position and conversation in Latin, and that only, must appeal to
youthful minds. They do not seem to have understood that, to
1 See ante, chap. XIV.
1
28-2
## p. 436 (#458) ############################################
436
Universities, Schools and Scholarship
win effective attention to arid and meaningless material, nothing
less than the most harsh pressure could be expected to succeed with
the average boy. Now, Mulcaster is the uncouth prophet of a new
order. For he sees the problem in a modern way. He has shaken
himself free of traditional platitudes. He is conscious of a new
world, and of the need of a new education adapted to it. His two
books, written in close succession, exhibit a consistent idea and
may be viewed together. He writes in English, wishing to reach
the vulgar; no fishmonger or tailor in London could touch it in
Latin shape. The time has gone by, as he perceives, for illusions
as to the place of Latin speech in Elizabethan England. He will
have the elements of education for all; the grammar school and
the university will provide for the select few of promising wit.
But he boldly states that he sees loss to the community in alluring
the unfit to the unpractical training of letters. 'I am tooth and
nail for woman-kind' in matters of education, he declares. But
their instruction must fit them for their station. Only such as
are born to high place or to prospect of coming wealth should, in
humanist fashion, be taught the learned tongues or history or
logic. Mulcaster has a sound perception of the importance of
physical training to mental efficiency, which he partly owes to
Girolamo Mercuriale and other Italians. The growing custom
of sending boys of every class to school has his goodwill : but,
sympathising here with Ascham, he sets himself against the habit
of travel for youth as bad for patriotism and religious constancy.
He would have a training school for teachers set up in each
university; he is the first English master to grasp the significance
of what Vives had said on this head long before. Further, he would
.
see with approval the colleges at Oxford and Cambridge specifically
allotted to the study of the three subjects of general training,
languages, mathematics and philosophy, and to the four profes-
sional disciplines of medicine, law, divinity and teaching. He is
consistent in objecting to the study of Roman and of canon law
for English youth. He sets out in detail his views of the function
of English in the new education, advocating, in particular, that
scholars should devote themselves to the settling of the ortho-
graphy, accidence and syntax of the language, that, thereby,
English may claim its place side by side with Latin, whose merits
of precision and elaboration he is foremost to perceive. For ‘I
love Rome, but London better, I favour Italy, but England more,
I honour Latin, but worship English. '
It would be impossible to enumerate the works of foreign
## p. 437 (#459) ############################################
The Courtier and other Courtesy Books 437
origin which affected the ideals of manners and instruction in
England during Elizabeth's reign, but account may be taken of
certain representative books which were popular enough to
demand translation. Il Cortegiano of Castiglione', translated
by Hoby as The Courtier (1561) is, of course, much more than
a treatise on the up-bringing of youth, but, as presenting a
picture of the perfect man' of the renascence, it had an
undoubted, if indirect, effect on higher education in England.
Il Cortegiano speedily became cosmopolitan in its vogue. High
society in France, Spain and the Low Countries, not less than
in Italy, revered it as an inspired guide, supplementing, according
to choice, its obvious omissions with respect to the side of religion
and the stalwart virtues. The concept of a complete personality
constituted of physical gifts, learning, taste and grace of manner
was the gift which the Italian revival at its noblest offered to the
western peoples. Himself “a perfect Castilio,' Sidney never
stirred abroad without The Courtier in his pocket. To Cleland,
writing for the new century (The Institution of a Nobleman,
1607), it is the final word on a gentleman's behaviour. Especially
does its spirit breathe through such writers as La Primaudaye and
Count Annibale Romei, whose books were in wide circulation at
the time when this period was drawing to its close. The French
Academy-so Bowes translates the title of La Primaudaye's work
-is written (1577) in dialogue form, and dedicated to Henri III.
It is less strictly confined to the courtly ideal than Castiglione's Il
Cortegiano; its gentlemen of Anjou discourse together of the means
by which all estates of men may live courteously, happily and with
true dignity. The secret of the worthy life lies in the due ordering
of home and commonwealth by parent and ruler, 'the grace of
God working in them. ' The best chapter is that on the rearing of
children, based upon accepted humanist precedents, though with
a vein of Huguenot piety running through it all. The author
holds that civility comes not of arms, but of learning and virtue ;
and, of all means of training, historic studies are the most effective
instruments: he bids youth ponder Cyrus, Charlemagne and
Francis I. The power of education is such that it can change the
temper of whole countries not less than the character of a man.
Hence, the modern state should have concern to provide right
teaching for all its sons. 'In every town of the realm’ should be
ordained the public teaching of grammar (Latin) to all comers.
The popularity of this bulky work is proved by the number of its
editions during twenty years. Though written in the Aristotelian
· Ed. pr. Aldus, 1528.
## p. 438 (#460) ############################################
438
Universities, Schools and Scholarship
vein made familiar by Patrizi and Acontio, the dialogue is modelled
on Castiglione, with, it must be said, but little of the grace of n
Cortegiano. I Galateo (1545), a far better known book, was trans-
lated into English (1576) by Peterson. It is a frank handbook of
manners, a manual for the schoolboy and the parvenu, and became
popular in England under the titles of Refined Courtier and the
like, given to it by later editors and adapters. The Courtier's
Academy, a translation, by Kepers, of the Discorsi of Count
Annibale Romei of Ferrara (1586), treats of the ideal of personality
approved in cultivated society when the renascence was already
on the verge of decline. The Elizabethan scholar or merchant
was interested, we can believe, in the argument for learning and
for wealth as titles to gentilezza, when birth or skill in arms
could not be pleaded.
As the century draws to a close, we trace, on the one hand, a
gradual enlargement of the concept of what is possible in the way
of education for a youth of parts and opportunity, side by side
with a process of ossification of school instruction. Sir Humphrey
Gilbert's project of Queene Elizabethes Achademy (1572) was an
anticipation of later 'academies' and, in a sense, of Milton's
generous' dream. Gilbert's scheme of a training in which lan-
guages, modern no less than ancient, mathematics and law, are
grouped with technical and military exercises is an attempt to
bring education into immediate touch with actual life. In essence,
it is a protest against the narrow humanism of the public school,
the herald of a reaction which was to take one shape in Bacon,
and another in Montaigne. Meanwhile, in spite of Ascham, men
of the world sent their boys to complete their training abroad.
The French court was accounted the best school of courtesy.
Venice was the centre for art, and for such sciences as astronomy;
Florence for letters. Politics, history, painting, building, scientific
invention, the technique of war, drew the interest of Englishmen
wherever they sojourned. And the finer minds returned with a
deeper and more intelligent patriotism. Hakluyt’s Principal
Navigations, Stow's Annales, Camden's Britannia, Holinshed's
Chronicles and its predecessors are evidence of a fuller national
self-consciousness. More truly than works of scholarship do these
represent the genius of Elizabethan England. For the end of a
man's 'whole traine' lay in action rather than in the knowledge
itself which equipped him for it. The universities had definitely
recognised this as their principal function, and the temper of the
English race responded readily to the call.
## p. 439 (#461) ############################################
CHAPTER XX
THE LANGUAGE FROM CHAUCER TO SHAKESPEARE
THE all-important feature in the development of English during
the pre-Chaucerian period consisted of those grammatical changes
which entirely altered the organic character of the language. From
being a highly inflected language, it became one partially stripped
of inflections, whereas its changes in vocabulary during the same
period, though important in themselves, were far less radical in
their effects. After 1400, the order of importance is reversed. It
was a change in the vocabulary, particularly in that of the sixteenth
century, which made almost all the difference; the grammatical
structure was modified in but a comparatively slight degree.
The causes of these differing tendencies are not far to seek.
The period before Chaucer was one in which English was not,
as yet, the literary language: it shared that dignity with Latin
and Anglo-French, and, of its four main dialects, no one had
become predominant. These were conditions which readily per-
mitted grammatical change and led to attempts being made
at removing ambiguities and irregularities from the inflectional
system. After 1400, the restraining influences of a recognised
literary dialect and a growing literature made themselves felt.
Writers became more and more adverse to modifications of
grammatical forms, which had already been simplified almost to
their limit, while the vocabulary grew mechanically under varying
but ever increasing influences.
The period (1400—1600) with which this chapter deals divides
naturally into two centuries, the dividing point being, roughly, the
date of Caxton's death (1491). The first of these two periods—the
fifteenth century-though transitional and somewhat chaotic in
character, was, nevertheless, responsible for certain marked develop-
ments. In it an increased importance was given to the vernacular,
and a uniform written language was established, both of which
effects were due to tendencies visible already in Chaucer's day. And
## p. 440 (#462) ############################################
440 Language from Chaucer to Shakespeare
the period is further characterised by some considerable changes in
vocabulary, as well as by changes of a more gradual kind in gram-
matical structure and pronunciation, which may be said to culminate
in the following century.
The increasing importance of the vernacular in the fifteenth
century was due, in part, to the growing sense of nationality
under Edward III. Although the use of English had never
died out, and even Robert of Gloucester had been able to
state that 'lowe men holdep to Engliss, yet, in the thirteenth
century and later, Anglo-French was the courtly language, Latin
the language of learned and documentary writings. Under
Edward III, the conditions began to change : in 1362, parliament
was opened by an English speech, and, about the same time,
English began to be used in the law courts and the schools? . It
also came to be generally regarded as the language of literature, as
is seen when Gower forsakes French and Latin to write in Englisb,
and when Capgrave (1462) compiles what was the first ebronicle in
English since the Conquest. Though the struggles of the vernacular
for recognition were not completed in this century, the position it
held was stronger than at any time since 1066, and its supremacy
was to be assured by Caxton's work.
The causes which brought about the recognition of a standard
dialect of English have already been treated. London furnished
that dialect, just as the chief city of Attica furnished the language
of literary Greek and Paris the language of literary French ; and
throughout the fifteenth century this London dialect was gaining
ascendency. Various dialectal forms inserted in a text would still
betray the district from which their writer hailed, even when he
had deliberately adopted the standard dialect; and such pro-
vincialisms remained until the time of printed texts. But, from
now onwards, the one dialect was to represent the spoken language
of the educated, as well as the literary and official medium. The
dialects of Ormulum and the Ancren Riwle lost caste, and
remained, apart from literature, on the tongues of the people
The most striking feature in connection with the fifteenth
century vocabulary was the rapid manner in which old native words
became obsolete. This is clearly seen from the following lists,
taken, on the one hand, from fourteenth century texts, and, on the
a
1 The oldest private records in English are dated 1375 and 1381; the oldest London
documents in English, 1384, 1386; the earliest petition to parliament in English,
1386; the earliest English wills, 1387. See Morsbach: Über den Ursprung der
neuengl. Schriftsprache (Heilbronn, 1888), passim.
5
## p. 441 (#463) ############################################
shall resgeyve
encrece
teke away
axe him
a
olde age
Fifteenth Century Changes in Vocabulary 441
other, from modernised versions of those texts, belonging to the
fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.
Trevisa's Chron. Caxton's version Wyclif's trans. Tindale's version
(1387)
(1482)
(1380)
(1525)
icleped
called
heathens gentyls
schullep fonge
Zeerd
rod
to eche
to meke
to humble
byneme
soure dow3
leven
buxom
obedient
bitake
delyver
hist
was named
questen with bim
as me trowej
as men suppose walow a stoon roll a stone
steihe
ascended
abide it
wayte for it
zede
went
elde
nesche
soft
to hie hymself to exalt hym selfel.
Literary diction is not always a true test as to the condition of
the spoken language, but there can be little doubt that the
changes here represented stand for changes of the language in
common use ; for the object in modernising the texts had been to
bring them into conformity with the language of the day.
