No More Learning

: From Hamlet, v, 1 it appears, however, as if Shakespeare was unaware of this
difference: “Is not parchment made of sheep-skins? ”—“Ay, my lord, and of calf-skins
too. "
• Royal, 1, E. 6.


## p. 17 (#37) ##############################################

Manuscripts and Scribes 17
who, apparently, taught their art to the Arabs, since paper was
exported by that pation at an early date. In the twelfth century,
paper was known in Spain and Italy, and thence it spread slowly
northwards, though it did not come into more general use until
the fourteenth century. In the fifteenth century, paper manuscripts
were very frequent in England, as can be assumed from the great
number still remaining in public and private libraries.
For writing, both on parchment and on paper, the quill was
used, known in Old English times as feder, in Middle English by
the French term penne. The existence of the quill as an imple-
ment of writing is proved by one of the oldest Irish MSS, where
St John the Evangelist is represented holding a quill in his hand.
Again, Aldhelm has a riddle on penna, in the same way as he had
one on the tablet. Other necessary implements for writing and
preparing a MS were a lead for ruling margins and lines, a ruler,
a pair of compasses, scissors, a puncher, an awl, a scraping-knife
and, last, but not least, ink, which was usually kept in a horn, either
held in the hand by the scribe, or placed in a specially provided
hole in his desk. In Old English times it was known, from its
colour, as blaec, but, after the Conquest, the French term enque, our
modern English ink, was adopted. The terms horne and ink-horne
are both found in old glossaries.
When the body of the text was finally ready, the sheets were
passed to the corrector, who filled the office of the modern proof-
reader, and from him to the rubricator, who inserted, in more or
less elaborate designs, and in striking colours, the rubrics and
initials for which space had been left by the scribe. The pieces
of parchment were then passed to the binder, who, as a rule,
placed four on each other and then folded them, the result being a
quire of eight leaves or sixteen pages. The binding was generally
strong and solid in character: leather was used for the back and
wooden boards for the sides, which were usually covered with
parchment or leather or velvet. Thus was established the form
and fashion of the book as we know it, whether written or printed.
Beside the book-form, parchment was also made up into rolls,
which were especially used for chronological writings and deeds of
various kinds? .
The men who wrote both roll and book, and to whose patience
and devotion we owe much of our knowledge of the times gone by,
were, at first, the monks themselves; it being held that copying,
especially of devotional books, was a work pleasing to God and one
Cf. the term "Master of the Rolls. "
E. L. I. CII. II.
2


## p. 18 (#38) ##############################################

18
Runes and Manuscripts
of the best possible ways in which men, separated from the world,
could labour.
Gradually, however, there grew up a professional class of
scribes, whose services could be hired for money, and who can be
proved to have been employed at an early period in the monasteries
of England and abroad. Nuns were also well versed in writing.
Moreover, where schools were attached to monasteries the alumni
were early pressed into service, at all events to copy out books
needed for their own instruction.
The cloister was the centre of life in the monastery, and in the
cloister was the workshop of the patient scribe. It is hard to
realise that the fair and seemly handwriting of these manuscripts
was executed by fingers which, on winter days, when the wind
howled through the cloisters, must have been numbed by the icy
cold. It is true that, occasionally, little carrells or studies in
the recesses of the windows were screened off from the main walk
of the cloister, and, sometimes, a small room or cell would be
partitioned off for the use of a single scribe. This room would
then be called the scriptorium, but it is unlikely that any save the
oldest or most learned of the community were afforded this luxury.
In these scriptoria of various kinds the earliest annals and chronicles
in the English language were penned, in the beautiful and pains-
taking forms in which we know them.
There is no evidence for the existence of buildings specially
set apart for libraries until the later Middle Ages. Books were
stored in presses, placed either in the church or in convenient
places within the monastic buildings. These presses were then
added to as need arose, or, perhaps, a small room was set apart
for the better preserving of the precious volumes. Books were
frequently lost through the widespread system of lending both
to private persons and to communities, and, though bonds were
solemnly entered into for their safe return, neither anathema
nor heavy pledges seemed sufficient to ensure the return of the
volumes.
But all losses through lending, or fire, or pillage, were as
nothing compared with the utter ruin and destruction that over-
took the literature of England, as represented by the written
remains of its past, when the monasteries were dissolved. By
what remains we can estimate what we have lost, and lost irre-
vocably; but the full significance of this event for English literary
culture will be discussed in a later chapter.


## p. 19 (#39) ##############################################

CHAPTER III
EARLY NATIONAL POETRY
ined
THE poetry of the Old English period is generally grouped in
two main divisions, national and Christian. To the former are
assigned those poems of which the subjects are drawn from
English, or rather Teutonic, tradition and history or from the
customs and conditions of English life; to the latter those which
deal with Biblical matter, ecclesiastical traditions and religious by
subjects of definitely Christian origin. The line of demarcation
is not, of course, absolutely fixed. Most of the national poems
in their present form contain Christian elements, while English
influence often makes itself felt in the presentation of Biblical
or ecclesiastical subjects. But, on the whole, the division is a
satisfactory one, in spite of the fact that there are a certain
number of poems as to the classification of which some doubt
may be entertained.
We are concerned here only with the earlier national poems.
With one or two possible exceptions they are anonymous, and we
have no means of assigning to them with certainty even an ap-
proximate date. There can be little doubt, however, that they all
belong to times anterior to the unification of England under king
Alfred (A. D. 886). The later national poetry does not begin until
the reign of Aethelstan.
With regard to the general characteristics of these poems one
or two preliminary remarks will not be out of place. First, there is
some reason for believing that, for the most part, they are the work
of minstrels rather than of literary men. In two cases, Widsith
and Deor, we have definite statements to this effect, and from
Bede's account of Caedmon we may probably infer that the early
Christian poems had a similar origin. Indeed, it is by no means
clear that any of the poems were written down very early. Scarcely
any of the MSS date from before the tenth century and, though
they are doubtless copies, they do not betray traces of very archaic
orthography. Again, it is probable that the authors were, as a rule,
attached to the courts of kings or, at all events, to the retinues of
2–2


## p. 20 (#40) ##############################################

20
Early National Poetry
persons in high position. For this statement also we have no
positive evidence except in the cases of Widsith and Deor ; but it
is favoured by the tone of the poems. Some knowledge of music
and recitation seems, indeed, to have prevailed among all classes.
Just as in Beowulf not only Hrothgar's bard but even the king
himself is said to have taken part among others in the recitation of
stories of old time, so Bede, in the passage mentioned above, relates
how the harp was passed round at a gathering of villagers, each
one of whom was expected to produce a song. But the poems
which survived, especially epic poems, are likely to have been the
work of professional minstrels, and such persons would naturally
be attracted to courts by the richer rewards—both in gold and
land—which they received for their services. It is not only in
Old English poems that professional minstrels are mentioned.
From Cassiodorus (Variarum, II, 40 f. ) we learn that Clovis begged
Theodric, king of the Ostrogoths, to send him a skilled harpist.
Again, Priscus, in the account of his visit to Attila’, describes how,
at the evening feast, two men, whom probably we may regard as
professional minstrels, came forward and sang of the king's victories
and martial deeds. Some of the warriors, he says, had their fighting
spirit roused by the melody, while others, advanced in age, burst
into tears, lamenting the loss of their strength—a passage which
bears rather a striking resemblance to Beowulf's account of the
feast in Hrothgar's hall.
1
It is customary to classify the early national poems in two
groups, epic and elegiac. The former, if we may judge from
Beowulf, ran to very considerable length, while all the extant
specimens of the latter are quite short. There are, however, one or
two poems which can hardly be brought under either of these
heads, and it is probably due to accident that most of the shorter
poems which have come down to us are of an elegiac character.
The history of our national epic poetry is rendered obscure
by the fact that there is little elsewhere with which it may be
compared. We need not doubt that it is descended ultimately
from the songs in which the ancients were wont to celebrate deeds
of famous men, such as Arminius; but, regarding the form of these
songs, we are unfortunately without information. The early national
epic poetry of Germany is represented only by a fragment of
67 lines, while the national poetry of the north, rich as it is,
1 E. Müller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, sv, p. 92.
* CL Tacitus, Ann. 1, 88.


## p. 21 (#41) ##############################################

Teutonic Epic Poetry
21
contains nothing which can properly be called epic. It cannot,
therefore, be determined with certainty, whether the epos was
known to the English before the invasion or whether it arose
in this country, or, again, whether it was introduced from abroad
in later times. Yet the fact is worth noting that all the poems
of which we have any remains deal with stories relating to
continental or Scandinavian lands. Indeed, in the whole of our
early national poetry, there is no reference to persons who are
known to have lived in Britain. Kögel put forward the view that
epic poetry originated among the Goths, and that its appear-
ance in the north-west of Europe is to be traced to the harpist
who was sent to Clovis by Theodric, king of the Ostrogoths.
Yet the traditions preserved in our poems speak of professional
minstrels before the time of Clovis. The explanation of the
incident referred to may be merely that minstrelsy had attained
greater perfection among the Goths than elsewhere. Unfortunately
Gothic poetry has wholly perished.
Although definite evidence is wanting, it is commonly held that
the old Teutonic poetry was entirely strophic. Such is the case
with all the extant Old Norse poems, and there is no reason for
thinking that any other form of poetry was known in the north.
Moreover, in two of the earliest Old English poems, Widsith and
Deor, the strophes may be restored practically without alteration
of the text. An attempt has even been made to reconstruct
Beowulf in strophic form ; but this can only be carried out by
dealing with the text in a somewhat arbitrary manner. In
Beowulf, as indeed in most Old English poems, new sentences
and even new subjects begin very frequently in the middle of the
verse. The effect of this is, of course, to produce a continuous
metrical narrative, which is essentially foreign to the strophic type
of poetry. Further, it is not to be overlooked that all the strophic
poems which we possess are quite short. Even Atlamál, the
longest narrative poem in the Edda, scarcely reaches one eighth
of the length of Beowulf. According to another theory epics
were derived from strophic lays, though never actually composed
in strophic form themselves. This theory is, of course, by no means
open to such serious objections. It may be noted that, in some of
the earliest Old Norse poems, e. g. Helgakviða Hundingsbana II. ·
and Helgakviða Hiörvarðssonar, the strophes contain only speeches,
while the connecting narrative is given, quite briefly, in prose.
Such pieces might very well serve as the bases of epic poems. The
greater length of the latter may, then, be accounted for by the


## p. 22 (#42) ##############################################

22
Early National Poetry
substitution of detailed descriptions for the short prose passages,
by the introduction of episodes drawn from other sources and
perhaps also by the combination of two or more lays in one poem.
In any such process, however, the original materials must have been
largely transformed.
By far the most important product of the national epos is
Beowulf, a poem of 3183 lines, which has been preserved practically
n a MS of the tenth century, now in the British Museum.
It will be convenient at the outset to give a brief summary of its
contents.
The poem opens with a short account of the victorious Danish
king Scyld Scefing, whose obsequies are described in some detail.
His body was carried on board a ship, piled up with arms and
treasures. The ship passed out to sea, and none knew what
became of it (11. 1–52). The reigns of Scyld's son and grandson,
Beowulf and Healfdene, are quickly passed over, and we are next
brought to Hrothgar, the son of Healfdene. He builds a splendid
hall, called Heorot, in which to entertain his numerous retinue
(II. 53—100). His happiness is, however, destroyed by Grendel,
a monster sprung from Cain, who attacks the hall by night and
devours as many as thirty knights at a time. No one can with-
stand him, and, in spite of sacrificial offerings, the ball has to
remain empty (ll. 101–193). When Grendel's ravages have lasted
twelve years, Beowulf, a nephew of Hygelac, king of the Geatas,
and a man of enormous strength, determines to go to Hrothgar's
assistance. He embarks with fourteen companions and, on reaching
the Danish coast, is directed by the watchman to Hrothgar's abode
(IL. 194—319). The king, on being informed of his arrival, relates
how he had known and befriended Ecgtheow, Beowulfs father.
Beowulf states the object of his coming, and the visitors are invited
to feast (11. 320—497). During the banquet Beowulf is taunted by
Hunferth (Unferth), the king's “ orator," with having failed in a
swimming contest against a certain Breca. He replies, giving a
different version of the story, according to which he was successful
(11. 498–606). Then the queen (Wealhtheow) fills Beowulf's cup,
and he announces his determination to conquer or die. As night
draws on, the king and his retinue leave the hall to the visitors
(IL 607–665). They go to sleep, and Beowulf puts off his armour,
declaring that he will not use his sword. Grendel bursts into the
hall and devours one of the knights. Beowulf, however, seizes him
by the arm, which he tears off after a desperate struggle, and the


## p. 23 (#43) ##############################################

Beowulf: Summary of the Poem
23
monster takes to flight, mortally wounded (11. 665—833) Beowulf
displays the arm, and the Danes come to express their admiration
of his achievement. They tell stories of heroes of the past, of
Sigemund and his nephew Fitela and of the Danish prince Heremod'.
Then Hrothgar himself arrives, congratulates Beowulf on his victory
and rewards him with rich gifts (11. 834–1062). During the feast
which follows, the king's minstrel recites the story of Hnaef and
Finn (11. 1063—1159), to which we shall have to return later. The
queen comes forward and, after addressing Hrothgar together
with his nephew and colleague Hrothwulf, thanks Beowulf and
presents him with a valuable necklace (1l. 1160–1232). This neck-
lace, it is stated (U. 1202—1214), was afterwards worn by Hygelac
and fell into the bands of the Franks at his death. Hrothgar and
Beowulf now retire, but a number of knights settle down to sleep
in the hall. During the night Grendel's mother appears and
carries off Aeschere, the king's chief councillor (IL. 1233—1306).
Beowulf is summoned and the king, overwhelmed with grief, tells
him what has happened and describes the place where the monsters
were believed to dwell. Beowulf promises to exact vengeance
(11. 1306—1396). They set out for the place, a pool overshadowed
with trees, but apparently connected with the sea. Beowulf
plunges into the water and reaches a cave, where he has a
desperate encounter with the monster. Eventually he succeeds in
killing her with a sword which he finds in the cave. He then
comes upon the corpse of Grendel and cuts off its head With this
he returns to his companions, who had given him up for lost
(1L. 1397–1631). The head is brought in triumph to the palace,
and Beowulf describes his adventure. The king praises his
exploit and contrasts his spirit with that of the unfortunate prince
Heremod. From this he passes to a moralising discourse on the
evils of pride (1632–1784). On the following day Beowulf bids
farewell to the king. They part affectionately, and the king
rewards him with further gifts. Beowulf and his companions
embark and return to their own land (1785–1921). The virtues
of Hygd, the young wife of Hygelac, are praised, and she is
contrasted with Thrytho, the wife of Offa, who, in her youth, had
displayed a murderous disposition (11. 1922–1962). Beowulf
greets Hygelac and gives him an account of his adventures. Part
of his speech, however, is taken up with a subject which, except for
a casual reference in 11 83—85, has not been mentioned before,
1 For these persons cf. the Old Norse poem Hyndlulió, strophe 2, Völsunga Saga
cap. 7–10, etc.


## p. 24 (#44) ##############################################

24
Early National Poetry
namely, the relations between Hrothgar and his son-in-law Ingeld,
prince of the Heathobeardan. Ingeld's father, Froda, had been
slain by the Danes and he was constantly incited by an old
warrior to take vengeance on the son of the slayer. Then Beowulf
hands over to Hygelac and Hygd the presents which Hrothgar and
Wealhtheow had given him, and Hygelac in turn rewards him with
a sword and with a large share in the kingdom (11. 1963—2199).
A long period is now supposed to elapse. Hygelac has fallen,
and his son Heardred has been slain by the Swedes. Then
Beowulf has succeeded to the throne and reigned gloriously for
fifty years (Il. 2200—2210). In his old age the land of the Geatas
is ravaged and his own home destroyed by a fire-spitting dragon
which, after brooding for three hundred years over the treasure of
men long since dead, has had its lair robbed by a runaway slave.
Beowulf, greatly angered, resolves to attack it (IL. 2210—2349).
Now comes a digression referring to Beowulfs past exploits, in the
course of which we learn that he had escaped by swimming when
Hygelac lost his life in the land of the Frisians. On his return
Hygd offered him the throne, but he refused it in favour of the
young Heardred. The latter, however, was soon slain by the
Swedish king Onela, because he had granted asylum to his nephews,
Eanmund and Eadgils, the sons of Ohthere. Vengeance was obtained
by Beowulf later, when he supported Eadgils in a campaign which
led to the king's death (1l. 2349—2396). Beowulf now approaches
the dragon's lair. He reflects on the past history of his family.
Haethcyn, king of the Geatas, had accidentally killed his brother
Herebeald, and their father, Hrethel, died of grief in consequence.
His death was followed by war with the Swedes, in which first
Haethcyn and then the Swedish king Ongentheow (Onela's father)
were slain. When Hygelac, the third brother, perished among the
Frisians, Daeghrefn, a warrior of the Hugas, was crushed to death
by the hero himself (1l. 2397—2509). Beowulf orders his men to
wait outside while he enters the dragon's barrow alone. He is
attacked by the dragon, and his sword will not bite. Wiglaf, one of
his companions, now comes to the rescue; but the rest, in spite of
his exhortations, flee into a wood. As the dragon darts forward
again Beowulf strikes it on the head; but his sword breaks, and the
dragon seizes him by the neck. Wiglaf succeeds in wounding it,
and Beowulf, thus getting a moment's respite, finishes it off with his
knife (11. 2510—2709). But the hero is mortally wounded. At his
request Wiglaf brings the treasure out of the lair. Beowulf gives
him directions with regard to his funeral, presents him with his


## p.
25 (#45) ##############################################

Beowulf and Scandinavian Traditions 25
armour and necklace and then dies (1l. 2709—2842). The cowardly
knights now return and are bitterly upbraided by Wiglaf (IL. 2842
2891). A messenger brings the news to the warriors who have
been waiting behind. He goes on to prophesy that, now their
heroic king has fallen, the Geatas must expect hostility on all sides.
With the Franks there bas been no peace since Hygelac's un-
fortunate expedition against the Frisians and Hetware, while the
Swedes cannot forget Ongentheow's disaster, which is now described
at length. The warriors approach the barrow and inspect the
treasure which has been found (11. 2891—3075). Wiglaf repeats
Beowulfs instructions, the dragon is thrown into the sea and the
king's body burnt on a great pyre. Then a huge barrow is
constructed over the remains of the pyre, and all the treasure
taken from the dragon's lair is placed in it. The poem ends with
an account of the mourning and the proclamation of the king's
virtues by twelve warriors who ride round the barrow.
Many of the persons and events mentioned in Beowulf are
known to us also from various Scandinavian records, especially
Saxo’s Danish History, Hrólfs Saga Kraka, Ynglinga Saga
(with the poem Ynglingatal) and the fragments of the lost
Skiöldunga Saga. Scyld, the ancestor of the Scyldungas (the
Danish royal family), clearly corresponds to Skiöldr, the ancestor
of the Skiöldungar, though the story told of him in Beowulf does
not occur in Scandinavian literature. Healfdene and his sons
Hrothgar and Halga are certainly identical with the Danish king
Halfdan and his sons Hróarr (Roe) and Helgi ; and there can
be no doubt that Hrothwulf, Hrothgar's nephew and colleague,
is the famous Hrólfr Kraki, the son of Helgi. Hrothgar's elder
brother Heorogar is unknown, but his son Heoroweard may be
identical with Hiörvarðr, the brother-in-law of Hrólfr. It has been
plausibly suggested also that Hrethric, the son of Hrothgar, may be
the same person as Hroerekr (Roricus), who is generally represented
as the son or successor of Ingialdr. The name of the Heathobeardan
is unknown in the north, unless, possibly, a reminiscence of it is
preserved in Saxo’s Hothbroddus, the name of the king who slew
Roe. Their princes Froda and Ingeld, however, clearly correspond
to Fróði (Frotho IV) and his son Ingialdr, who are represented as
kings of the Danes. Even the story of the old warrior who incites
Ingeld to revenge is given also by Saxo ; indeed, the speaker
(Starcatherus) is one of the most prominent figures in his history.
Again, the Swedish prince Eadgils, the son of Ohthere, is certainly
identical with the famous king of the Svear, Aðils, the son of


## p. 26 (#46) ##############################################

26
Early National Poetry
Ottarr, and his conflict with Onela corresponds to the battle on
lake Vener between Aðils and Ali. The latter is described as
a Norwegian; but this is, in all probability, a mistake arising from
his surname hinn Upplenzki, which was thought to refer to the
Norwegian Upplönd instead of the Swedish district of the same
name. The other members of the Swedish royal family, Ongentheow
and Eanmund, are unknown in Scandinavian literature. The same
remark applies, probably, to the whole of the royal family of the
Geatas, except, perhaps, the hero himself. On the other hand, most
of the persons mentioned in the minor episodes or incidentally-
Sigemund and Fitela, Heremod, Eormenric, Hama, Offa-are more
or less well known from various Scandinavian authorities, some
also from continental sources.
With the exception of Ynglingatal, which dates probably from
the ninth century, all the Scandinavian works mentioned above are
quite late and, doubtless, based on tradition. Hence they give us
no means of fixing the dates of the kings whose doings they
record-unless one can argue from the fact that Harold the Fair-
haired, who appears to have been born in 850, claimed to be
descended in the eleventh generation from Aðils. Indeed, we have
unfortunately no contemporary authorities for Swedish and Danish
history before the ninth century. Several early Frankish writings,
however, refer to a raid which was made upon the territories of the
Chattuarii on the lower Rhine about the year 520. The raiders
were defeated by Theodberht, the son of Theodric I, and their
king, who is called Chohilaicus (Chlochilaicus) or Huiglaucus, was
killed. This incident is, without doubt, to be identified with the
disastrous expedition of Hygelac against the Franks, Hetware
(Chattuarii) and Frisians, to which Beowulf contains several
references. We need not hesitate, then, to conclude that most of
the historical events mentioned in Beowulf are to be dated within
about the first three decades of the sixth century.
In Gregory of Tours's Historia Francorum (III, 3) and in the
Gesta Regum Francorum (cap. 19) the king of the raiders is
described as rex Danorum; in the Liber Monstrorum? however as
rex Getarum. As Getarum can hardly be anything but a corruption
of Beowulf's Geatas the latter description is doubtless correct.
The Geatas are, in all probability, to be identified with the Gautar
of Old Norse literature, i. e. the people of Götaland in the south of
Sweden. It may be mentioned that Procopius, a contemporary
of Theodberht, in his description (Goth. 11, 15) of “Thule,” i. e.
Berger de Xivrey, Traditions Tératowgiques, p. 12.


## p. 27 (#47) ##############################################

Beowulf: Personality of the Hero
27
arrival in the bare skaldske in the
Scandinavia, speaks of the Götar (Gautoi) as a very numerous
nation.
The hero himself still remains to be discussed. On the whole,
though the identification is rejected by many scholars, there seems
to be good reason for believing that he was the same person
as Böðvarr Biarki, the chief of Hrólfr Kraki's knights. In Hrólfs
Saga Kraka, Biarki is represented as coming to Leire, the Danish
royal residence, from Götaland, where his brother was king.
Shortly after his arrival he killed an animal demon (a bear, accord-
ing to Saxo), which was in the habit of attacking the king's farm-
yard at Yule. Again, according to Skaldskaparmal, cap. 44 (from
Skiöldunga Saga), he took part with Aðils in the battle against
Ali. In all these points his history resembles that of Beowulf. It
appears from Hrólfs Saga Kraka that Biarki had the faculty of
changing into a bear. And Beowulf's method of fighting, especially
in his conflict with Daegbrefn, may point to a similar story. On
the other hand, the latter part of Biarki's career is quite different
from that of Beowulf. He stayed with Hrólfr to the end and
shared the death of that king. But the latter part of Beowulfs
life can hardly be regarded as historical. Indeed, his own exploits
throughout are largely of a miraculous character.
There is another Scandinavian story, however, which has a very
curious bearing on the earlier adventures of Beowulf. This is
a passage in Grettis Saga (cap. 64 ff. ), in which the hero is repre-
sented as destroying two demons, male and female. The scene is
laid in Iceland; yet so close are the resemblances between the two
stories, in the character of the demons, in the description of the
places they inhabit and in the methods by which the hero deals
with them, as well as in a number of minor details, that it is
impossible to ascribe them to accident. Now Grettir seems to be
a historical person who died about the year 1031. The presumption
is, then, that an older story has become attached to his name. But
there is nothing in the account that gives any colour to the idea
that it is actually derived from the Old English poem. More
probably the origin of both stories alike is to be sought in a folk-
tale, and, just as the adventures were attributed in Iceland to the
historical Grettir, so in England, and, possibly, also in Denmark, at
an earlier date they were associated with a historical prince of the
Götar. From the occurrence of the local names Beowanham and
Grendles mere in a Wiltshire charter some scholars have inferred
that the story was originally told of a certain Beowa, whom they
* Kemble, Cod. Dipl. 353.


## p. 28 (#48) ##############################################

28
Early National Poetry
have identified with Beaw or Beo, the son of Scyld (Sceldwea)
in the West Saxon genealogy. But since this person is, in all
probability, identical with the first (Danish) Beowulf of the poem,
and since the name Beowa may very well be a shortened form of
Beowulf, while the other names are obscure, the inference seems
to be of somewhat doubtful value. On the whole there is, perhaps,
more to be said for the view that the association of Beowulf with
the folk-tale arose out of some real adventure with an animal.
This, however, must remain largely a matter of speculation. The
fight with the dragon is, of course, a common motive in folk-tales.
An attempt has been made to show that Beowulf's adventure has
a specially close affinity with a story told by Saxo of the Danish
king Frotho I. But the resemblance between the two stories is
not very striking.
With regard to the origin and antiquity of the poem it is
impossible to arrive at any definite conclusions with certainty.
From investigations which have been made into its linguistic and
metrical characteristics the majority of scholars hold that it was
originally composed in a northern or midland dialect-though it
has been preserved only in West Saxon form—and that it is
at least as old as any other considerable piece of Old English
poetry which we possess. The question of antiquity, however, is
complicated by the doubt which is commonly felt as to the unity of
the poem. Moreover, it cannot be denied that this feeling of doubt
is, at least to some extent, justified. In its present form the poem
must date from Christian times as it contains a considerable
number of passages of distinctly Christian character. On the
other hand, the relationships of the various Danish and Swedish
kings can hardly have been remembered otherwise than in a more
or less stereotyped form of words for more than a generation after
their lifetime. Hence we are bound to conclude that the formation
of the poem, or, at all events, that of the materials from which it was
made up, must have occupied at least the greater part of a century.
It is generally thought that several originally separate lays have
been combined in the poem, and, though no proof is obtainable, the
theory in itself is not unlikely. These lays are usually supposed to
have been four in number and to have dealt with the following
subjects : (i) Beowulf's fight with Grendel, (ii) the fight with
Grendel's mother,(iii) Beowulf's return, (iv) the fight with the dragon.
In view of the story in Grettis Saga I am very much inclined
to doubt whether it is justifiable to separate the first two incidents.
The fight with the dragon, however, is certainly quite distinct, and


## p. 29 (#49) ##############################################

Beowulf: the Religious Element 29
the part of the poem dealing with Beowulf's reception by Hygelac
may also have originally formed the subject of a separate lay.
Some scholars have gone much further than this in their analysis
of the poem. According to one view nearly half of it is the work
of interpolators; according to another the present text is a com-
posite one made up from two parallel versions. It is much to be
doubted, however, whether any really substantial result has been
obtained from these investigations into the “inner history" of the
poem. The references to religion seem to afford the only safe
criterion for distinguishing between earlier and later elements.
Thus, it is worth noting that in II. 175 ff. the Danes are represented
as offering heathen sacrifices, a passage which is wholly inconsistent
with the sentiments afterwards attributed to Hrothgar. But at
what stage in the history of the poem was the Christian element
introduced ?
Certainly this element seems to be too deeply interwoven in the
text for us to suppose that it is due to additions made by scribes
at a time when the poem had come to be written down. Indeed,
there is little evidence for any additions or changes of this kind.
We must ascribe it, then, either to the original poet or poets or to
minstrels by whom the poem was recited in later times. The
extent to which the Christian element is present varies somewhat
in different parts of the poem. In the last portion (II. 2200%
3183) the number of lines affected by it amounts to less than four
per cent, while in the section dealing with Beowulf's return
(11. 1904—2199) it is negligible. In the earlier portions, on the
other hand, the percentage rises to between nine and ten, but this
is partly due to four long passages. One fact worth observing
is that the Christian element is about equally distributed between
the speeches and the narrative. We have noticed above that,
according to a theory which has much in its favour, epics are
derived from “mixed” pieces, in which speeches were given in
verse and narrative in prose. If Christian influence had made
itself felt at this stage, we should surely have expected to find
it more prominent in the narrative than in the speeches, for the
latter would, presumably, be far less liable to change.
There is one curious feature in the poem which has scarcely
received sufficient attention, namely the fact that, while the poet's
reflections and even the sentiments attributed to the various
speakers are largely, though not entirely, Christian, the customs
and ceremonies described are, almost without exception, heathen.
This fact seems to point, not to a Christian work with heathen


## p. 30 (#50) ##############################################

30
Early National Poetry
reminiscences, but to a heathen work which has undergone
revision by Christian minstrels. In particular, I cannot believe
that any Christian poet either could or would have composed the
account of Beowulf's funeral. It is true that we have no refer-
ences to heathen gods, and hardly any to actual heathen worship.
But such references would necessarily be suppressed or altered
when the courts became Christian. Indeed, there is a fairly clear
case of alteration in Il. 175 ff. , to which I have already alluded. It
may, perhaps, be urged that, if the work had been subjected to such
a thorough revision, descriptions of heathen ceremonies would not
have been allowed to stand. But the explanation may be that
the ceremonies in question had passed out of use before the change
of religion. In the case of cremation, which is the prevalent form
of funeral rite found in the poem, we have good reason for believing
this to be true. Hence, such passages could not excite the same
repugnance among the clergy as they would have done in countries
where the ceremonies were still practised.
I am disposed, then, to think that large portions at least of the
poem existed in epic form before the change of faith and that the
appearance of the Christian element is due to revision. The Chris-
tianity of Beowulf is of a singularly indefinite and undoctrinal
type, which contrasts somewhat strongly with what is found in
later Old English poetry. In explanation of this fact it has
been suggested that the poem was composed or revised under
the influence of the missionaries from Iona. But is there really
any reason for thinking that the teaching of the Irish missionaries
would tend in that direction? A more obvious explanation would
be that the minstrels who introduced the Christian element had
but a vague knowledge of the new faith. Except in 11. 1743 ff. ,
where there seems to be a reference to Ephesians, vi, 16, the
only passages of the Bible made use of are those relating to
the Creation, the story of Cain and Abel and the Deluge. In
the first case (II. 90 ff. ) one can hardly help suspecting a reference
to Caedmon's hymn, and the others also may just as well have
been derived from Christian poems or songs as from the Bible
itself. In any case, however, the fact noted favours the conclusion
that the revision took place at an early date.
p. Apart from Beowulf, the only remains of national epic poetry
which have come down to us are a short, but fine, fragment (50
lines) of Finnsburh and two still shorter fragments (32 and 31 lipes
respectively) of Waldhere. Regarding the former our information


## p. 31 (#51) ##############################################

The Finnsburh Fragment
31
is sadly defective. The MS is lost and the text, as given by
Hickes, is extremely corrupt. The story, however, though obscure
to us, must have been extremely popular in early times. It is the
subject of a long episode in Beowulf (see above, p. 23), and three
of the chief characters are mentioned in Widsith. Familiarity
with it is shown also by a mistake in the genealogy in the
Historia Brittonum, § 31.
The fragment opens with the speech of a young prince
rousing his followers to defend the hall in which they are
sleeping, apparently within Finn's fortress. They rush to the
doors, the chief men being Hengest (perhaps the prince),
Sigeferth, Eaha, Ordlaf and Guthlaf. A short altercation follows
between Sigeferth and Garulf, who is apparently one of the attack-
ing force. The battle goes on for five days, and many of the
assailants, including Garulf, fall. The defenders, however, main-
tain their position without loss, and we are told that never was
a better recompense yielded by sixty knights to their lord than
Hnaef now received from his followers. Then a wounded warrior,
who is not named, brings the news to his king--at which point
the fragment breaks off.
The episode in Beowulf furnishes us with considerably more
information than the fragment itself. Hnaef, a vassal of the
Danish king Healfdene, has fallen at the hands of the Frisians,
whom apparently he had gone to visit—whether as friend or
foe is not clear. His men, however, maintain a stout defence,
and so great are the losses of the Frisians that their king, Finn,
has to make terms with them. An agreement is then arrived
at between their leader Hengest and the king. They are to
enter Finn's service and to be treated by him as generously as
the Frisians themselves; and no taunt is to be raised against
them on the ground that they have made terms with the man
who slew their lord. A great funeral pyre is constructed for the
bodies of the slain, and Hildeburh, apparently the wife of Finn
and sister of Hnaef, bewails the loss of both her brother and
her son. Hengest and his companions stay with Finn through-
out the winter, though sorely tempted to exact vengeance.
Eventually, Guthlaf and Oslaf (Ordlaf ? ) attack and slay Finn
with many of his men. The queen is carried away to Denmark
with much treasure.
There are no certain references to this story in Scandinavian
or German literature, though Ordlaf and Guthlaf are probably
to be identified with two Danish princes mentioned in Arngrim


## p. 32 (#52) ##############################################

32
Early National Poetry
Jónsson's epitome of Skiöldunga Saga, cap. 4. The tragic events
with which the story deals must clearly be referred to the time
of those great movements in the regions of the North Sea, between
the fourth and sixth centuries, to which Latin writers occasionally
allude. The fact that Hnaef is called a vassal of Healfdene, Hroth-
gar's father, points to about the middle of the fifth century. It is
by no means impossible, therefore, that the Hengest of this story
is identical with the Hengest who founded the kingdom of Kent.
The MS fragments of Waldhere (Waldere) are preserved in
the Royal Library at Copenhagen. For this story, fortunately,
information is available from a number of continental sources.
It is the subject of a Latin epic poem (Waltharius) by Ekkehard
of St Gall, dating from the first half of the tenth century, of
a Bavarian poem dating from the first half of the thirteenth
century, of which only small fragments are preserved, and of two
episodes in the Norwegian Vilkina Saga (S$ 128 f. , 241–4; cf.
§ 331), which is of Low German origin. Incidental references
to it occur in several Middle High German poems, and there is
also a Polish version of the story, the earliest form of which is
in Chronicon Boguphali Episcopi, dating from the thirteenth
or fourteenth century. It will be convenient here to give a
brief summary of Ekkehard's story, as this is the earliest of the
continental authorities and appears to have the closest resem-
blance to our fragments.
Alphere, king of Aquitaine, had a son named Waltharius, and
Heriricus, king of Burgundy, an only daughter named Hiltgund,
who was betrothed to Waltharius. While they were yet children,
however, Attila, king of the Huns, invaded Gaul, and the kings,
seeing no hope in resistance, gave up their children to him as
hostages, together with much treasure. Under like compulsion
treasure was obtained also from Gibicho, king of the Franks,
who sent as hostage a youth of noble birth named Hagano. In
Attila’s service, Waltharius and Hagano won great renown as
warriors, but the latter eventually made his escape. When
Waltharius grew up he became Attila's chief general; yet he
remembered his old engagement with Hiltgund. On his return
from a victorious campaign he made a great feast for the king
and his court, and, when all were sunk in drunken sleep, he and
Hiltgund fled laden with much gold. On their way home they
had to cross the Rhine near Worms. There the king of the
Franks, Guntharius, the son of Gibicho, heard from the ferryman


## p. 33 (#53) ##############################################

The Waldhere Fragments
33
of the gold they were carrying and determined to secure it.
Accompanied by Hagano and eleven other picked warriors, he
overtook them as they rested in a cave in the Vosges. Waltharius
offered him a large share of the gold in order to obtain peace;
but the king demanded the whole together with Hiltgund and
the horse. Stimulated by the promise of great rewards, the
eleven warriors now attacked Waltharius one after another, but
he slew them all. Hagano had tried to dissuade Guntharius
from the attack; but now, since his nephew was among the
slain, he formed a plan with the king for surprising Waltharius.
On the following day they both fell upon him after he had
quitted his stronghold, and, in the struggle that ensued, all three
were maimed. Waltharius, however, was able to proceed on his
way with Hiltgund, and the story ends happily with their marriage.
Both our fragments refer to the time immediately before
the final encounter. The first is taken up with a speech,
apparently by the lady, in which Waldhere is exhorted to acquit
himself in the coming fight in a manner worthy of his former
deeds. Guthhere has unjustly begun hostilities and refused the
offer of a sword and treasure. Now he will have to go away
empty-handed, if he does not lose his life. Between the two
fragments probably not very much has been lost. The second
is occupied by an altercation between Guthhere and Waldhere,
in which the former praises his sword and the latter his coat of
mail. Waldhere states that the king had tried to get Hagena
to attack him first. Victory, however, comes to the faithful
from above. Both the fragments contain Christian allusions.
It has been suggested that the Old English poem was a
translation from an early German one; but the evidence adduced
is far from satisfactory. The speeches given in the fragments
have nothing corresponding to them in Ekkehard's text, and
there is a noteworthy difference in the portraiture of the heroine's
character. Probably, nothing more than the tradition was derived
from abroad, and at a very early date, if we may judge from the
form of the names.