No More Learning

Valerius Messala. The first had
been placed under accusation, as we have seen above; but the
pre-occupations of the moment had caused his trial to drag out in
length; and it is unknown whether he was acquitted, or whether all
judicial action had been paralysed on account of the absence of
magistrates during the first months of the year 701. Moreover, Calvinus
was protected by Pompey, and his colleague, Messala, was favoured by
Cæsar, at the recommendation of Cicero.


[Sidenote: Expedition of Crassus against the Parthians, and his Death. ]

IV. Crassus had left for Syria about eighteen months before, full of
ambitious hopes, and flattering himself with the prospect of immense
conquests. He intended not only to subjugate the Parthians, but even to
renew the campaigns of Alexander, penetrate into Bactriana, and reach
India; unfortunately, he was not equal to such a task. Forgetting the
first rules of a general-in-chief, which consist in never despising his
enemies, and in placing on his side all the chances of success, he had
no care for the army he was going to combat, had made no inquiries
either as to the roads, or as to the countries he had to cross, and
neglected the alliances and succours which the peoples who were
neighbours and enemies to the Parthians might have offered him.

He had started from Brundusium in spite of the bad season, had landed at
Dyrrachium, not without the loss of several vessels; thence, following
the direct military road which led from the coasts of the Adriatic to
the Bosphorus,[722] he had proceeded by land into Galatia, and had
entered into Mesopotamia, after crossing the Euphrates. [723]

The Parthians, taken by surprise, offered no resistance, and the rich
and flourishing Greek colonies on the Euphrates and Tigris, who detested
the Parthian yoke, received Crassus as a liberator. The town of
Nicephorium (_Rakkah_), situated near Ichnæ, on the Balissus, opened its
gates to him; Zenodotium alone stood a siege. Instead of taking
advantage of the concurrence of circumstances, and advancing promptly
upon the Tigris, carrying the considerable town of Seleucia,
Ctesiphon,[724] the ordinary residence of the King of the Parthians, and
even Babylon, he confined himself to plundering the province. Having
left 7,000 infantry and 1,000 cavalry in garrison in a few fortresses,
he returned to Syria to take his winter quarters. There, without
occupying himself with the next campaign, he only thought of committing
exactions and of pillaging the temples of Hierapolis and Jerusalem.

At the commencement of 701, Crassus took the field again with seven
legions, nearly 4,000 cavalry, and the same number of light-armed
infantry,[725] and re-entered Mesopotamia. He had for lieutenants his
son Publius, celebrated for his courage, his elevated sentiments, and
his conduct in Gaul; the brave Octavius, who afterwards perished rather
than abandon his general; Vargunteius, Censorinus, and Petronius: for
quæstor, C. Cassius Longinus, esteemed for his valour and prudence, and
who was, ten years afterwards, one of the murderers of Cæsar. An Arab
had become his auxiliary; it was the chief of the Osroenes, Bedouins of
the desert, who had formerly served Pompey in his campaign against
Mithridates; he was named Abgaros, or Abgar,[726] and had been bribed by
the King of the Parthians to betray Crassus.

Artabazus, King of Armenia, visited the proconsul at the head of 6,000
cavalry, promising him 10,000 more, and 30,000 foot, if he consented to
attack the Parthians through Armenia, where the mountainous character of
the country rendered their numerous and formidable cavalry useless.
Crassus rejected this proposal, alleging the necessity of proceeding
into Mesopotamia to the garrisons he had left there in the preceding
year. These, in fact, were already blockaded by the Parthians, and
soldiers who had escaped brought information of the immense preparations
Orodes was making to resist him. A second time, then, he crossed the
Euphrates, not far from Biradjik, the place of the passage of Alexander
the Great. [727] There he had his choice of two roads to reach Seleucia:
either to descend the left bank of the Euphrates to the point where it
approaches the Tigris,[728] or to cross the desert. The first, proposed
by Cassius, although the longest, procured him the immense advantage of
having his right wing constantly supported by the Euphrates, on which
boats could have carried his provisions. The second offered, it is true,
a shorter passage; but in following it, the army was exposed to want of
water and provisions, and to more laborious marches. The perfidious
counsels of Abgar led him to prefer the latter. “There was not,” said
the Arab, “a moment to lose, to prevent the Parthians from carrying away
their treasures, and placing them in safety among the Hyrcanians and
Scythians. ” Crassus possessed some of the qualities which make a good
general; he had given proofs of it in the war of the allies, as well as
in that against Spartacus, but his faculties were paralysed by his
covetousness. Glory ought to be the only thought of the soldier.

During this time, Orodes, King of the Parthians, had divided his forces
into two armies: one, of which he took the command in person, went to
ravage Armenia, in order to prevent Artabazus from joining the Romans;
the other was entrusted to the vizier Surena, a man of merit, to whom
Orodes owed his crown. Without undervaluing his intelligence, we are
unwilling to believe, with some writers, that Surena invented new
military tactics to oppose those of the Romans, and that that was the
reason why, renouncing the employment of infantry, he made use only of
cavalry. If he placed all his confidence in that arm, it was because the
Parthians, in conformity with the nature of their country, generally
fought only on horseback, and among them, as Dio Cassius says, infantry
was of no value. [729] Surena’s talent consisted in the employment of the
craft so familiar to the Asiatics, in order to surround Crassus with
snares and traitors, and to draw him into the plains, where the
advantage was all on the side of cavalry.

The army of the Parthians was thus composed solely of cavalry, some
barbed with iron, as well as their horses,[730] and armed with long and
heavy lances; others furnished with powerful bows and arrows, which,
while they carried much farther than those of the Romans, perforated
defensive armour.

After quitting the town of Carrhæ, the Roman army advanced towards the
south, across the desert. The sand and heat made the march painful,
while the enemy remained always invisible. At length, when they arrived
on the banks, of a small river, the Balissus (_Belick_), which flows
into the Euphrates, they perceived a few Parthian horsemen. Abgar, sent
against them with a vanguard to reconnoitre, did not return. The traitor
had betrayed Crassus to Surena. The proconsul, impatient and uneasy,
then crosses the Balissus with his whole army, and, without allowing it
to repose, pushes forward his cavalry, and obliges the infantry to
follow it.

A few soldiers soon arrive to inform Crassus that they are all who have
been able to escape from an ambuscade into which his vanguard has
fallen, and that the whole Parthian army is on its march to encounter
him. At this intelligence, he, who believed that the enemy would not
dare to wait him, becomes confused, and hastily forms his troops in
array of battle on a long front, for fear of being surrounded. The
cavalry is on the wings; the Osroenes form a last line. The Parthians
first throw forward their light cavalry, which makes whirls in the
plain, raising clouds of dust, and causing the air to ring with their
savage cries and the noise of their drums,[731] and then retire as if in
flight. [732] Crassus sends forward against them his light infantry; but,
surrounded and overwhelmed with the more powerful missiles of the
Parthians, it is obliged to take refuge behind the legions.

On a sudden, the Osroenes whom Abgar had not carried with him attack the
Romans in the rear,[733] and at the same time appear, glittering in the
sun, the long lines of the cuirassed horsemen. Crassus then forms his
army in a square. Each face is composed of twelve cohorts, and the rest
is in reserve. The cavalry and light infantry, divided into two corps,
flank two opposite sides of the square. [734] Publius and Cassius
command, one the right, the other the left. Crassus takes his place in
the centre. [735] The heavy cavalry, lance in rest, charge the great
Roman square, and attempt to break it; but the thick and close ranks of
the legions oppose an invincible resistance. The Parthians fall back a
certain distance and call up their numerous archers, then, all together,
they return in line, and throw upon the deep masses of the Romans a
shower of missiles of which none fail of their aim. The legionaries, if
they remain in their position, have the disadvantage of their _pila_ and
slings, which carry but a short distance, and, if they advance to use
their swords, they lose that cohesion which forms their strength.
Without moving, and defending themselves with difficulty, they see their
numbers diminish without being discouraged; they hope that the enemy
will soon have exhausted his munitions. But the ranks of the Parthians
succeed each other; as quickly as the first have used all their arrows,
they go to fetch others near a long line of camels which carry their
provisions. The combat has lasted several hours; and the Parthians
continue to extend their circle, and threaten to surround entirely the
great Roman square.

In this critical position, Crassus can only have recourse to his
cavalry. The side hardest pressed by the enemy is that commanded by
Publius; his father orders him to make a desperate effort to disengage
the army.

This noble and intrepid young man immediately takes 1,300 cavalry, among
whom were the 1,000 Gauls sent by Cæsar, 500 archers, and eight cohorts
of infantry. Two young men of his own age follow him--Censorinus and
Megabacchus; the first a senator and talented orator, the second equally
distinguished. As soon as they are in motion, the Parthians, according
to their custom, fly, shooting their arrows at the same time, in the
manner of the Scythians. Publius takes this flight for a rout, and
allows himself to be drawn too far away. When he has long advanced far
out of sight of the body of the army, the fugitives halt, wheel round,
are joined by numerous reserves, and surround the Roman troop. These
defend themselves heroically, but the Gauls, unprovided with defensive
armour, resist with difficulty the cavalry barbed with iron. Meanwhile
the son of Crassus has been rejoined by his foot, who combat valiantly;
he orders them to advance, but they show him their hands nailed to their
bucklers, and their feet fixed to the ground, by the arrows. Publius
then makes a last appeal to his brave Gaulish cavalry, who, in their
devotedness to him, meet death far from their country, in the service of
a foreign cause. They dash with impetuosity against the wall of iron
which rises before them, they overthrow some of the cavalry under the
weight of their own armour, snatch their lances from others, or leap to
the ground to stab their horses in the belly; but valour must yield to
numbers. Publius, wounded, tries to retreat, and draws up the wreck of
his troops on ground the slope of which is disadvantageous to him. He
attempts in vain to make a retrenchment with bucklers; his cavalry being
placed in form of an amphitheatre, the last ranks are as much exposed as
the first to the arrows of the Parthians. Two Greeks offer to save him
by leading him to Ichnæ, a town not far off; the young hero replies that
he will not abandon his soldiers; he remains to die with them. Of 6,000
men, 500 only are made prisoners, the others are killed fighting.
Publius and his two friends, Censorinus and Megabacchus, slay each
other.

During this time, Crassus, relieved by his son’s offensive movement, had
taken position on a height, and waited in expectation of his victorious
return. But soon messengers come to inform him that, without prompt
succour, his son is lost. He hesitates a moment between the hope of
saving him and the fear of endangering the rest of his army. At last he
decides on marching. Hardly has he put the troops in motion, when he
sees the Parthians approaching to meet him, uttering shouts of victory,
and carrying the head of his son on the end of a pike. In this
circumstance, Crassus recovers an instant that energy familiar to the
Roman character, and, passing along the ranks, “Soldiers,” he exclaims,
“this loss concerns me alone. As long as you live, all the fortune and
all the glory of Rome endure and remain invincible. Be not discouraged
by my misfortune, and let your compassion for me be changed into rage
against your enemies. ” These last accents of a presumptuous chief
produced little effect upon an army already disheartened. It fought
with resignation, no longer feeling that ardour which gives the hope of
victory. Taken in flank by the numerous archers, attacked in front by
the heavy cuirassed cavalry, the Romans struggled till evening,
remaining always on the defensive, and seeing the circle in which they
were enclosed incessantly contracting around them. Fortunately, the
Parthians, incapable of holding a position during the night, never
encamped on the field of battle; they withdrew.

This combat, fought at fifteen or twenty leagues to the south of Carrhæ,
was disastrous. Nevertheless, all was not lost, if the general-in-chief
preserved his energy and presence of mind; but, disheartened and plunged
in deep grief, he stood immovable, aside from the rest, incapable of
giving any order. Octavius and Cassius called together the tribunes and
centurions, and decided on retreat; yet it was necessary to abandon
4,000 wounded, who could not be carried away, and even conceal their
departure from them, lest their cries might awaken the attention of the
enemy. The retreat is executed at first in complete silence; suddenly
the miserable victims perceive that they are made a sacrifice, their
groans give warning to the Persians, and excite a frightful tumult among
the Romans: some return to load the wounded on the baggage horses,
others form in battle to repulse the enemy: 300 of the cavalry escape,
reach Carrhæ, and cross the Euphrates over the bridge which Crassus had
built. Meanwhile the Parthians, occupied in massacring the 4,000 wounded
and the stragglers, pursue only faintly the remains of the Roman army,
which, protected by a sally of the garrison of Carrhæ, succeed in
shutting themselves up within its walls.

Either through discouragement, or through want of provisions, the Romans
made no stay in this town, but abandoned it, to seek refuge in Armenia.
Crassus, followed by a small number of troops, trusting again in a
native who was deceiving him, saw his flight retarded by the circuitous
way he was made to take uselessly. At daybreak the Parthians appeared.
Octavius had reached, with 5,000 men, one of the spurs of the mountains
of Armenia, and would have been able to place himself in safety in the
fortress of Sinnaka, at a distance of only a day’s march; he prefers
descending into the plain to the succour of his general, whom he brings
back with him to the heights. If they continue the combat till evening,
all will not be lost; but Surena has again recourse to stratagem: he
sends seductive offers, and proposes an interview. Crassus refuses it;
he is resolved on fighting. Unfortunately, the soldiers, who hitherto
had obeyed imprudent orders, this time refuse to obey the only order
which could save them. Crassus is forced to agree to the interview. At
the moment he is on his way to it, an accidental quarrel, or rather one
raised by the treachery of the Parthians, arises between the escorts of
the two nations. Octavius thrusts his sword through the body of a
Parthian esquire; a battle follows, and all the Roman escort is
massacred. Crassus is slain, and his head carried to Orodes. Of 40,000
legionaries, one quarter alone survived. The cavalry of C. Cassius,
which had separated from the army on their departure from Carrhæ, and a
few other fugitives, succeeded in reaching Syria, in covering Antioch,
and even subsequently in expelling successfully the Parthians from the
Roman province.


[Sidenote: Consequences of the Death of Crassus. ]

V. The death of Crassus had two serious consequences: the first was to
raise still higher the merit of the conqueror of Gaul, by showing what
became of the most numerous and best-disciplined armies under the
command of a presumptuous and unskilful chief; the second, to take away
from the scene a man whose influence was a check upon the ambition of
two individuals destined to become rivals. With Crassus, Pompey would
not have been the instrument of a party; without Pompey, the Senate
would not have dared to declare against Cæsar.

The balance thus broken, Pompey sought a new point of support. His
alliance with Cæsar had alone given him the concurrence of the popular
party. Now that this alliance was weakened, he would naturally seek to
be reconciled to the aristocracy, flatter its passions, and serve its
rancours. In the first moments, he provoked disorder rather than
repressed it.

Three competitors disputed the consulship for 702, T. Annius Milo, P.
Plautius Hypsæus, and Q. Cæcilius Metellus Scipio. [736] They rivalled
each other in intrigue and corruption. [737] Pompey, especially since he
had been reconciled to P. Clodius, treated Milo as an enemy, and,
according to his habitual tactics, pretended to believe that he
harboured designs against his life. Although he retarded the comitia,
he favoured P. Hypsæus and Q. Scipio, who solicited the consulship, and
Clodius, who, the same year, was a candidate for the prætorship. Milo
had a great number of partisans; his largesses to the people and his
spectacles seemed likely to ensure his election; and Pompey, in the way
of whose views he stood, did all he could to prevent the Senate from
naming an interrex to hold the comitia. He desired this important office
for himself; but, obliged to give way before the resistance of Cato, he
confined himself to preventing any election, and the year ended again
without the nomination of consuls.




CHAPTER VII.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 702.


[Sidenote: Murder of Clodius. ]

I. Rome seemed to be given up only to the petty contentions of
individuals; but, behind the men who stood in view, grave interests and
violent passions were in agitation. The disease which undermines society
unknown to it, reveals itself when facts, of no great importance in
themselves, occur suddenly to produce an unforeseen crisis, to unveil
dangers which were unperceived, and to show to all men that society on
the brink of an abyss of which nobody had suspected the depth. Thus, by
mere accidents of his life, Clodius seems to have been destined to cause
the explosion of the elements of disorder which the Republic concealed
in its bosom. He is caught in the house of Cæsar’s wife during a
religious sacrifice, and this violation of the mysteries of the _Bona
Dea_ leads to a fatal division in the first bodies of the state. His
impeachment irritates the popular party; his acquittal exposes to the
world the venality of the judges, and separates the order of the knights
from that of the Senate. The animosity with which he is pursued makes
him a chief of a formidable party, which sends Cicero into exile, makes
Pompey tremble, and accelerates the elevation of Cæsar. His death is
destined to awaken all the popular passions, and inspire the opposite
faction with so many fears, that it will forget its rancours and
jealousies to throw itself into the arms of Pompey, and all the people
will be in arms from one end of Italy to the other.

On the 13th of the Calends of February, 702 (13th of December, 701),
Milo started from Rome to proceed to Lanuvium, his native town, of which
he was the dictator. [738] Towards the ninth hour, he met on the Appian
Way, a little beyond Bovillæ, Clodius, who, on his part, was returning
on horseback from Aricia to Rome, accompanied by three friends and
thirty slaves, all armed with swords. Milo was in a chariot with his
wife Fausta, daughter of Sylla, and M. Fufius, his familiar. In his
train marched an escort ten times more numerous than that of Clodius,
and in which were several celebrated gladiators. The two troops passed
near a small temple of the _Bona Dea_,[739] without exchanging a single
word, but casting on each other furious looks. They had hardly passed,
when two of Milo’s gladiators, who lagged behind, picked a quarrel with
the slaves of Clodius. At the noise of this dispute, the latter turned
his bridle, and advanced uttering threats. One of the gladiators, named
Birria, struck him with his sword, and wounded him grievously in the
shoulder;[740] he was carried into a neighbouring tavern. [741]

Milo, learning that Clodius was wounded, feared the consequences of this
aggression, and believed that he would incur less danger by dispatching
his enemy. He therefore sent his men to burst open the tavern; Clodius,
dragged from the bed on which he had been placed, is pierced with blows,
and thrown into the high road. His slaves are slain or put to flight.
The corpse remained stretched on the Appian Way, until a senator, Sext.
Tedius, who was passing, caused him to be taken up, placed in a litter,
and carried to Rome, where he arrived at night, and was laid on a bed in
the _atrium_ of his house. But already the news of the fatal meeting was
spread through the whole town, and the crowd hastened towards the
residence of Clodius, where his wife, Fulvia, pointing to the wounds
with which he was covered, urged the people to vengeance. The concourse
was so great that several men of mark, and among others C. Vibienus, a
senator, were stifled in the crowd. The corpse was carried to the Forum,
and exposed on the rostra; two tribunes of the people, T. Munatius
Plancus and Q. Pompeius Rufus, harangued the multitude, and demanded
justice.

Afterwards, at the instigation of a scribe named Sext. Clodius, the body
was carried to the curia, in order to insult the Senate; a funereal pile
was made of the benches, tables, and registers. The fire communicated to
the Curia Hostilia, and thence gained the Basilica Porcia, and the two
buildings were reduced to ashes. Then the multitude, becoming more and
more furious, snatched the fasces which surrounded the funereal
bed,[742] and proceeded to the front of the houses of Hypsæus and Q.
Metellus Scipio, as if to offer them the consulship. Lastly, they
presented themselves before the abode of Pompey; some demanded with loud
shouts that he should be consul or dictator, others shouted the same
wishes for Cæsar. [743]

Nevertheless, nine days after, when the smoke was still rising from the
ruins, the populace, on the occasion of a funereal banquet in the Forum,
sought to burn the house of Milo and that of the interrex, M. Lepidus.
They were driven away by a shower of arrows. [744] Milo, in the first
moment, had dreamt only of hiding himself; but on hearing the
indignation and terror caused by the burning of the curia, he resumed
his courage. Persuaded, moreover, that, to repress these excesses, the
Senate would proceed to severities against the opposite party,[745] he
returned into Rome by night, carried his boldness so far as to announce
that he still solicited the consulship, and began actually to buy the
votes. Cœlius, a tribune of the people, spoke in his favour in the
Forum. Milo himself mounted the tribune, and accused Clodius of having
laid an ambush for him. He was interrupted by a considerable number of
armed men, who rushed into the public place. Milo and Cœlius wrapped
themselves in the mantles of slaves, and took flight. A great slaughter
of their adherents was made. But soon the rioters, profiting by this
pretext for disorder, murdered all they met, whether citizens or
strangers, especially such as attracted their attention by their rich
garments and gold rings; armed slaves were the chief instruments of
these disorders. No crime was spared; under pretence of seeking Milo’s
friends, a great number of houses were pillaged, and during several days
all sorts of outrages were committed. [746]


[Sidenote: The Republic is declared in Danger. ]

II. Meanwhile the Senate declared the Republic in danger, and charged
the interrex, the tribunes of the people, and the proconsul Cn. Pompey,
having the _imperium_ near the town, to watch over the public safety,
and make levies in all Italy. The care of rebuilding the Curia Hostilia
was entrusted to the son of Sylla: it was decided that it should bear
the name of the old dictator, the memory of whom the Senate sought to
place in honour. [747]

As soon as Pompey had assembled a military force sufficiently imposing,
the two nephews of Clodius, both named Appius, demanded the arrest of
the slaves of Milo, and of those of Fausta, his wife. But the first care
of Milo, his enemy once dead, had been to enfranchise his slaves, as a
reward for having defended him, and, once enfranchised, they could no
longer depose against their patron.

About a month after the death of Clodius, Q. Metellus Scipio brought the
affair before the Senate, and accused Milo of falsehood in the
explanations he had given. He arrayed skilfully all the circumstances
which pointed to him as the aggressor: on one side, his escort much more
numerous--the three wounds of Clodius--the eleven slaves of the latter
slain; on the other, certain criminal facts connected with the event--a
taverner slaughtered--two messengers massacred--a slave chopped to
pieces for refusing to give up a son of Clodius; lastly, the sum of
1,000 ases offered by the accused to whoever would undertake his
defence. Then Milo sought to appease Pompey, by offering to desist from
his candidature for the consulship. Pompey replied that the right of
deciding belonged to the Roman people alone. Milo remained under the
accusation not only of murder, but of electoral solicitation, and of an
outrage on the Republic. He could not be judged before the previous
nomination of the urban prætor, and before the convocation of the
comitia.


[Sidenote: Pompey sole Consul. ]

III. This time the fear of disorder silenced opposition, and all eyes
turned towards Pompey; but what title to give him? That of dictator
caused alarm. M. Bibulus, though previously hostile, moved the proposal
to elect him sole consul; it offered the only means of averting the
dictature, and preventing Cæsar from becoming his colleague. [748] M.
Cato supported this motion, which passed unanimously. [749] It was added
that, if Pompey believed a second consul necessary, he should name
himself, but not within two months. [750] On the 5th of the Calends of
March (27th of February)--it was during an intercalary month--Pompey,
though absent, was declared consul by the interrex Serv. Sulpicius, and
immediately re-entered Rome. “This extraordinary measure, which had
never before been adopted for anybody, appeared wise; nevertheless, as
Pompey sought less than Cæsar the favour of the people, the Senate
flattered itself with the hope of detaching him completely from it, and
securing him in its own interests. And so it happened.
Proud of this new
and altogether unusual honour, Pompey no longer proposed any measure
with a view of pleasing the multitude, and did scrupulously all that
could be agreeable to the Senate. ”[751]

Three days after his installation, he obtained two
senatus-consultus--one, to repress outrages with violence, especially
the murder committed on the Appian Way, the burning of the curia, and
the attack on the house of the interrex, M. Lepidus; the other, to
prevent electoral solicitation by a more rapid proceeding and a more
severe penalty. In all criminal actions, a delay of three days was fixed
for the interrogation of witnesses, and one day for the contradictory
debates. The accuser had two hours to speak, the accused three to defend
himself. [752]

M. Cœlius, tribune of the people, protested against these laws,
alleging that they violated the tutelary forms of justice, and that they
were only imagined for the ruin of Milo. Pompey replied in a tone of
menace: “Let them not oblige me to defend the Republic by arms! ” He,
moreover, adopted all measures for his personal safety, and went with a
military guard, as though he feared some outrage on the part of Milo.


[Sidenote: Trial of Milo. ]

IV. Pompey required farther, that a quæstor should be chosen among the
consulars to preside over the hearing of the cause. The comitia were
held, and L. Domitius Ahenobarbus was elected. It was conceded to Milo
that the accusation of murder should be tried first, and that that of
solicitation should be adjourned.

The accusers were the elder of the Appii (the nephew of Clodius), M.
Antonius, and P. Valerius Nepos. Cicero, assisted by M. Claudius
Marcellus, was to defend the accused. Every effort had been made to
intimidate Cicero. Pompeius Rufus, C. Sallustius,[753] and T. Munatius
Plancus had sought to excite the people against him, and to make Pompey
look upon him with suspicion. Although he remained firm against the
threats of his adversaries, his courage was shaken.

The trial began on the eve of the Nones of April, and on the first day
the pleadings were interrupted by a violent agitation. Next day, the
interrogation of the witnesses was carried on under the protection of an
imposing military force. Most of the evidence was overpowering for the
accused, and proved that Clodius had been massacred in cold blood. When
Fulvia, the widow of Clodius, appeared, the emotion increased twofold;
her tears, and the spectacle of her grief, affected the assembly. When
the session was closed, the tribune of the people, T. Munatius Plancus,
harangued the mob, engaged the citizens to come next day in great number
to the public place, in order to oppose the acquittal of Milo, and he
recommended them to show unmistakably _their opinion and grief to the
judges when it came to the voting_.

On the 6th of the Ides of April the shops were closed; guards were
placed on the issues of the Forum by order of Pompey, who, with a
considerable reserve, stationed himself at the treasury. After the
drawing for the judges, the eldest of the Appii, M. Antonius, and P.
Valerius Nepos sustained the accusation. Cicero alone replied. He had
been advised to represent the murder of Clodius as a service rendered to
the Republic; but he rejected this plea, although Cato had dared to
declare in full Senate that Milo had performed the act of a good
citizen. [754] He preferred resting his argument on the right of
legitimate defence. He had hardly commenced, when the cries and
interruptions of the partisans of Clodius caused him an emotion which
was visible in his speech; the soldiers were obliged to make use of
their arms. [755] The cries of the wounded, and the sight of the blood,
deprived Cicero of his presence of mind; he trembled, and often broke
off. His pleading was far from being worthy of his talent. Milo was
condemned, and went into exile to Marseilles. In the sequel, Cicero
composed at his leisure the magnificent oration which we know, and sent
it to his unfortunate client, who replied; “If thou hadst spoken
formerly as thou hast now written, I should not be eating mullets at
Marseilles. ”[756]

During the wars of Greece and Africa, Milo, who had not forgotten his
part of conspirator, returned into Italy, invited by Cœlius. They
both attempted to organise seditious movements; but they failed, and
paid for their rash enterprise with their lives. [757]

Pompey, having reached the summit of power, believed, like most men who
are vain of themselves, that all was saved because they had placed him
at the head of affairs; but, instead of attending to these, his first
care was to marry again. He espoused, in spite of his advanced age,
Cornelia, daughter of Scipio, the young widow of Publius Crassus, who
had just perished among the Parthians. “It was considered,” says
Plutarch, “that a woman so young, remarkable both for her mental
qualities and for external graces, would have been more properly married
to his son. The more honest citizens reproached him with having, on this
occasion, sacrificed the interests of the Republic, which, in the
extremity to which it was reduced, had chosen him for its physician, and
trusted to him alone for its cure. Instead of responding to this
confidence, he was seen crowned with flowers, offering sacrifices and
celebrating nuptial rites, while he ought to have regarded as a public
calamity this consulship, which he would not have obtained, according
to the laws, alone and without a colleague, if Rome had been more
happy. ”[758]

Pompey had, nevertheless, rendered great services by putting down the
riots and protecting the exercise of justice. He had delivered Rome from
the bands of Clodius and Milo, had given a more regular organisation to
the tribunals,[759] and caused their judgments to be respected by armed
force. Still, if we except these acts, commanded by circumstances, he
had used his power with hesitation, as a man who is struggling between
his conscience and his interests. Having become, perhaps unknowingly,
the instrument of the aristocratic party, the ties which had attached
him to Cæsar had often checked him in the way in which they sought to
push him. As the defender of order, he had promulgated laws to restore
it; but, as the man of a party, he had been incessantly led to violate
them, to satisfy the urgencies of his faction. He caused a
senatus-consultus to be adopted, authorising prosecutions against those
who had exercised public employments since his first consulship. The
retrospective effect of this law, which embraced a period of twenty
years; and consequently the consulship of Cæsar, excited the indignation
of the partisans of the latter; they exclaimed that Pompey would do much
better to occupy himself with the present than to call the hateful
investigation of the factions to the past conduct of the first
magistrates of the Republic; but Pompey replied that, since the law
permitted the control of his own acts, he saw no reason why those of
Cæsar should be freed from it; and that, moreover, the relaxation of
morals during so many years rendered the measure necessary. [760]

Complaint was made of the power left to orators of pronouncing the
eulogy of the accused, whose defence they offered, because the prestige
attached to the word of men of consideration procured too easily the
acquittal of the guilty. A senatus-consultus prohibited the custom. Yet
in contempt of these orders, which he had brought forward, Pompey was
not ashamed to pronounce the eulogy of T. Munatius Plancus, accused,
with Q. Pompeius Rufus, of the fire which burnt the Curia Hostilia. [761]
Cato, who was one of the members of the tribunal, exclaimed, stopping
his ears: “I do not believe this eulogiser, who speaks against his own
laws. ” The accused were condemned nevertheless.

With the aim of repressing electoral corruption and bringing to justice
those guilty of it, it was enacted that every one condemned for bribery
who should succeed in convicting another of the same crime should obtain
thereby the remission of his punishment. Memmius, condemned for an act
of this description, wishing to take advantage of the benefit of the
legal impunity, denounced Scipio. Then Pompey appeared clothed in
mourning before the tribunal, at the side of his father-in-law. At the
view of this image of sorrow and of the moral pressure which resulted
from it, Memmius desisted, deploring the misfortune of the Republic. As
to the judges, they pushed flattery to the point of conducting Scipio
back to his dwelling. [762]

To put a stop in the elections to the intrigues arising from the
shameless covetousness of the candidates, it was decreed that the
consuls and prætors should not be allowed to take the government of a
province until five years after their consulship or prætorship. [763]
This discouraged the ambitious, who threw themselves into extravagant
expenses in order to arrive through one of these magistracies at the
government of the provinces. And nevertheless Pompey, although consul,
not only preserved the proconsulship of Spain, but he caused his
government to be prolonged for five years, kept a part of his army in
Italy, and received a thousand talents for the maintenance of his
troops. In the interest of his partisans, he did not hesitate to violate
his own laws, which has made Tacitus say of him, _Suarum legum auctor
idem ac subversor_. [764]

The preceding law did not deprive Cæsar of the possibility of arriving
at the consulship, but the Senate put in force again the law which
prohibited any one who was absent from offering himself as a candidate,
forgetting that it had just elected Pompey sole consul, although absent
from the town of Rome. The friends of the proconsul of Gaul protested
with energy. “Cæsar,” they said, “had merited well of his country; a
second consulship would only be the just recompense of his immense
labours; or, at all events, if they felt reluctance in conferring this
great dignity upon him, they ought at least not to give him a
successor, or deprive him of the benefit he had acquired. ” Pompey, who
had no desire of breaking with Cæsar, had recourse to Cicero[765] to add
to the law already engraved on a tablet of brass, which was then the
form of promulgation, that the prohibition did not apply to those who
had obtained the authorisation to offer themselves as candidates in
spite of their absence. All the tribunes, who had at first protested,
accepted this qualification, at the motion of Cœlius. [766]

Nevertheless, Cæsar’s friends went to him in great numbers to
demonstrate that Pompey’s laws had been all brought forward against his
interest, and that it was essential that he should be on his guard
against him. Cæsar, proud in the justice of his claims, and strong in
the services he had rendered, distrusted neither his son-in-law nor
destiny, encouraged them, and praised greatly the conduct of
Pompey. [767]


[Sidenote: Pompey takes as his Associate Cæcillus Metellus Pius Scipio. ]

V. About the first of August, Pompey chose his father-in-law Scipio as
his associate in the consulship, for the last five months. This
partition of power, purely nominal, and which was subsequently imitated
by the emperors, appeared to satisfy men who thought only of forms. The
senators boasted of having restored order without injuring the
institutions of the Republic. [768]

Scipio sought to signalise his short administration by abolishing the
law of Clodius, which permitted the censors to expel from the Senate
only men who had already undergone a condemnation. He restored things to
the old footing, by rendering the power of the censors almost unlimited.
This change was not received with favour, as Scipio had expected. The
old consulars, among whom the censors were usually chosen, found the
responsibility of such functions dangerous in a time of trouble and
anarchy. Instead of being sought as an honour, the censorship was
avoided as a perilous post. [769]

It was every day more evident, in the eyes of all men of judgment, that
the institutions of the Republic were becoming more and more powerless
to guarantee order within, and perhaps even peace without. The Senate
could no longer meet, the comitia be held, or the judges render
judgment, without the protection of a military force; it was necessary,
therefore, to place themselves at the discretion of a general, and to
abdicate all authority into his hands. Thus, while the popular instinct,
which is rarely deceived, saw the safety of the Republic in the power of
a single individual, the aristocratic party, on the contrary, saw danger
only in this general tendency towards one man. For this reason Cato
inscribed himself among the candidates for the consulship for the year
703, denouncing Pompey and Cæsar as equally dangerous, and declaring
that he only aspired to the first magistracy to counteract their
ambitious designs. This competition, opposed to the spirit of the time
and to the powerful instincts which were in play, had no chance of
success: the candidature of Cato was defeated without difficulty.


[Sidenote: Insurrection of Gaul, and Campaign of 702. ]

VI. Not only had the murder of Clodius deeply agitated Italy, but the
reverberation made itself felt beyond the Alps, and the troubles in Rome
had revived in Gaul the desire to shake off the yoke of the Romans. The
intestine dissensions, by spreading a belief in the debilitation of the
state, awakened incessantly the hopes of its exterior enemies, and,
which is sad to confess, these exterior enemies always find accomplices
among traitors who are ready to betray their country. [770]

The campaign of 702 is, without dispute, the most interesting in the
double point of view--political and military. To the historian, it
presents the affecting scene of tribes, hitherto divided, uniting in one
national thought, and arming for the purpose of re-conquering their
independence. To the philosopher it presents, as a result consoling for
the progress of humanity, the triumph of civilisation against the best
combined and most heroic efforts of barbarism. Lastly, in the eyes of
the soldier, it is a magnificent example of what may be done by energy
and experience in war by a small number contending against masses who
are wanting in organisation and discipline.

The events which had occurred in Rome led the Gauls to think that Cæsar
would be detained in Italy, upon which a formidable insurrection is
organised among them. All the different peoples act in concert, and form
a coalition. The provinces in the military occupation of the legions, or
held in fear by their proximity, alone remain foreign to the general
agitation. The country of Orleans first gives the signal; the Roman
citizens are slaughtered at Gien; Berry and Auvergne join the league;
and soon, from the Seine to the Gironde, from the Cévennes to the ocean,
the whole country is in arms. As a chief never fails to reveal himself
when a great national movement breaks out, Vercingetorix appears, places
himself at the head of a war of independence, and, for the first time,
proclaims this truth, the stamp of grandeur and patriotism: “_If Gaul
has the sense to be united, and become one nation, it may defy the
universe. _” All respond to his call.

The peoples, but lately divided by rivalries, customs, and tradition,
forget their reciprocal grievances, and unite under him. Foreign
oppression creates nationalities much more than community of ideas and
interests. Had Vercingetorix formerly, like so many others, bent his
brow under the Roman domination? Dio Cassius is the only historian who
says so. Be this as it may, he shows himself, as early as the year 702,
the firm and intrepid adversary of the invaders. His plan is as bold as
it is well combined: to create in the heart of Gaul a great centre of
insurrection, protected by the mountains of the Cévennes and of
Auvergne; from this natural fortress to throw his lieutenants upon the
Narbonnese, whence Cæsar would be no longer able to draw either succours
or provisions; to prevent even the Roman general from returning to his
army; to attack separately the legions while deprived of their chief,
urge into insurrection the centre of Gaul, and destroy the _oppidum_ of
the Boii, that small people, the remains of the defeat of the Helvetii,
placed by Cæsar at the confluence of the Allier and the Loire as an
advance sentinel.

Informed of these events, Cæsar quits Italy in haste, followed by a
small number of troops raised in the Cisalpine. On his descent from the
Alps, he finds himself almost alone in presence of wavering allies, and
of the greatest part of Gaul in revolt, while his legions are dispersed
at a distance on the Moselle, the Marne, and the Yonne. So many perils
excite his ardour instead of abating it, and his resolution is soon
taken.

He is going to draw his enemies, by successful and multiplied
diversions, to the points where he intends to strike decisive blows; and
by sending his infantry into the Vivarais, his cavalry to Vienne, and
proceeding in person to Narbonne, he divides the attention of his
adversaries, in order to conceal his designs.

His presence in the Roman province is equivalent to an army. He
encourages the men who have remained faithful, intimidates the others;
doubles, with the local resources, all the garrisons of the towns of the
Province as far as Toulouse; and, after having thus raised in the south
a barrier against all invasion, he returns, and arrives at the foot of
the Cévennes, in the Vivarais, where he finds the troops which had been
sent forward. He then crosses the mountains covered with snow,
penetrates into Auvergne, and obliges Vercingetorix to abandon Berry, in
order to hasten to defend his own country, which is threatened.
Satisfied with this result, he starts unexpectedly, and, almost alone,
hastens to Vienne. He takes the escort of cavalry which had preceded
him, reaches the country of Langres, and proceeds thence to Sens, where
he brings together his ten legions.

Thus, in little time, he has placed the Roman Province in security from
any attack, forced Vercingetorix to fly to the defence of Auvergne, and
rejoined and concentrated his army.

Although the rigour of the season adds to the difficulty of the marches
and supplies of provisions (it was in the month of March), he decides
upon immediately taking the field. Vercingetorix has just laid siege to
Gorgobina, the _oppidium_ of the Boii. These 20,000 Germans, so recently
vanquished, preserve the sincere gratitude of a primitive people towards
him who has given them lands, instead of selling them for slaves: they
remain faithful to the Romans, and face the anger of Vercingetorix and
the attacks of revolted Gaul. Cæsar, unwilling that a people who set the
example of fidelity should become the victims of their devotedness,
marches to their succour. He might go directly to Gorgobina, and cross
the Loire at Nevers; but in that case, Vercingetorix, informed of his
approach, would have had time to come and dispute the passage. To
attempt this by force was a dangerous operation. He leaves at Sens two
legions and his baggage, starts at the head of the eight others, and
hastens, by the shortest way, to cross the Loire at Gien. He proceeds up
the left bank of the river; while Vercingetorix, instead of waiting for
him, raises the siege of Gorgobina. He proceeds to meet Cæsar, who beats
him at Sancerre in a cavalry encounter, and then marches upon Bourges,
without further care for an enemy incapable of arresting him in the open
field. The capture of that important town must make him master of the
whole country. The Gaulish general confines himself to following by
short marches, and burning all the country around, in order to starve
the Roman army.

The siege of Bourges is one of the most regular and interesting of the
war in Gaul. Cæsar opens the trenches, that is, he makes covered
galleries which permit him to approach the place, to fill the fosse, and
to construct a terrace, a veritable breaching battery, surmounted on
each side by a tower. When, with the assistance of his military engines,
he has thinned the ranks of the defenders, he assembles his legions
under protection of the parallels composed of covered galleries, and by
means of the terrace, which equals the elevation of the wall, he gives
the assault and carries the place.

After the capture of Bourges, he proceeds to Nevers, where he
establishes his magazines; then to Decize, to appease the disputes which
had arisen, among the Burgundians, from the competition of two claimants
to the supreme power. He next divides his army; sends Labienus, with two
legions, against the Parisii and their allies; orders him to take the
two legions left at Sens; and in person, with the six others, directs
his march towards Auvergne, the principal focus of the insurrection. By
means of a stratagem, he crosses the Allier at Varennes without striking
a blow, and obliges Vercingetorix to retire into Gergovia with all his
forces.

Placed on almost inaccessible heights, these vast Gaulish _oppida_,
which enclosed the greater part of the population of a province, could
only be reduced by famine. Cæsar was well aware of this, and resolved on
confining himself to the blockade of Gergovia; but one day he judges the
occasion favourable, and he risks an assault. Repulsed with loss, he
thinks only of retreat, when already the insurrection surrounds him on
all sides. The Burgundians themselves, who owe everything to Cæsar, have
followed the general impulse: by their defection, the communications of
the Roman army are intercepted and its rear threatened. Nevers is burnt,
and the bridges on the Loire are destroyed; the Gauls, in their
presumptuous hope, already see Cæsar humiliated, and obliged to pass
with his soldiers under new Furcæ Caudinæ; but old veteran troops,
commanded by a great captain, do not recoil after a first reverse; and
these six legions, shut up in their camp, isolated in the middle of a
country in insurrection, separated from all succour by rivers and
mountains, yet immovable and unshaken in face of a victorious enemy who
dares not pursue his victory, resemble those rocks beaten by the waves
of the ocean, which defy the tempests, and the approach to which is so
perilous that no one dare brave them.

In this extremity Cæsar has not lost hope. Far from him the thought of
re-crossing the Cévennes, and returning into the Narbonnese. This
retreat would bear too great a resemblance to a flight. Moreover, he has
fears for the four legions entrusted to Labienus, of whom he has
received no news since they went to combat the Parisii; he is anxious to
rejoin them at all risks. He therefore marches in the direction of Sens,
crosses the Loire by a ford, near Bourbon-Lancy, and, on his arrival
near Joigny, he rallies Labienus, who, after having defeated the army of
Camulogenus under the walls of Paris, had returned to Sens and hastened
to meet him.

What joy Cæsar must have experienced, when he found his lieutenant, then
faithful still, on the banks of the Yonne! for this junction doubled his
forces, and restored the chances of the struggle in his favour. While he
was re-modelling his army, calling to him a re-enforcement of German
cavalry, and preparing to approach nearer to the Roman province,
Vercingetorix had not lost a moment in stirring up the whole of Gaul
against the Romans. The inhabitants of Savoy, as well as those of the
Vivarais, are drawn into revolt; all is agitation from the coasts of the
ocean to the Rhone. He communicates to all hearts the sacred fire which
inflames him, and from Mont Beuvray, as its centre, its action radiates
to the extremities of Gaul.

But it is granted neither to the most eminent of men to create in one
day an army, nor to popular insurrection, however general, to form
suddenly a nation. The foreigner has not yet quitted the territory of
their country before the chiefs become jealous of each other, and
rivalries break out between the different states. The Burgundians obey
unwillingly the people of Auvergne; the people of the territory of
Beauvais refuse their contingent, alleging that they will only make war
at their own time and in their own manner. The inhabitants of Savoy,
instead of responding to the appeal made to their old independence,
oppose a vigorous resistance to the attacks of the Gauls, and the
Vivarais shows no less devotedness to the Roman cause.

As to the Gaulish army, its strength consisted chiefly in cavalry; the
footmen, in spite of the efforts of Vercingetorix, composed only an
undisciplined mass; for military organisation is always a reflection of
the state of society, and where there is no people there is no infantry.
In Gaul, as Cæsar tells us, two classes alone were dominant, the priests
and the nobles. [771] It is not surprising if, then as in the Middle
Ages, the nobility on horseback formed the true sinew of the armies.
Accordingly, the Gauls never incurred the risk of resisting the Romans
in the open field, or rather everything was confined to a combat of
cavalry, and, when their cavalry was defeated, the army retired without
the infantry being engaged at all. This is what happened before
Sancerre: the defeat of his cavalry had forced Vercingetorix to make his
retreat; he had allowed Cæsar to continue his route undisturbed towards
Bourges, and take that town, without ever daring to attack him either
during his march or during the siege.

It will be the same at the battle of the Vingeanne. Cæsar directed his
march from Joigny towards Franche-Comté, across the country of Langres.
His aim was to reach Besançon, an important fortress, from whence he
could at the same time resume the offensive and protect the Roman
Province; but when he arrived at the eastern extremity of the territory
of Langres, in the valley of the Vingeanne, at about sixty-five
kilomètres from Alesia, his army, in march, is brought to a halt by that
of Vercingetorix, whose numerous cavalry have sworn to pass three times
through the Roman lines; this cavalry is repulsed by that of the Germans
in Cæsar’s pay, and Vercingetorix hastens to take refuge in Alesia,
without the least resistance offered by his infantry.

It is the belief of the Gauls that their country can only be defended in
the fortresses, and the example of Gergovia animates them with a
generous hope; but Cæsar will attempt no more imprudent assaults. 80,000
infantry shut themselves up in the walls of Alesia, and the cavalry is
sent into the whole of Gaul to call to arms, and to conduct to the
succour of the invested town the contingents of all the states. About
forty or fifty days after the blockade of the place, 250,000 men, of
whom 8,000 are cavalry, appear on the low hills which bound the plain of
Laumes on the west. The besieged leap with joy. How will the Romans be
able to sustain the double attack from within and from without? Cæsar
has obviated all perils by the art of fortification, which he has
carried to perfection. A line of countervallation against the fortress,
and a line of circumvallation against the army of succour, are rendered
almost impregnable by means of works adapted to the ground, and in which
science has accumulated all the obstacles in use in the warfare of
sieges. These two concentric lines are closely approached to each other,
in order to facilitate the defence. The troops are not scattered over
the great extent of the retrenchments, but distributed into twenty-three
redoubts and eight camps, from which they can move, according to
circumstances, on the points threatened. The redoubts are advanced
posts. The camps of infantry, placed on the heights, form so many
reserves. The cavalry camps are stationed on the banks of the streams.

In the plain especially, where the attacks may be most dangerous, to the
fosses, ramparts, and ordinary towers are added _abatis_, wolf-pits,
things like caltrops, means still employed in modern fortification.
Thanks to so many works, but thanks also to the imperfection of the
projectiles of that time, we see a besieging army, equal in number to
the army besieged, three times less in force than the army of succour,
resist three simultaneous attacks, and finish by vanquishing so many
enemies assembled against it. It is a thing to be remarked that Cæsar,
in the decisive day of the struggle, shut up in his lines, has become,
in a manner, the besieged, and, like all besieged who are victorious, it
is by a sally that he triumphs. The Gauls have nearly forced his
retrenchments on one point; but Labienus, by Cæsar’s order, debouches
from the lines, attacks the enemy with the sword, and puts him to
flight: the cavalry completes the victory.

This siege, so memorable in a military point of view, is still more so
in the historic point of view. Beside the hill, so barren at the present
day, of Mont Auxois, were decided the destinies of the world. In these
fertile plains, on these hills, now silent, nearly 400,000 men
encountered each other; one side led by the spirit of conquest, the
other by the spirit of independence; but none of them were conscious of
the work which destiny was employing them to accomplish. The cause of
all civilisation was at stake.

The defeat of Cæsar would have stopped for a long period the advance of
Roman domination, of that domination which, across rivers of blood, it
is true, conducted the peoples to a better future. The Gauls,
intoxicated with their success, would have called to their aid all those
nomadic peoples who followed the course of the sun to create themselves
a country, and all together would have thrown themselves upon Italy;
that focus of intelligence, destined to enlighten the peoples, would
then have been destroyed, before it had been able to develop its
expansive force. Rome, on her side, would have lost the only chief
capable of arresting her decline, of re-constituting the Republic, and
of bequeathing to her at his death three centuries of existence.

Thus, while we honour duly the memory of Vercingetorix, we are not
allowed to deplore his defeat. Let us admire the ardent and sincere love
of this Gaulish chieftain for the independence of his country; but let
us not forget that it is to the triumph of the Roman armies that we owe
our civilisation; institutions, manners, language, all come to us from
the conquest. Thus are we much more the children of the conquerors than
of the conquered; for, during long years, the former have been our
masters for everything which raises the soul and embellishes life; and,
when at last the invasion of the barbarians came to overthrow the old
Roman edifice, it could not destroy its foundations. Those wild hordes
only ravaged the territory, without having the power to annihilate the
principles of law, justice, and liberty, which, deeply rooted, survived
by their own vitality, like those crops which, bent down for a moment
beneath the tread of the soldiers, soon rise again spontaneously, and
recover a new life. On the ground thus prepared by Roman civilisation,
the Christian idea was able easily to plant itself, and to regenerate
the world.

The victory gained at Alesia was, then, one of those decisive events
which decide the destinies of peoples.

It is towards the end of the third consulship of Pompey that the lictors
must have arrived in Rome, carrying, according to the custom, with their
fasces crowned with laurels, the letters announcing the surrender of
Alesia. The degenerate aristocracy, who placed their rancours above the
interests of their country, would, no doubt, have preferred receiving
the news of the loss of the Roman armies, to seeing Cæsar become greater
than ever by new successes; but public opinion compelled the Senate to
celebrate the victory gained at Mont Auxois: it ordered sacrifices
during twenty days; still more, the people, to testify their joy,
trebled the number. [772]




CHAPTER VIII.