These writers had been
confined
in prisons in this country, but the number of their sympathizers increased so rapidly that the King's advisers thought it best to remove them to more distant places of security ; and they were accordingly taken to gaols across the sea.
Hunt - Fourth Estate - History of Newspapers and Liberty of Press - v1
—Do you know one Hargust there ?
Yes, I did see
did you not send over some of these books ?
Imet with him one day accidentally at Amsterdam. —How oft did you see him there ? Twice upon one day. —But did not he send over books ? If he did, it is nothing to me, for his doings are unknown to
such a man. —Where did you see him ?
me. — But he wrote a letter, by your directions, did he not? What he writ over I know no more than you. —But did you see him no where else there? Yes, I saw him at Rotterdam. — What conference had you with him ? Very little ; but why do you ask me all these questions ; these are beside the matter of
I do not know.
—
Who was at
I pray come to the thing for which I am
my imprisonment ; —
accused and imprisoned.
but do belong to the thing for which you are imprisoned.
— had you with Chillington since you came to town ?
you. —How long do you think ?
What speeches I am not
No, these are not beside the business,
But do you know of any that sent over any books ? What other men did, doth not belong to me to know or search into ; sufficient it is for me to look well to my own occasions. —Well, here is the Examination of one Edmund Chillington, do you know such a one ? Yes. —How long have you been acquainted with him ? A little before I went away, but how long I do not certainly know. —Do you know one John Wharton ? No. —Do you not ? he is a hot-presser. I know him, but I do not well remember his other name. —How long have you been acquainted
I cannot well tell
with him, and how came you acquainted ?
I do not know.
A STAK CHAMBER EXAMINATION. 77
bound to tell you : but sir (as I said before) why do you ask me all these questions ? these are nothing pertinent to my imprison ment, for I am not imprisoned for knowing and talking with such and such men, but for sending over Books ; and therefore I am not willing to answer you to any more of these questions
because I
for seeing the things for which I am imprisoned cannot be proved against me, you will get other matter out of my exami nation : and therefore if you will not ask me about the thing laid to my charge, I shall answer no more: but if you will ask of that, I shall then answer you, and do answer that for the thing for which I am imprisoned, which is for sending over books, I am clear, for I sent none ; and of any other matter you have to accuse me of, I know it is warrantable by the law of
see you go about by this Examination to ensnare me :
God, and I think by the law of the land, that I may stand upon myjust defence, and not answer to your interrogatories; and
that my accusers ought to be brought face to face, to justify what they accuse me of. And this is all the answer that for the present I am willing to make: and if you ask me of any more things, I shall answer you with silence. —At this he was exceeding angry, and said, there would be a course taken with me to make me answer. I told him, I did not regard what course they would take with me; only this I desire you to take notice of, that I do not refuse to answer out of any contempt, but only because I am ignorant of what belongs to an Examination, (for this is the first time that ever I was examined ;) and therefore I am unwilling to answer to any impertinent questions, for fear that with my answer I may do myself hurt. — This is not the way to get liberty: I had thought you would have answered punctually, that so you might have been dis
patched as shortly as might be. I have answered punctually to the thing for which I was imprisoned and more I am not bound to answer, and for my liberty I must wait God's time. —You had better answer, for I have two Examinations wherein you are accused. Of what am I accused? —Chillington hath accused you for printing ten or twelve thousand of books in Holland, and that they stand you in about 80/. , and that you had a cham ber at Mr, John Foot's at Delf, where he thinks the books were
78 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
kept, and that you would have printed the " Unmasking of the Mystery of Iniquity," if you could have got a true copy of it. I do not believe that Chillington said any such things; and if he did, I know and am sure, that they are all of them lies. — You received money of Mr. Wharton since you came to town,
I do not say I do not say it was for any, and I have already answered all that for the present I have to answer; and if that will give you content well and good; if not do what you please. —If you will not answer no more (here I
did you not ? What if I did ? —It was for books ?
so. —For what sort of books was it ?
told him, if I had thought he would have insisted upon such im pertinent questions, I would not have given him so many answers) we have power to send you to the place from whence you came. You may do your pleasure, said I. —So he called in anger for my keeper, and gave him a strict charge to look well to me. I said, they should not fear my running away.
And so I was sent down to sir John Banks himself. And after he had read over what his man had writ, he called me in, and said, I perceive you are unwilling to confess the truth.
Lilburn. No sir, I have spoken the truth.
Sir John Banks. This is your Examination is it not? What your man hath writ, I do not know. —Come near, and see that I read it right. Sir, I do not own it for my Examination, your man hath writ what it pleased him, and hath not writ my answer; for my answer was to him, and so it is to you, that for the thing for which I am imprisoned (which is for sending over Books) I am clear, for I did not send any, and for any other matter that is laid to my charge, I know it is warrantable by the law of God, and I think by the law of the land, for me to stand upon my just defence, and that my accusers ought to be brought face to face, to justify what they accuse me of: and this is all that I have to say for the present. —You must set your hand to this your Examination. I beseech you, sir, pardon me, I will set my hand to nothing but what I have now said. — So he took the pen and writ, ' The examined is unwilling to ' to answer to any thing but that for which he is imprisoned. '
Now you will set your hand to it; I am not willing, in regard I do not own that which your man hath writ ; but if it please
ANOTHER STAR CHAMBER SCENE. 79
you to lend me the pen, I will write my answer, and set my hand to it. So he gave me the pen and I begun to write thus: ' The Answer of me, John Lilburn, is,' and here he took the pen from me, and said he could not stay, that was sufficient. Then one of my keepers asked him if they might have me back again? And he said yea; for he had no order for my enlargement.
And about ten or twelve days after, I was had forth to Grays-Inn again; and when I came there, I was had to the Star Chamber office; and being there, as the order is, I must enter my appearance, they told me. I said, To what ? For I was never served with any subpoena; neither was there any bill preferred against me, that I did hear of. One of the clerks told me, I must first be examined, and then sir John would make the bill. It seems they had no grounded matter against me for to write a bill, and therefore they went about to make me betray my own innocency, that so they might ground the bill upon my own words: and at the entrance of my appearance, the clerk and I had a deal of discoure,(the particulars whereof for brevity sake I now omit;) but in the conclusion he de manded money of me, for entering of my appearance: and I told him I was but a young man, and a prisoner, and money was not very plentiful with me, and therefore I would not part with any money upon such terms. Well (said he) if you will not pay your fee, I will dash out your name again. Do what you please
(said I) I care not if you do; so he made complaint to Mr. Goad, the master of the office, that I refused to enter my appearance. And then I was brought before him, and he demanded of me
I told him, I had no business with him, but I was a prisoner in the Fleet, and was sent for, but to whom and to what end I do not know, and therefore if he had nothing
to say to me, I had no business with him. And then one of the clerks said, I was to be examined. Then Mr. Goad said, tender him the book: so I looked another way, as though I did not give ear to what he said; and then he bid me pull off my glove, and lay my hand upon the book. What to do sir P said I. You must swear, said he. To what ? ' That you shall make true ' answer to all things that are asked you. ' 'Must I so, sir ? but before I swear, I will know to what I must swear.
what my business was ?
80 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
As soon as you have sworn, you shall, but not before. —To that I answered sir, I am but a young man, and do not well know what belongs to the nature of an oath, and therefore before I swear, I will be better advised. — Saith he, how old are you ? About 20 years old, I told him. —You have received the Sacra ment, have you not ? Yes, that I have. — And you have heard
the ministers deliver God's word, have you not ?
sermons. Well then, you know the holy Evangelists ? Yes, that I do. — But, sir, though I have received the Sacrament, and have heard sermons, yet it doth not therefore follow that I am bound to take an oath, which I doubt of the lawfulness of. — Look you here, said he (and with that he opened the book), we desire you to swear by no foreign thing, but to swear by the
I ques tion how lawful it is for me to swear to I do not know what.
So some of the clerks began to reason with me, and told me every one took that oath : and would I be wiser than all other
I told them, it made no matter to me what other men
men ?
do ; but before I swear, I will know better grounds and reasons than other men's practices, to convince me of the lawfulness of such an oath, to swear I do not know to what. — So Mr. Goad bid them hold their peace, he was not to convince any man's conscience of the lawfulness of but only to offer and tender it. Will you take or no, saith he Sir, will be better ad vised first Whereupon there was messenger sent to sir John Banks, to certify him, that would not take the Star Chamber oath and also to know of him what should be done with me. So looked should be committed close prisoner, or worse. And about an hour after came Mr. Cockshey, Sir John's chief clerk What, said he, Mr. Lilburn, seems you will not take your Oath, to make true answer told him, would be better advised before took such an oath. Well then, saith he, you must go from whence you came.
Upon Friday the 9th of February, in the morning, one of the officers of the Fleet came to my chamber, and bid me get up and make me ready to go to the Star Chamber Bar forthwith.
having no time to fit myself, made me ready in all haste to go.
I have heard
holy Evangelists. —Sir, I do not doubt or question that ; —
I
;
I;
I
I
it
? I it I
a ? I
it,
: I
lilburn's defence. 81
To detail the proceedings before the Star Chamber would only be to repeat again the scene of intolerant and glaring injustice enacted in the case of Prynn,
and others. Lilburn refused to be sworn ; he loudly protested his innocence of the offence charged against him, and there is every reason to believe that he spoke the truth. When heard in his defence, he said :—
It seems there were divers Books sent out of Holland, which came to the hands of one Edmund Chillington, who made this Affidavit against us ; and as I understand, he delivered divers of these Books unto one John Chilburne, servant to this old man Mr. Wharton; and his master being in prison, he dispersed divers of them for the foresaid Chillington's use ; whereupon the Books were taken in his custody : he being found dispersing of them, goes to one Smith, a taylor, in Bridewell, (as I am in formed) and desires him to get his peace made with the bishops. Whereupon he covenants with some of the bishops' creatures to betray me into their hands, being newly come out of Holland, which, (as he said,) did send over these Books. So, my Lords, he having purchased his own liberty, lays the plot for betraying
me, and I was taken by a pursuivant and four others of his as sistants, walking in the streets with the foresaid John Chilburne, who had laid and contrived the plot before (as I am able to to make good. )
The sentence of the Court was, that Wharton should be fined £500, be pilloried, and imprisoned ; whilst Lilburn, "being a young man, for example sake, should have some corporal punishment" inflicted upon him. It was ordered, therefore, that he should be whipped before he was put into the pillory; and that, like his fellow-sufferer, he should be fined £500, and imprisoned.
The orders of the Court were rigorously obeyed.
Lilburn was whipped through the streets from the VOL. I. G
82 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
Fleet Prison, along the Strand to the pillory, which had been set up between Westminster Hall gate and the Star Chamber close by. As the cart drew him along he repeated Scripture texts, and talked enthusi astically to the people. * When the flogging was over, and he was untied from the cart at Westminster, he was taken into a tavern to await the remainder of the punishment : and here let him again tell his own
tale :—
I was cruelly whipped through the streets to Westminster,
and at the last came to the pillory, where I was unloosed from the cart, and having put on some of my clothes, went to the tavern, where I staid a pretty while waiting for my surgeon, who was not yet come to dress me ; where were many of my friends, who exceedingly rejoiced to see my courage, that the Lord had enabled me to undergo my punishment so willingly.
I had a desire to retire into a private room from the multi tude of people that were about me, which made me like to faint; I had not been there long, but Mr. Lightbourne, the tipstaff of the Star Chamber, came unto me, saying, the Lords sent him to me to know if I would acknowledge myself to be in fault, and then he knew what to say unto me. To whom I replied, Have their honours caused me to be whipped from the Fleet to West minster, and do they now send to know if I will acknowledge a fault ? They should have done this before I had been whipped ; for now, seeing I have undergone the greatest part of my punishment, I hope the Lord will assist me to go through it all : and beside, if I would have done this at the first, I needed not to have come to this : but as I told the Lords when I was before them at the bar, so I desire you to tell them again, that I am
not conscious to myself of doing any thing that deserves a sub mission, but yet I do willingly submit to their Lordships' plea sures in my censure. He told me, if I would confess my fault, it would save me a standing in the pillory : otherwise, I must undergo the burthen of it.
•State Trials, Vol. III. , p. 1328.
LILBURN IN THE PILLORY. S3 Well, said I, I regard not a little outward disgrace for the
I have found already that sweetness in him
cause of my God ;
in whom I have believed, that through his strength I am able to undergo any thing that shall be inflicted on me : but me- thinks that I had very hard measure, that I should be con demned and thus punished upon two oaths, in which the party has most falsely forsworn himself ; and because I would not take an oath to betray mine own innocence. Why, Paul found more mercy from the heathen Roman Governors, for they would not put him to an oath to accuse himself, but suffered him to make the best defence he could for himself: neither would they con demn him, before his accusers and he were brought face to face, to justify, and fully to prove their accusation : but the Lords have not dealt so with me, for my accusers and I were never brought face to face, to justify their accusation against me. It is true, two false oaths were sworn against me, and I was thereupon condemned ; and because I would not accuse myself. And so he went away, and I prepared myself for the pillory, to which I went with a joyful courage ; and when I was upon it, I made obeisance to the Lords, some of them, as I suppose, look ing out at the Star Chamber window towards me. And so I put my neck into the hole, which being a great deal too low for me, it was very painful to me, in regard of continuance of the time that I stood on the pillory, which was about two hours ; my back being also very sore, and the sun shining so exceed ing hot, and the tipstaff-man not suffering me to keep on my hat to defend my head from the heat of the sun, so that I stood there in great pain : yet through the strength of my God I underwent it with courage, to the very last minute.
When in the pillory he addressed the people, affirm ing his innocence; pointing out how his accuser had committed perjury; and then went on to denounce the Bishops, and to applaud Prynn, Bastwick, and Burton, as martyrs who had suffered on the same spot. He described the Church as descended from that of
Rome, and interwove his speech with texts and Scrip G2
84 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
tural allusions, which met hearty sympathy from many of the assembled multitude gathered near the spot. Gradually his discourse grew into a complete sermon on the times :—
It is true I am a young man, and no scholar, according to that which the world counts scholarship, yet I have obtained mercy of the Lord to be faithful, and he, by a Divine Provi dence, hath brought me hither this day ; and I speak to you in the name of the Lord, being assisted with the spirit and power of the God of heaven and earth : and I speak not the words of rashness or inconsiderateness, but the words of soberness and mature deliberation ; for I did consult with my God, before I came hither, and desired him that he would direct and enable me to speak that which might be for his glory and the good of his people. And as I am a soldier, fighting under the banner of the great and mighty Captain the Lord Jesus Christ ; and so I look for that crown of immortality, which one day I know shall be set upon my temples, being in the condition that I am in, I dare not hold my peace, but speak unto you with boldness in the might and strength of my God, the things which the Lord in mercy hath made known unto my soul, come life, come death.
This mode of speech found more favour with the crowd than with those who had ordered Lilburn's
punishment, and at this point he was interrupted in a way he himself thus describes : —
When I was hereabout, there came a fat lawyer, I do not know his name, and commanded me to hold my peace, and leave my preaching. To whom I replied and said, Sir, I will not hold my peace, but speak my mind freely, though I be hanged at Tyburn for my pains. It seems he himself was galled and touched, as the lawyers were in Christ's time, when he spake against the Scribes and Pharisees, which made them say, " Master, in saying thus thou revilestus also. " So he went his way, and I think complained to the Lords.
THE OPEN-SPEAKER GAGGED. S5
Lilburn went on with his discourse for a while, and scattered some forbidden books among the people. The effect upon the throng was evident. He was gain ing applause instead of derision. The Star Chamber was being bearded on its own portal, and a messenger came a second time to command him to be silent. " I will speak and declare my cause and mind, though I be hanged at that gate for speaking. " He was threatened with a second flogging as he stood in the pillory, but he was not to be daunted.
So the Warden of the Fleet caused proclamation to be made
upon the pillory, for bringing to him the Books : so then he
commanded me to be gagged, and if I spake any more, that
then Ishould be whipt again upon the pillory. —So Iremained
about an hour and a half gagged, being intercepted of much
matter, which by God's assistance Iintended to have spoken.
And when I was to come down, having taken my head out of the pillory, I looked about me upon the people, and said, ' I am more than a conqueror through him that hath loved ' me. ' * * And so Icame down and was had back again to the tavern, where I, together with Mr. Wharton, staid a while, till one went to the Warden to know what should be done with me, who gave order we should be carried back again to the Fleet. —After I came back to the prison, none were suffered to come to me, but the surgeon.
A cruel imprisonment of more than two years fol lowed. He was laid in irons, was kept almost without food, and, when suffering from a fever thus induced, was refused the succour of friends or the help of ser vants, "so that if he had not been relieved by stealth of his fellow-prisoners," he must have died. *
* Lilburn afterwards became an enthusiastic republican, and dis played an unconquerable spirit that bore him through the difficulties of a chequered and adventurous life. He fought on the side of the
**
80 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
Whilst Lilburn lay in gaol, great changes were in progress throughout the country. King Charles had by this time embroiled himself to a most dangerous extent on all sides. In Scotland he had attempted
to coerce the people into an unpopular religious ob servance, and had found, when it was too late, that the people of that country, when they came to a mental resolve, were not to be deluded by regal cajolery, or to be frightened by a display of regal anger. To them the question of a liturgy was a question of duty to their God, which they dared to think more important than fealty to an earthly King. The popular feeling could find no expression and no safety-valve in a Newspaper, and could be shown through the press only in a book. Such publications did not fail to appear, and to be read. The arm of authority was stretched out to stay the printed thoughts, —three proclamations were issued,* all of an unpopular character, the third being directed against a certain "seditious book," which was ordered to be suppressed. This brought affairs to a crisis. A tumult arose in Edinburgh ; three hundred women, attended, says Carte, by " a rabble of men," sought to tear the authors of the obnoxious ordinances
Parliament in the chief battles of the Civil War ; at Brentford he was taken prisoner, and narrowly escaped the gallows; at Marston Moor he led a regiment of dragoons very gallantly, and at the conclu sion of the strife of the sword he wielded a pen. His opinions sub sequently got him into gaol on a charge of contempt, and he was brought before the House of Lords for that offence. He contrived, even whilst in gaol, to publish a pamphlet. The courage that availed him in the pillory did not fail him afterwards. He was tried for accus ing Cromwell and Ireton of treason ; but his defence was so clever, that he obtained an acquittal. He died in 1657.
* Oct. 17. See Carte's History of England, p. 141-2.
PUBLIC SYMPATHY AND EXCITEMENT. 87
to pieces, and the noblemen and priests who assembled in the Scottish city to suppress the people's thirst for freedom of conscience and thought, had a narrow
escape for their lives.
The friends of Prynn, Bastwick, and Burton were
also active, though not so violent as their Scottish brethren.
These writers had been confined in prisons in this country, but the number of their sympathizers increased so rapidly that the King's advisers thought it best to remove them to more distant places of security ; and they were accordingly taken to gaols across the sea.
Prynn was sent to a castle in Jersey, and Burton to Guernsey, but their absence did not effect the pur pose the king had in view, for the obnoxious opinions were nourished in silence only to display their real strength when a favourable opportunity arose. The wives and other relatives of the condemned writers led the van of those who sought their emancipation. The power of the supreme court—the Star Chamber— no man, however bold, had yet ventured to impeach;* but the sentence of that authority, it was urged, had
consigned Prynn and his companions to some prison in England or Wales; it was the Lords of the Council who had selected more distant places of incarceration. This change in the mode of carrying out the Star Chamber decision was declared to be a violation of it. Meanwhile, the King's difficulties in Scotland compelled him to be more conciliating towards the Parliament ; and he promised, if they agreed to his demands for
money to help him against the Scotch, he would give * Clarendon, Hist, of Rebellion, Vol. 159.
I. , p.
88 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
the Commons of England satisfaction in their just demands. All this was thought to augur well; but a hasty and ill-advised dissolution of the Parliament soon made affairs worse than ever. Troubles grew on all sides, and murmurs were rising audibly in all parts of the kingdom. Money was the Monarch's great want, and, in the hope of getting he summoned the memorable Parliament that met on the 3rd of Nov.
1640—as proved, to sit so long and to do so much. Soon after they assembled, the friends of Prynn, aided the pressure from without, induced the speaker to
issue his warrant " to the Governors and Captains of the several Castles, to bring their prisoners in safe custody to London. "
Now the feelings of the people were displayed, as Clarendon bears witness and such witness, hating Prynn and his opinions, may well be relied on not to exaggerate the favour shown to the released writers. " Prynn and Burton," says the Chancellor, " being neighbours, though in distinct islands, landed at the same time at Southampton, where they were received, and entertained with extraordinary demonstrations of affection and esteem attended marvellous conflux of company; and their charges not only borne with great magnificence, but liberal presents given to them.
And this method and ceremony kept them company
all their journey; great herds of people meeting them at their entrance into all towns, and waiting upon them out, with wonderful acclamations of joy. When they came near London multitudes of people of several conditions, some on horseback, others on foot, met them some miles from the town, very many having
;
by a
it,
;
a
by
it
TRIUMPHANT RETURN OF PRYNN. 89
been a day's journey; and they were brought, about two of the clock in the afternoon, in at Charing Cross, and carried into the City by above ten thousand persons with boughs and flowers in their hands, the common people strewing flowers and herbs in the ways as they passed, making great noise and expressions of joy for their deliverance and return, and in those acclamations mingling loud and virulent exclamations against the Bishops who had so cruelly prosecuted such godly men. In the same manner, within five or six days after, and in like triumph, Dr. Bastwick returned from Silley, landing at Dover, and from thence, bringing the same testimonies of the affections and zeal of Kent as the others had done from Hampshire and Surrey, was met before he came to Southwark by the good people of London, and so conducted to his lodging likewise in the City. "*
This great and unmistakeable demonstration of
wide-spread sympathy for men who had been im prisoned because they were popular writers, was not without further results. Prynn was elected a Member of Parliament for Newport ; the abuses of the irrespon sible Court that had condemned him were again brought prominently forward; and when the King, humbled by the difficulties which his mode of govern ment had accumulated about him, came again to the
* Prynn, like Lilburn and Knightley, when opportunity offered, returned good for evil, by an exhibition of tolerance when their enemies required it. Prynn spoke in the House of Commons in favour of Charles the First, when such a course was eminently dangerous. After the Restoration, the author of the philippic against plays and players was made keeper of the records by the very King who was so great a patron of the stage and its immoralities. He died in 1669.
90 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
Parliament for aid, that Parliament gave in a list of grievances for redress. Prominent in the catalogue was the obnoxious tribunal that had done so much injustice ; the King yielded ; and in February 1641 the Star Chamber, to the great joy of all good men, was abolished !
This was the first great step tOIS'jdg. lhsJ-'^ty^L- t^fiJJflS^ in England, and no sooner had it been taken than the Newspapers began to print English News and to discuss English affairs. But the Parliament did not content themselves with abolishing the Star
Chamber: they openly placed their legislative con- ductLififbie the people for scrutiny, by allowing the publication of reports of their proceedings. These
were first issued under the title of T) turn at. Occurrences In Parliament, and were continued from November the 3rd, 1641, tffl'fhe Restoration put an end, for a time, to a custom so dangerous to despotism.
In the British Museum Collection we find the pro ceedings of the earlier days of the Long Parliament printed in a volume; but numbers of the separate pamphlets and Newspapers may be seen. Here is the title page of one :—
Diurnal Occurrences, or the heads of several proceedings in both Houses of Parliament, from the 13th of December to the 20th of the same, 1641. Wherein they concluded what English and Scottish forces, both of horse and foot, shall speedily be sent for Ireland &c.
This early Newspaper report of Parliamentary pro ceedings contains six small quarto pages, besides the title, and has for imprint the royal arms, with the
reports
OLD NEWSPAPERS IN THE MUSEUM. 91
initials C. 11. Subsequent publications are to be seen with the heading " Speeches and passages of this great and happy Parliament. "
Our national library is rich in printed memorials of this important period of our history. In the basement story (not to call it the cellar) of the British Museum, the visitor who has the good fortune to gain admission to the place finds our English national collection of political
more than a thousand yards of shelving are there stored with volumes of Newspapers. The earliest in date are small meagre-looking octavos and quartos ; and as the eye ranges in the half-obscured light along the laden shelves, from the corner where these primitive sheets of the time of James the First and Charles the First now stand, the volumes are seen growing in size and number as their dates rise, until the journals of one county in our time are found exceeding in bulk and completeness the whole Newspaper literature of the Kingdom during an entire century of its earlier existence. These files of old Papers excite a strange feeling. Few things are sought with more eagerness, and few things are sooner cast aside as worthless, than a Newspaper ; yet still fewer are more interesting than a file of such old prints. Look into them. You see the aspects, and hear (as some one says) the very hum of a past life. In history we have the experience of a
told in its results, its events ; the indi viduals are lost in the consideration of their epoch; but in an old volume of Newspapers you have the past generation telling their own story; breathing, as it were, their every-day life into print —confessing to the
generation
journals. Certainly
92 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
future the deeds of their own hour. In these Museum vaults the papers least imposing in outward aspect are perhaps the most important. Some of those, so small and so poorly printed that they become contemp tible in appearance when compared with the broad sheets of our day, have nevertheless a deep interest from matter they contain. In one we have the death of Hampden told, others describe the executions of men whose namesare now so prominent in history, and as we go on in the search, we find, one by one,
notices of all the great events of the great civil war. *
*The "London's Intelligencer, or Truth impartially related from thence to the whole Kingdome to prevent mis-information," has the following account of the execution of Archbishop Laud :—
"Thursday, January 16, 1644. —On Friday last, Jann 10, (about twelve a clocke) the Archbishop of Canterbury was brought from the Tower, attended by the Lieutenant and Officers belonging thereunto. At his comming he made his last Sermon or ultimum vale on the Scaf fold, upon the conclusion whereof and of two short prayers, and the saying of these words, Lord receive my spirit, the Executioner parted his head from his body at one stroke. A cloud attended the time of execution, but the Sun was splendent as soone as his head was off.
cotemporary
" The fancies or conjectures of the multitude concerning this break ing forth of the Sunne are various, and are formed according to the severall dispositions of the persons framing ; (although for my owne part I cannot looke upon it as any matter extraordinary) yet for the satisfaction of some I shall briefly mention three of the most probable and rationall publique conjectures.
" That which was brought by the Episcopall and malignant party was — That the Sun did before ( as abhorring such an act) hide itselfe in a cloud till the act was done, and then shone forth in its lustre.
"Asecond (and those the more moderate and well-affected party observed) — That the Sun, immediately after his Execution shone forth in much brightnesse, as rejoycing and triumphing to behold such an exem plary and necessary act of justice inflicted upon so eminent and notorious
a delinquent.
thomasson's collection. 93
The papers produced by Butter and his cotempo- raries scarcely fill one short shelf in the great Museum
collection, but the library is abundantly supplied with pamphlets and journals of a somewhat later date.
From 1640 till the Restoration of Charles the Se cond nearly thirty thousand journals, pamphlets, and papers were published. The press during its first freedom had perhaps allowed that liberty to run into licence —it had literally rioted in production. Fortu nately for history, a Mr. Thomasson, who lived through the stormy period of the Civil War and the Common wealth, was induced to make a collection of everything that issued from the press during his time. He ob tained a copy of each pamphlet and stray sheet that
" A third party — That it did portend or prognosticate, that the light of the Gospett that hath been heretofore so much eclypsed by the interpo sition of this Archbishop and his instruments should now be displayed and discover itselfe in its beauty and brightnesse.
" I shall leave the issue of these conjectures or constructions to the omnipotent and omniscient Disposer of all things, and shall now trouble you no more with his quondam little Grace of Canterbury, than this : That as in his life time (usque ad momentum mortis) he had contented himselfe with set formes and models, his prayer which he said imme diately after his speech on the Scaffold being before penned and con trived by himselfe ; so he wanted not an ocean or deluge of common prayer to waft him to his place. The prayers were rehearsed, and also an oration concerning his death was made by one Fletcher, at his interring in Barking Church, neere Tower-MU, the same day. "
The Weekly Intelligencer refers to Hampden's death :—
"The loss of Colonel Hampden goeth near the heart of every man that loves the good of his King and Country, and makes some conceive little content to be at the army now that he is gone. The memory of this deceased colonel is such, that in no age to come but it will more and more be had in honour and esteem : a man so religious, and of that prudence, judgment, temper, valour, and integrity, that he hath left few his like behind. "
94 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
was procurable, and this store of valuable evidences on the events and feelings of a remarkable era is now safely housed in the British Museum. The story of how this collection was made, and for whom;* how
* The following memorandum, relative to this collection of News papers, books, and pamphlets, is from the curious autograph in the first volume of the Catalogue :—
"A Complete Collection of Books and Pamphlets Begun in the year 1640, by the Special Command of King Charles the First of Blessed Memory, and continued to the happy Restoration of the Government, and the Coronation of King Charles the Second. There hath been very much money disbursed, and great Pains taken, and many Hazards run, in making an exact Collection of all the Pamphlets that were published from the Beginning of that Long and Rebel-Par liament, which began November 1640, till His late Majestie's Happy Restauration and Coronation, consisting of near Thirty Thousand several Sorts, and by all Parties. They may be of very great Use to any Gentleman concerned in Publick Affairs, both for this Present, and After- Ages, there being not the like in the World, neither is it possible
to make such a Collection. The Collection contains above Two Thou sand bound Volumes, all of them uniformly bound, as if they were done at one Time, and all exactly Marked and Numbered. The Method that has been observed, is Time, and such punctual Care was taken, that the very Day is written upon most of them, when they came out. The Catalogue of them fairly written, is in Twelve Volumes in Folio ; and though the Number of them be so great, (when the Books are set in their order according to the Mark set upon each of them) the smallest Piece, though but one Sheet of Paper, being shown in the Catalogue, may be found in a moment ; which method is of singular use to the Reader. In the whole are contain' d near one Hundred general MS. Pieces that were never printed, all, or most of them on the King's
behalf, which no man durst then venture to publish without endanger ing his Ruine. But the Peruser now may by them be let into the Knowledge of many Occurrences in those Times, which have pass'd hitherto unobseiVd. This Collection was so privately carried on, that it was never known that there was such a Design in hand ; the Collector designing them only for His Majestie's Use that then was : His Ma
jesty having occasion for a Pamphlet, could no where compass the Sight of it but from him, which His Majesty having perused, was very
FIRST PUBLICATION OF THE DEBATES. 95
King Charles the First was to have paid for but by his unhappy fate was prevented from fulfilling his contract; how, through manifold dangers, the books were saved from destruction how the restored King, Charles the Second, allowed the widow of the collector to go unrewarded, and to seek another purchaser for these rare documents gathered together for his prede cessor; and how, finally, George the Third obtained the volumes, and gave them to the Museum, story that has been often told.
With this previous reference to the existing copies of Newspapers of the time we speak of, let us return to the period when the Parliament first offered their pro-
well pleased with the Design, and commanded Person of Honour to restore with his own Hands, and withall express' His desire of hav ing the Collection continued This was the great Encouragement to the Undertaker, who had otherwise desisted prosecuting so difficult and chargeable Work, which lay heavy Burden upon himself and his
Servants for above Twenty Years. To prevent the Discovery of them, when the Army was Northwards, he pack'd them up in several Trunks, and by one or two in Week sent them to trusty Friend in Surry, who safely preserVd them; and when the Army was Westward, and fearing their Return that way they were sent to London again but the Col lector durst not keep them, but sent them into Essex, and so according as they lay near Danger, still, by timely removing them, at great
Charge, secur'd them, but continu'd perfecting the Work. And for farther Security to them, there was bargain pretended to be made with the University of Oxford, and Receipt of Thousand Pounds given and acknowledge to be in part for them, that the Usurper had found them out, the University should claim them, who had Greater Power to struggle for them than private man. All these Shifts have been made, and Difficulties encounter'dto Keep the Collection from be ing embezell'd and destroy' which with the great Charges of collect ing and binding them, cost the Undertaker so much, that he refused Four Thousand Pounds for them in his Life time, supposing that Sum not sufficient to re-imburse him. "
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90 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
ceedings for the consideration of the nation through the medium of the press.
The publication of Parliamentary debates was an im mense concession towards popular liberty, since it was an admission that the people had a right to know and to canvass the conduct of their representatives. This virtual admission produced a host of pamphlets and Newspapers; and, as the contest between the Throne and the Parliament became more fierce, both sides, as we have already said, caUedjn_the„ aid of the press, and by its_meaaa_ appealed to the nation for support. Men of all ranks were now asked to do what had been before forbidden : they were asked to read controversial writings, in which the political points at issue between Royalists and Roundheads were canvassed, and News papers multiplied ; the most popular title for such publications being Mercury. This name was used, as we have seen, in one of Butter's Newspapers ; and now that English politics were no longer forbidden, Mercurius Britannicus rose from the imprint of the Weekly News to be the heading of a popular journal. There would seem to have been either a lamentable want of originality or a very great affection for the word Mercurius, for we find it used by both parties, and with various additions, some of them curious enough: — Mercurius Fumigosus, Mercurius Veridicus, Mercurius Pragmaticus, Mercurius Politicus, Mercurius Rusticus, Mercurius Aulicus, are amongst the Newspaper titles of this period ; and when one of these became successful, other journalists seem at times to have appropriated the fortunate cognomen without hesitation. Each
army is said to have had a printing press in its baggage
THE DESTRUCTION OF MANUSCRIPTS. 97
train, and the belligerents used lead in types with almost as much zeal as they employed it in bullets—firing pamphlets when not employed in firing cannon-shot. *
* One natural effect of the introduction of News-books and News
papers, and cheap volumes on various subjects, was to complete a work
of destruction which the si^gressioa. . p^jssjj^oiig^ougeir^^ begun. The manuscripts which had been stored up for generations were now regarded as little more than waste parchment. This havoc has been thus described in Aubrey's History of Wiltshire : — " The fashion then was to save the ferules of their books with a false cover of parchment scilicet old manuscript, which I was too young to understand; but I was pleased with the elegance ofthe writing, and the coloured initial letters. I remember the rector here, Mr. William Stump, great-grandson of the clothier of Malmsbury, had several manuscripts of the Abbey. He was a proper man, and a good fellow, and when he brewed a barrel of special ale, his use was to stop the bung-hole under the clay with a sheet of manuscript. He said nothing did it so well, which methought did grieve me then to see. Afterwards, I went to school to Dr. Latimer, at Leigh Delamar, the next parish, where was the like use of covering of books. In my grandfather's days, the manuscripts flew about like butterflies: all music books, account books, copy books, &c, were covered with old manuscripts, as we cover them now with blue paper or marbled paper. And the glovers at Malmsbury made great havoc of them, and gloves were wrapped up no doubt in many good pieces of
antiquity. Before the late wars, a world of rare manuscripts perished hereabout ; for within half a dozen miles of this place was the Abbey of Malmsbury, where it may be presumed the library was as well fur nished with choice copies as most libraries of England; and perhaps in this library we might have found a correct Pliny's Natural History, which Cauntus, a monk, here did abridge for King Henry the Second. Within the aforesaid compass were Broadstock Priory, Stanley Abbey, Farleigh Abbey, Bath Abbey, eight miles, and Cirencester Abbey, twelve miles. Anno 1638, I was transplanted to Blandford school, in Dorset, to Mr. William Sutton. Here also was the use of covering of books with old parchments, leases, &c. ; but I never saw anything of a manuscript there. Hereabout were no abbeys or convents for men. One may also perceive by the binding of old books how the old manu scripts went to wreck in those days. About 1647, I went to Parson
Stump, out of curiosity to see his manuscripts, whereof I had seen some VOL. I. H
98 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
Between one and two hundred of these partizan
Newpapers, which appeared after the meeting of the Long Parliament and before the Restoration, may yet be seen. Their contents show how unscrupulously their editors attacked all opponents. The writers were men originally in various ranks of life, who had been drawn to the task by the requirements of the times, and some of them cut so prominent a figure that their names be came public property, and their lives found a chronicler in Anthony Wood. One of these was Marchamont Nedham, who took up a pen for the double purpose of helping the popular cause, and making Newspaper writing a source of income. He plied his self-imposed task most industriously for several years ; but the changes of those perilous times appear to have thrown him into the power of the Royalist party, and, probably to save his neck, he wrote for a while in favour of those who held him in duresse. When opportunity served, however, he returned to his original camp, and wrought constantly and faithfully for the Commonwealth, until the Restoration, when his pen was soon relinquished for the pestle and mortar. The change in his politics, however, though but for a season, has been regarded as sufficient to condemn him to something very like infamy, though such changes were sufficiently common amongst politicians, divines, and soldiers, in the times when Nedham lived. The facts handed down to us about this early and prolific Newspaper writer were
in my childhood; but by that time they were lost and disperst. His sons were gunners and soldiers, and scoured their guns with them; but he showed me several old deeds granted by the lord abbots, with their seals annexed. "
MARCHAMONT NEDHAM. 99
collected by Anthony Wood, whilst Nedham's name was yet fresh in the public mind ; and, not forgetting the strong political bias of the biographer, we may glean from his descriptions a more favourable account of this scribe than the author of the Athense Oxoni-
ensis would have us entertain. Nedham was born at Burford in Oxfordshire, in 1620, and was sent for education to Oxford, where he took a degree. His subsequent career is thus sketched by his political opponent :—
At length, being invited to London, he had conferred upon him an usher's place in Merchant Taylors' School, but how long he continued there I cannot justly tell. Sure it is that, upon the change of the times, he became an under clerk in Grey's Inn, where, by virtue of a good legible court hand, he obtained a comfortable subsistence. Soon after, siding with the rout and scum of the people, he made them weekly sport by railing at all that is noble in his intelligence called Mercurius Britannicus, wherein his endeavours were to sacrifice the fame of some lord or person of quality, nay of the King himself, to the beast with many heads. Diego writeth that Barceus meeting with the Devil sitting at his ease upon a chair bid him rise up and give place to his betters. The tale was moralized in Britannicus, who might very well have challenged the precedency of Satan, to have thrust him out of his chair, the seat of the scornful ; where he sate several years, and outrailed all the Shimeis and Rabsekebs, and out-railed all the Simmiasses and Pseudolusses that ever sate in that chair. So that this Nedham being become
popular, and an active man in person among the rout, he was commonly called Captain Nedham of Grey's Inn, and what he said or wrote was looked upon as gospel. About that time he studied physic: followed the chemical way; and, by 1645, began to practice and by that and his writing maintained himself in very genteel fashion. But so was, that either by his im prisonment in the Gate-house for libel on His Majesty, in the opening or explaining his cabinet letters, an. 1645, or for some
H
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it,
100 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
scorn or affronts put upon him, he forthwith left the blessed cause, and obtaining the favour of a known Royalist to introduce him into His Majesty's presence at Hampton Court, an. 1647, he then and there knelt before him, and desired forgiveness for what he had written against him and his cause, which being readily granted, he kissed His Majesty's hand, and soon after wrote Mercurius Pragmaticus, which being very witty, sati rical against the Presbyterians, and full of loyalty, made him known to, and admired by the bravadoes and wits of those times. But he, being narrowly sought after, left London, and for a time skulked at Minster Lovel, near Binford in Oxfordshire, in the house of Doctor Peter Heylin. At length being found out,
imprisoned in Newgate, and brought into danger of his life, Lenthall, the Speaker of the House of Commons, who knew him and his relations well, and John Bradshaw, President of the High Court of Justice, treated him fairly, and not only got his pardon, but, with promise of rewards and places, persuaded him to change his style once more, meaning for the Independents
then carrying all before them. So that being brought over, he wrote Mercurius Politicus, so extreme contrary to the former, that the generality for a long time, especially the most generous Royalists, could not believe that that intelligence could possibly be written by the same hand that wrote the M. Pragmaticus. The truth is, these last were written for about an year and an half, and were endeavoured by the Parliamenteers to be stifled ; but the former, (the Politici,) which came out by authority, and flew every week into all parts of the nation for ten years, had very great influence upon numbers of inconsiderable persons, such who have a strange presumption that all must needs be
true that is in print. He was then the Goliah of the Philis tines—the great champion of the late usurper, whose pen in comparison of others was like a weaver's beam.
After some further fierce abuse of the tone adopted by Nedham in his political writings, Wood thus con tinues his description of that writer's career :—
In the year 1660, he being conscious to himself that he might be in danger of the halter once more, skulked, (some say
nedham's career. 101
fled into Holland,) till such time as he could get his pardon, or that the act of oblivion should pass. In the mean time were not wanting some forward Loyalists to complain of and write against him. But notwithstanding all verbal and printed com plaints, he, for money given to an hungry courtier,* obtained his pardon under the great seal, which was his defence oftentimes, particularly at Oxford act in 1661, when these several acts upon him in St. Mary's Church to hale him before a justice, and so to prison for treason ; so that I say, being free, and at liberty by reason of that seal, which he several times produced, he exer cised the faculty of physic to his dying day among the brethren, which was a considerable benefit to him. He was a person endowed with quick natural parts, was a good humanitian, poet, and boon droll, and had he been constant to his cavaliering
principles he would have been beloved by, and admired of all ; but being mercenary, and valuing money and sordid interest, rather than conscience, friendship, or love to his prince, was much hated by the Royal party to his last, and many cannot yet endure to hear him spoken of.
Among other works published by Nedham, was Mercurius Britannicus, communicating the Affairs of Great Britain for the better Information of the People. These Mercuries began about the middle of August 1643, and were carried on thence, week by week every Monday, in one sheet, to the latter end of 1646 or beginning of 1647.
Mercurius Pragmaticus, communicating Intelligence from all Parts, touching all Affairs, Designs, Humours and Conditions throughout the Kingdom, especially from Westminster and the Head-quarters. There were two parts of them, and they came out weekly in one sheet in quarto. The former part commenced the 14th September, 1647, and ended the 9th of January, 1648. The other which was entitled Mercurius Pragmaticus, for King Charles the Second, and commenced the 24th April, 1649, but quickly ended. There were now and then other Pragmatici that peeped forth, but they were counterfeit.
* 1659, Aug. 15. Resolved that Marchamont Nedham, gentleman, be, and is hereby, restored to be writer of the Publick Intelligence, as formerly. Journals of the Home of Commons, Vol. VII. , p. 758, Cole.
102 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
Mereurius Politicus. Comprising the Sum of Foreign Intel ligence, with the Affairs now on foot in the three Nations of England, Scotland, and Ireland.
In speaking of Nedham's Mercury, Anthony Wood gives some information about other Newspapers that appeared at the same time and soon afterwards. These statements, it should be borne in mind, come from a cotemporary authority. He says : —
These Mercuries came out weekly, every Wednesday, in two sheets quarto, commencing 9th June, 1649, and ending 6th of June, 1650. At which time, being Thursday, Nedham began again with number 1, from Thursday, June 6 to Thursday, June 13, 1650. Beginning—"Why should not the Commonwealth
****
have a fool as well as the King had his? "
The Mercurii Politici (wherein were many discourses against Monarchy, and in behalf of a free state, especially in those which were before Oliver Cromwell gaped after a supremacy,) were constantly carried on until about the middle of April, 1660, when (as several times before) the author was prohibited by order of the Council of State. By virtue of which order, Henry Muddiman and Giles Dury were authorized to publish their Intelligence under the titles of Parliamentary Intelligencer and Mercurius Publicus, which continued (Dury soon after giving over) till the middle of August, 1663 ; and then Roger L'Estrange published the Intelligence twice every week in quarto sheets,
under the titles of the Public Intelligencer and the News. The first of which came out the 31st August, and the other on the 3rd September, an. 1663. These continued to the 29th January, 1665, at which time L'Estrange desisted, because in November going before, were every other kind of Newspapers published twice every week in half a sheet in folio. These were called The Oxford Gazette, and the first commenced 7th November, 1665, the King and Queen with their Courts being then at Oxon. These for a little time were written, I think, by Henry Muddi man : but when the said courts removed to London, they were entitled and called the London Gazette ; the first of which, that
nedham's antagonists. 103
was published there, came forth on the 5th of February following, the King being then at Whitehall. Soon after, Mr. Joseph Williamson, Under-secretary of State, procured the writing of them for himself; and thereupon employed Charles Perrot, M. A. , and fellow of Oriel College, Oxon, who had a good command of his pen, to do that office under him, and so he did, though not constantly, to about 1671. After which time they were constantly written by under-secretaries belonging to those that are principal, and do continue so to this day.
The Public Intelligencer communicating the chief occurrences and Proceedings within the Dominions of England, Scotland, and Ireland, &c, came out weekly, every Monday, but contained mostly the same matter that was in the Politici*
The animus of this sketch of Nedham and his writings is too apparent to mislead an impartial reader. The damage that his pen had done to the Royal cause explains the feeling manifested against him by a bio grapher, who, being a Royalist, wrote when monarchy was again in the ascendant. The great bulk of Ned- ham's writings were in aid of the popular cause, and those who cried out so loudly about his unprin cipled, though temporary, service on the opposite side, offer us no evidence to show that his pen was not taken up upon compulsion. Yet the acrimony of Wood pursues its victim even beyond the grave, as we
see in the following last notice :—
At length this most seditious, mutable, and railing author, Marchamont Nedham died suddenly in the house of one Kidder, in D'Evreux-Court, near Temple-bar, London, in 1678, and was buried on the 29th November, (being the Vigil of St. Andrew,) at the upper end of the body of the church of St. Clement Danes near the entrance into the chancel. Soon after, that church being pulled down and rebuilt, and the letters on his grave taken away and defaced, you shall have in their place this
* Wood's Athenie Oxoniensis, VoL III.
did you not send over some of these books ?
Imet with him one day accidentally at Amsterdam. —How oft did you see him there ? Twice upon one day. —But did not he send over books ? If he did, it is nothing to me, for his doings are unknown to
such a man. —Where did you see him ?
me. — But he wrote a letter, by your directions, did he not? What he writ over I know no more than you. —But did you see him no where else there? Yes, I saw him at Rotterdam. — What conference had you with him ? Very little ; but why do you ask me all these questions ; these are beside the matter of
I do not know.
—
Who was at
I pray come to the thing for which I am
my imprisonment ; —
accused and imprisoned.
but do belong to the thing for which you are imprisoned.
— had you with Chillington since you came to town ?
you. —How long do you think ?
What speeches I am not
No, these are not beside the business,
But do you know of any that sent over any books ? What other men did, doth not belong to me to know or search into ; sufficient it is for me to look well to my own occasions. —Well, here is the Examination of one Edmund Chillington, do you know such a one ? Yes. —How long have you been acquainted with him ? A little before I went away, but how long I do not certainly know. —Do you know one John Wharton ? No. —Do you not ? he is a hot-presser. I know him, but I do not well remember his other name. —How long have you been acquainted
I cannot well tell
with him, and how came you acquainted ?
I do not know.
A STAK CHAMBER EXAMINATION. 77
bound to tell you : but sir (as I said before) why do you ask me all these questions ? these are nothing pertinent to my imprison ment, for I am not imprisoned for knowing and talking with such and such men, but for sending over Books ; and therefore I am not willing to answer you to any more of these questions
because I
for seeing the things for which I am imprisoned cannot be proved against me, you will get other matter out of my exami nation : and therefore if you will not ask me about the thing laid to my charge, I shall answer no more: but if you will ask of that, I shall then answer you, and do answer that for the thing for which I am imprisoned, which is for sending over books, I am clear, for I sent none ; and of any other matter you have to accuse me of, I know it is warrantable by the law of
see you go about by this Examination to ensnare me :
God, and I think by the law of the land, that I may stand upon myjust defence, and not answer to your interrogatories; and
that my accusers ought to be brought face to face, to justify what they accuse me of. And this is all the answer that for the present I am willing to make: and if you ask me of any more things, I shall answer you with silence. —At this he was exceeding angry, and said, there would be a course taken with me to make me answer. I told him, I did not regard what course they would take with me; only this I desire you to take notice of, that I do not refuse to answer out of any contempt, but only because I am ignorant of what belongs to an Examination, (for this is the first time that ever I was examined ;) and therefore I am unwilling to answer to any impertinent questions, for fear that with my answer I may do myself hurt. — This is not the way to get liberty: I had thought you would have answered punctually, that so you might have been dis
patched as shortly as might be. I have answered punctually to the thing for which I was imprisoned and more I am not bound to answer, and for my liberty I must wait God's time. —You had better answer, for I have two Examinations wherein you are accused. Of what am I accused? —Chillington hath accused you for printing ten or twelve thousand of books in Holland, and that they stand you in about 80/. , and that you had a cham ber at Mr, John Foot's at Delf, where he thinks the books were
78 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
kept, and that you would have printed the " Unmasking of the Mystery of Iniquity," if you could have got a true copy of it. I do not believe that Chillington said any such things; and if he did, I know and am sure, that they are all of them lies. — You received money of Mr. Wharton since you came to town,
I do not say I do not say it was for any, and I have already answered all that for the present I have to answer; and if that will give you content well and good; if not do what you please. —If you will not answer no more (here I
did you not ? What if I did ? —It was for books ?
so. —For what sort of books was it ?
told him, if I had thought he would have insisted upon such im pertinent questions, I would not have given him so many answers) we have power to send you to the place from whence you came. You may do your pleasure, said I. —So he called in anger for my keeper, and gave him a strict charge to look well to me. I said, they should not fear my running away.
And so I was sent down to sir John Banks himself. And after he had read over what his man had writ, he called me in, and said, I perceive you are unwilling to confess the truth.
Lilburn. No sir, I have spoken the truth.
Sir John Banks. This is your Examination is it not? What your man hath writ, I do not know. —Come near, and see that I read it right. Sir, I do not own it for my Examination, your man hath writ what it pleased him, and hath not writ my answer; for my answer was to him, and so it is to you, that for the thing for which I am imprisoned (which is for sending over Books) I am clear, for I did not send any, and for any other matter that is laid to my charge, I know it is warrantable by the law of God, and I think by the law of the land, for me to stand upon my just defence, and that my accusers ought to be brought face to face, to justify what they accuse me of: and this is all that I have to say for the present. —You must set your hand to this your Examination. I beseech you, sir, pardon me, I will set my hand to nothing but what I have now said. — So he took the pen and writ, ' The examined is unwilling to ' to answer to any thing but that for which he is imprisoned. '
Now you will set your hand to it; I am not willing, in regard I do not own that which your man hath writ ; but if it please
ANOTHER STAR CHAMBER SCENE. 79
you to lend me the pen, I will write my answer, and set my hand to it. So he gave me the pen and I begun to write thus: ' The Answer of me, John Lilburn, is,' and here he took the pen from me, and said he could not stay, that was sufficient. Then one of my keepers asked him if they might have me back again? And he said yea; for he had no order for my enlargement.
And about ten or twelve days after, I was had forth to Grays-Inn again; and when I came there, I was had to the Star Chamber office; and being there, as the order is, I must enter my appearance, they told me. I said, To what ? For I was never served with any subpoena; neither was there any bill preferred against me, that I did hear of. One of the clerks told me, I must first be examined, and then sir John would make the bill. It seems they had no grounded matter against me for to write a bill, and therefore they went about to make me betray my own innocency, that so they might ground the bill upon my own words: and at the entrance of my appearance, the clerk and I had a deal of discoure,(the particulars whereof for brevity sake I now omit;) but in the conclusion he de manded money of me, for entering of my appearance: and I told him I was but a young man, and a prisoner, and money was not very plentiful with me, and therefore I would not part with any money upon such terms. Well (said he) if you will not pay your fee, I will dash out your name again. Do what you please
(said I) I care not if you do; so he made complaint to Mr. Goad, the master of the office, that I refused to enter my appearance. And then I was brought before him, and he demanded of me
I told him, I had no business with him, but I was a prisoner in the Fleet, and was sent for, but to whom and to what end I do not know, and therefore if he had nothing
to say to me, I had no business with him. And then one of the clerks said, I was to be examined. Then Mr. Goad said, tender him the book: so I looked another way, as though I did not give ear to what he said; and then he bid me pull off my glove, and lay my hand upon the book. What to do sir P said I. You must swear, said he. To what ? ' That you shall make true ' answer to all things that are asked you. ' 'Must I so, sir ? but before I swear, I will know to what I must swear.
what my business was ?
80 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
As soon as you have sworn, you shall, but not before. —To that I answered sir, I am but a young man, and do not well know what belongs to the nature of an oath, and therefore before I swear, I will be better advised. — Saith he, how old are you ? About 20 years old, I told him. —You have received the Sacra ment, have you not ? Yes, that I have. — And you have heard
the ministers deliver God's word, have you not ?
sermons. Well then, you know the holy Evangelists ? Yes, that I do. — But, sir, though I have received the Sacrament, and have heard sermons, yet it doth not therefore follow that I am bound to take an oath, which I doubt of the lawfulness of. — Look you here, said he (and with that he opened the book), we desire you to swear by no foreign thing, but to swear by the
I ques tion how lawful it is for me to swear to I do not know what.
So some of the clerks began to reason with me, and told me every one took that oath : and would I be wiser than all other
I told them, it made no matter to me what other men
men ?
do ; but before I swear, I will know better grounds and reasons than other men's practices, to convince me of the lawfulness of such an oath, to swear I do not know to what. — So Mr. Goad bid them hold their peace, he was not to convince any man's conscience of the lawfulness of but only to offer and tender it. Will you take or no, saith he Sir, will be better ad vised first Whereupon there was messenger sent to sir John Banks, to certify him, that would not take the Star Chamber oath and also to know of him what should be done with me. So looked should be committed close prisoner, or worse. And about an hour after came Mr. Cockshey, Sir John's chief clerk What, said he, Mr. Lilburn, seems you will not take your Oath, to make true answer told him, would be better advised before took such an oath. Well then, saith he, you must go from whence you came.
Upon Friday the 9th of February, in the morning, one of the officers of the Fleet came to my chamber, and bid me get up and make me ready to go to the Star Chamber Bar forthwith.
having no time to fit myself, made me ready in all haste to go.
I have heard
holy Evangelists. —Sir, I do not doubt or question that ; —
I
;
I;
I
I
it
? I it I
a ? I
it,
: I
lilburn's defence. 81
To detail the proceedings before the Star Chamber would only be to repeat again the scene of intolerant and glaring injustice enacted in the case of Prynn,
and others. Lilburn refused to be sworn ; he loudly protested his innocence of the offence charged against him, and there is every reason to believe that he spoke the truth. When heard in his defence, he said :—
It seems there were divers Books sent out of Holland, which came to the hands of one Edmund Chillington, who made this Affidavit against us ; and as I understand, he delivered divers of these Books unto one John Chilburne, servant to this old man Mr. Wharton; and his master being in prison, he dispersed divers of them for the foresaid Chillington's use ; whereupon the Books were taken in his custody : he being found dispersing of them, goes to one Smith, a taylor, in Bridewell, (as I am in formed) and desires him to get his peace made with the bishops. Whereupon he covenants with some of the bishops' creatures to betray me into their hands, being newly come out of Holland, which, (as he said,) did send over these Books. So, my Lords, he having purchased his own liberty, lays the plot for betraying
me, and I was taken by a pursuivant and four others of his as sistants, walking in the streets with the foresaid John Chilburne, who had laid and contrived the plot before (as I am able to to make good. )
The sentence of the Court was, that Wharton should be fined £500, be pilloried, and imprisoned ; whilst Lilburn, "being a young man, for example sake, should have some corporal punishment" inflicted upon him. It was ordered, therefore, that he should be whipped before he was put into the pillory; and that, like his fellow-sufferer, he should be fined £500, and imprisoned.
The orders of the Court were rigorously obeyed.
Lilburn was whipped through the streets from the VOL. I. G
82 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
Fleet Prison, along the Strand to the pillory, which had been set up between Westminster Hall gate and the Star Chamber close by. As the cart drew him along he repeated Scripture texts, and talked enthusi astically to the people. * When the flogging was over, and he was untied from the cart at Westminster, he was taken into a tavern to await the remainder of the punishment : and here let him again tell his own
tale :—
I was cruelly whipped through the streets to Westminster,
and at the last came to the pillory, where I was unloosed from the cart, and having put on some of my clothes, went to the tavern, where I staid a pretty while waiting for my surgeon, who was not yet come to dress me ; where were many of my friends, who exceedingly rejoiced to see my courage, that the Lord had enabled me to undergo my punishment so willingly.
I had a desire to retire into a private room from the multi tude of people that were about me, which made me like to faint; I had not been there long, but Mr. Lightbourne, the tipstaff of the Star Chamber, came unto me, saying, the Lords sent him to me to know if I would acknowledge myself to be in fault, and then he knew what to say unto me. To whom I replied, Have their honours caused me to be whipped from the Fleet to West minster, and do they now send to know if I will acknowledge a fault ? They should have done this before I had been whipped ; for now, seeing I have undergone the greatest part of my punishment, I hope the Lord will assist me to go through it all : and beside, if I would have done this at the first, I needed not to have come to this : but as I told the Lords when I was before them at the bar, so I desire you to tell them again, that I am
not conscious to myself of doing any thing that deserves a sub mission, but yet I do willingly submit to their Lordships' plea sures in my censure. He told me, if I would confess my fault, it would save me a standing in the pillory : otherwise, I must undergo the burthen of it.
•State Trials, Vol. III. , p. 1328.
LILBURN IN THE PILLORY. S3 Well, said I, I regard not a little outward disgrace for the
I have found already that sweetness in him
cause of my God ;
in whom I have believed, that through his strength I am able to undergo any thing that shall be inflicted on me : but me- thinks that I had very hard measure, that I should be con demned and thus punished upon two oaths, in which the party has most falsely forsworn himself ; and because I would not take an oath to betray mine own innocence. Why, Paul found more mercy from the heathen Roman Governors, for they would not put him to an oath to accuse himself, but suffered him to make the best defence he could for himself: neither would they con demn him, before his accusers and he were brought face to face, to justify, and fully to prove their accusation : but the Lords have not dealt so with me, for my accusers and I were never brought face to face, to justify their accusation against me. It is true, two false oaths were sworn against me, and I was thereupon condemned ; and because I would not accuse myself. And so he went away, and I prepared myself for the pillory, to which I went with a joyful courage ; and when I was upon it, I made obeisance to the Lords, some of them, as I suppose, look ing out at the Star Chamber window towards me. And so I put my neck into the hole, which being a great deal too low for me, it was very painful to me, in regard of continuance of the time that I stood on the pillory, which was about two hours ; my back being also very sore, and the sun shining so exceed ing hot, and the tipstaff-man not suffering me to keep on my hat to defend my head from the heat of the sun, so that I stood there in great pain : yet through the strength of my God I underwent it with courage, to the very last minute.
When in the pillory he addressed the people, affirm ing his innocence; pointing out how his accuser had committed perjury; and then went on to denounce the Bishops, and to applaud Prynn, Bastwick, and Burton, as martyrs who had suffered on the same spot. He described the Church as descended from that of
Rome, and interwove his speech with texts and Scrip G2
84 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
tural allusions, which met hearty sympathy from many of the assembled multitude gathered near the spot. Gradually his discourse grew into a complete sermon on the times :—
It is true I am a young man, and no scholar, according to that which the world counts scholarship, yet I have obtained mercy of the Lord to be faithful, and he, by a Divine Provi dence, hath brought me hither this day ; and I speak to you in the name of the Lord, being assisted with the spirit and power of the God of heaven and earth : and I speak not the words of rashness or inconsiderateness, but the words of soberness and mature deliberation ; for I did consult with my God, before I came hither, and desired him that he would direct and enable me to speak that which might be for his glory and the good of his people. And as I am a soldier, fighting under the banner of the great and mighty Captain the Lord Jesus Christ ; and so I look for that crown of immortality, which one day I know shall be set upon my temples, being in the condition that I am in, I dare not hold my peace, but speak unto you with boldness in the might and strength of my God, the things which the Lord in mercy hath made known unto my soul, come life, come death.
This mode of speech found more favour with the crowd than with those who had ordered Lilburn's
punishment, and at this point he was interrupted in a way he himself thus describes : —
When I was hereabout, there came a fat lawyer, I do not know his name, and commanded me to hold my peace, and leave my preaching. To whom I replied and said, Sir, I will not hold my peace, but speak my mind freely, though I be hanged at Tyburn for my pains. It seems he himself was galled and touched, as the lawyers were in Christ's time, when he spake against the Scribes and Pharisees, which made them say, " Master, in saying thus thou revilestus also. " So he went his way, and I think complained to the Lords.
THE OPEN-SPEAKER GAGGED. S5
Lilburn went on with his discourse for a while, and scattered some forbidden books among the people. The effect upon the throng was evident. He was gain ing applause instead of derision. The Star Chamber was being bearded on its own portal, and a messenger came a second time to command him to be silent. " I will speak and declare my cause and mind, though I be hanged at that gate for speaking. " He was threatened with a second flogging as he stood in the pillory, but he was not to be daunted.
So the Warden of the Fleet caused proclamation to be made
upon the pillory, for bringing to him the Books : so then he
commanded me to be gagged, and if I spake any more, that
then Ishould be whipt again upon the pillory. —So Iremained
about an hour and a half gagged, being intercepted of much
matter, which by God's assistance Iintended to have spoken.
And when I was to come down, having taken my head out of the pillory, I looked about me upon the people, and said, ' I am more than a conqueror through him that hath loved ' me. ' * * And so Icame down and was had back again to the tavern, where I, together with Mr. Wharton, staid a while, till one went to the Warden to know what should be done with me, who gave order we should be carried back again to the Fleet. —After I came back to the prison, none were suffered to come to me, but the surgeon.
A cruel imprisonment of more than two years fol lowed. He was laid in irons, was kept almost without food, and, when suffering from a fever thus induced, was refused the succour of friends or the help of ser vants, "so that if he had not been relieved by stealth of his fellow-prisoners," he must have died. *
* Lilburn afterwards became an enthusiastic republican, and dis played an unconquerable spirit that bore him through the difficulties of a chequered and adventurous life. He fought on the side of the
**
80 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
Whilst Lilburn lay in gaol, great changes were in progress throughout the country. King Charles had by this time embroiled himself to a most dangerous extent on all sides. In Scotland he had attempted
to coerce the people into an unpopular religious ob servance, and had found, when it was too late, that the people of that country, when they came to a mental resolve, were not to be deluded by regal cajolery, or to be frightened by a display of regal anger. To them the question of a liturgy was a question of duty to their God, which they dared to think more important than fealty to an earthly King. The popular feeling could find no expression and no safety-valve in a Newspaper, and could be shown through the press only in a book. Such publications did not fail to appear, and to be read. The arm of authority was stretched out to stay the printed thoughts, —three proclamations were issued,* all of an unpopular character, the third being directed against a certain "seditious book," which was ordered to be suppressed. This brought affairs to a crisis. A tumult arose in Edinburgh ; three hundred women, attended, says Carte, by " a rabble of men," sought to tear the authors of the obnoxious ordinances
Parliament in the chief battles of the Civil War ; at Brentford he was taken prisoner, and narrowly escaped the gallows; at Marston Moor he led a regiment of dragoons very gallantly, and at the conclu sion of the strife of the sword he wielded a pen. His opinions sub sequently got him into gaol on a charge of contempt, and he was brought before the House of Lords for that offence. He contrived, even whilst in gaol, to publish a pamphlet. The courage that availed him in the pillory did not fail him afterwards. He was tried for accus ing Cromwell and Ireton of treason ; but his defence was so clever, that he obtained an acquittal. He died in 1657.
* Oct. 17. See Carte's History of England, p. 141-2.
PUBLIC SYMPATHY AND EXCITEMENT. 87
to pieces, and the noblemen and priests who assembled in the Scottish city to suppress the people's thirst for freedom of conscience and thought, had a narrow
escape for their lives.
The friends of Prynn, Bastwick, and Burton were
also active, though not so violent as their Scottish brethren.
These writers had been confined in prisons in this country, but the number of their sympathizers increased so rapidly that the King's advisers thought it best to remove them to more distant places of security ; and they were accordingly taken to gaols across the sea.
Prynn was sent to a castle in Jersey, and Burton to Guernsey, but their absence did not effect the pur pose the king had in view, for the obnoxious opinions were nourished in silence only to display their real strength when a favourable opportunity arose. The wives and other relatives of the condemned writers led the van of those who sought their emancipation. The power of the supreme court—the Star Chamber— no man, however bold, had yet ventured to impeach;* but the sentence of that authority, it was urged, had
consigned Prynn and his companions to some prison in England or Wales; it was the Lords of the Council who had selected more distant places of incarceration. This change in the mode of carrying out the Star Chamber decision was declared to be a violation of it. Meanwhile, the King's difficulties in Scotland compelled him to be more conciliating towards the Parliament ; and he promised, if they agreed to his demands for
money to help him against the Scotch, he would give * Clarendon, Hist, of Rebellion, Vol. 159.
I. , p.
88 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
the Commons of England satisfaction in their just demands. All this was thought to augur well; but a hasty and ill-advised dissolution of the Parliament soon made affairs worse than ever. Troubles grew on all sides, and murmurs were rising audibly in all parts of the kingdom. Money was the Monarch's great want, and, in the hope of getting he summoned the memorable Parliament that met on the 3rd of Nov.
1640—as proved, to sit so long and to do so much. Soon after they assembled, the friends of Prynn, aided the pressure from without, induced the speaker to
issue his warrant " to the Governors and Captains of the several Castles, to bring their prisoners in safe custody to London. "
Now the feelings of the people were displayed, as Clarendon bears witness and such witness, hating Prynn and his opinions, may well be relied on not to exaggerate the favour shown to the released writers. " Prynn and Burton," says the Chancellor, " being neighbours, though in distinct islands, landed at the same time at Southampton, where they were received, and entertained with extraordinary demonstrations of affection and esteem attended marvellous conflux of company; and their charges not only borne with great magnificence, but liberal presents given to them.
And this method and ceremony kept them company
all their journey; great herds of people meeting them at their entrance into all towns, and waiting upon them out, with wonderful acclamations of joy. When they came near London multitudes of people of several conditions, some on horseback, others on foot, met them some miles from the town, very many having
;
by a
it,
;
a
by
it
TRIUMPHANT RETURN OF PRYNN. 89
been a day's journey; and they were brought, about two of the clock in the afternoon, in at Charing Cross, and carried into the City by above ten thousand persons with boughs and flowers in their hands, the common people strewing flowers and herbs in the ways as they passed, making great noise and expressions of joy for their deliverance and return, and in those acclamations mingling loud and virulent exclamations against the Bishops who had so cruelly prosecuted such godly men. In the same manner, within five or six days after, and in like triumph, Dr. Bastwick returned from Silley, landing at Dover, and from thence, bringing the same testimonies of the affections and zeal of Kent as the others had done from Hampshire and Surrey, was met before he came to Southwark by the good people of London, and so conducted to his lodging likewise in the City. "*
This great and unmistakeable demonstration of
wide-spread sympathy for men who had been im prisoned because they were popular writers, was not without further results. Prynn was elected a Member of Parliament for Newport ; the abuses of the irrespon sible Court that had condemned him were again brought prominently forward; and when the King, humbled by the difficulties which his mode of govern ment had accumulated about him, came again to the
* Prynn, like Lilburn and Knightley, when opportunity offered, returned good for evil, by an exhibition of tolerance when their enemies required it. Prynn spoke in the House of Commons in favour of Charles the First, when such a course was eminently dangerous. After the Restoration, the author of the philippic against plays and players was made keeper of the records by the very King who was so great a patron of the stage and its immoralities. He died in 1669.
90 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
Parliament for aid, that Parliament gave in a list of grievances for redress. Prominent in the catalogue was the obnoxious tribunal that had done so much injustice ; the King yielded ; and in February 1641 the Star Chamber, to the great joy of all good men, was abolished !
This was the first great step tOIS'jdg. lhsJ-'^ty^L- t^fiJJflS^ in England, and no sooner had it been taken than the Newspapers began to print English News and to discuss English affairs. But the Parliament did not content themselves with abolishing the Star
Chamber: they openly placed their legislative con- ductLififbie the people for scrutiny, by allowing the publication of reports of their proceedings. These
were first issued under the title of T) turn at. Occurrences In Parliament, and were continued from November the 3rd, 1641, tffl'fhe Restoration put an end, for a time, to a custom so dangerous to despotism.
In the British Museum Collection we find the pro ceedings of the earlier days of the Long Parliament printed in a volume; but numbers of the separate pamphlets and Newspapers may be seen. Here is the title page of one :—
Diurnal Occurrences, or the heads of several proceedings in both Houses of Parliament, from the 13th of December to the 20th of the same, 1641. Wherein they concluded what English and Scottish forces, both of horse and foot, shall speedily be sent for Ireland &c.
This early Newspaper report of Parliamentary pro ceedings contains six small quarto pages, besides the title, and has for imprint the royal arms, with the
reports
OLD NEWSPAPERS IN THE MUSEUM. 91
initials C. 11. Subsequent publications are to be seen with the heading " Speeches and passages of this great and happy Parliament. "
Our national library is rich in printed memorials of this important period of our history. In the basement story (not to call it the cellar) of the British Museum, the visitor who has the good fortune to gain admission to the place finds our English national collection of political
more than a thousand yards of shelving are there stored with volumes of Newspapers. The earliest in date are small meagre-looking octavos and quartos ; and as the eye ranges in the half-obscured light along the laden shelves, from the corner where these primitive sheets of the time of James the First and Charles the First now stand, the volumes are seen growing in size and number as their dates rise, until the journals of one county in our time are found exceeding in bulk and completeness the whole Newspaper literature of the Kingdom during an entire century of its earlier existence. These files of old Papers excite a strange feeling. Few things are sought with more eagerness, and few things are sooner cast aside as worthless, than a Newspaper ; yet still fewer are more interesting than a file of such old prints. Look into them. You see the aspects, and hear (as some one says) the very hum of a past life. In history we have the experience of a
told in its results, its events ; the indi viduals are lost in the consideration of their epoch; but in an old volume of Newspapers you have the past generation telling their own story; breathing, as it were, their every-day life into print —confessing to the
generation
journals. Certainly
92 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
future the deeds of their own hour. In these Museum vaults the papers least imposing in outward aspect are perhaps the most important. Some of those, so small and so poorly printed that they become contemp tible in appearance when compared with the broad sheets of our day, have nevertheless a deep interest from matter they contain. In one we have the death of Hampden told, others describe the executions of men whose namesare now so prominent in history, and as we go on in the search, we find, one by one,
notices of all the great events of the great civil war. *
*The "London's Intelligencer, or Truth impartially related from thence to the whole Kingdome to prevent mis-information," has the following account of the execution of Archbishop Laud :—
"Thursday, January 16, 1644. —On Friday last, Jann 10, (about twelve a clocke) the Archbishop of Canterbury was brought from the Tower, attended by the Lieutenant and Officers belonging thereunto. At his comming he made his last Sermon or ultimum vale on the Scaf fold, upon the conclusion whereof and of two short prayers, and the saying of these words, Lord receive my spirit, the Executioner parted his head from his body at one stroke. A cloud attended the time of execution, but the Sun was splendent as soone as his head was off.
cotemporary
" The fancies or conjectures of the multitude concerning this break ing forth of the Sunne are various, and are formed according to the severall dispositions of the persons framing ; (although for my owne part I cannot looke upon it as any matter extraordinary) yet for the satisfaction of some I shall briefly mention three of the most probable and rationall publique conjectures.
" That which was brought by the Episcopall and malignant party was — That the Sun did before ( as abhorring such an act) hide itselfe in a cloud till the act was done, and then shone forth in its lustre.
"Asecond (and those the more moderate and well-affected party observed) — That the Sun, immediately after his Execution shone forth in much brightnesse, as rejoycing and triumphing to behold such an exem plary and necessary act of justice inflicted upon so eminent and notorious
a delinquent.
thomasson's collection. 93
The papers produced by Butter and his cotempo- raries scarcely fill one short shelf in the great Museum
collection, but the library is abundantly supplied with pamphlets and journals of a somewhat later date.
From 1640 till the Restoration of Charles the Se cond nearly thirty thousand journals, pamphlets, and papers were published. The press during its first freedom had perhaps allowed that liberty to run into licence —it had literally rioted in production. Fortu nately for history, a Mr. Thomasson, who lived through the stormy period of the Civil War and the Common wealth, was induced to make a collection of everything that issued from the press during his time. He ob tained a copy of each pamphlet and stray sheet that
" A third party — That it did portend or prognosticate, that the light of the Gospett that hath been heretofore so much eclypsed by the interpo sition of this Archbishop and his instruments should now be displayed and discover itselfe in its beauty and brightnesse.
" I shall leave the issue of these conjectures or constructions to the omnipotent and omniscient Disposer of all things, and shall now trouble you no more with his quondam little Grace of Canterbury, than this : That as in his life time (usque ad momentum mortis) he had contented himselfe with set formes and models, his prayer which he said imme diately after his speech on the Scaffold being before penned and con trived by himselfe ; so he wanted not an ocean or deluge of common prayer to waft him to his place. The prayers were rehearsed, and also an oration concerning his death was made by one Fletcher, at his interring in Barking Church, neere Tower-MU, the same day. "
The Weekly Intelligencer refers to Hampden's death :—
"The loss of Colonel Hampden goeth near the heart of every man that loves the good of his King and Country, and makes some conceive little content to be at the army now that he is gone. The memory of this deceased colonel is such, that in no age to come but it will more and more be had in honour and esteem : a man so religious, and of that prudence, judgment, temper, valour, and integrity, that he hath left few his like behind. "
94 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
was procurable, and this store of valuable evidences on the events and feelings of a remarkable era is now safely housed in the British Museum. The story of how this collection was made, and for whom;* how
* The following memorandum, relative to this collection of News papers, books, and pamphlets, is from the curious autograph in the first volume of the Catalogue :—
"A Complete Collection of Books and Pamphlets Begun in the year 1640, by the Special Command of King Charles the First of Blessed Memory, and continued to the happy Restoration of the Government, and the Coronation of King Charles the Second. There hath been very much money disbursed, and great Pains taken, and many Hazards run, in making an exact Collection of all the Pamphlets that were published from the Beginning of that Long and Rebel-Par liament, which began November 1640, till His late Majestie's Happy Restauration and Coronation, consisting of near Thirty Thousand several Sorts, and by all Parties. They may be of very great Use to any Gentleman concerned in Publick Affairs, both for this Present, and After- Ages, there being not the like in the World, neither is it possible
to make such a Collection. The Collection contains above Two Thou sand bound Volumes, all of them uniformly bound, as if they were done at one Time, and all exactly Marked and Numbered. The Method that has been observed, is Time, and such punctual Care was taken, that the very Day is written upon most of them, when they came out. The Catalogue of them fairly written, is in Twelve Volumes in Folio ; and though the Number of them be so great, (when the Books are set in their order according to the Mark set upon each of them) the smallest Piece, though but one Sheet of Paper, being shown in the Catalogue, may be found in a moment ; which method is of singular use to the Reader. In the whole are contain' d near one Hundred general MS. Pieces that were never printed, all, or most of them on the King's
behalf, which no man durst then venture to publish without endanger ing his Ruine. But the Peruser now may by them be let into the Knowledge of many Occurrences in those Times, which have pass'd hitherto unobseiVd. This Collection was so privately carried on, that it was never known that there was such a Design in hand ; the Collector designing them only for His Majestie's Use that then was : His Ma
jesty having occasion for a Pamphlet, could no where compass the Sight of it but from him, which His Majesty having perused, was very
FIRST PUBLICATION OF THE DEBATES. 95
King Charles the First was to have paid for but by his unhappy fate was prevented from fulfilling his contract; how, through manifold dangers, the books were saved from destruction how the restored King, Charles the Second, allowed the widow of the collector to go unrewarded, and to seek another purchaser for these rare documents gathered together for his prede cessor; and how, finally, George the Third obtained the volumes, and gave them to the Museum, story that has been often told.
With this previous reference to the existing copies of Newspapers of the time we speak of, let us return to the period when the Parliament first offered their pro-
well pleased with the Design, and commanded Person of Honour to restore with his own Hands, and withall express' His desire of hav ing the Collection continued This was the great Encouragement to the Undertaker, who had otherwise desisted prosecuting so difficult and chargeable Work, which lay heavy Burden upon himself and his
Servants for above Twenty Years. To prevent the Discovery of them, when the Army was Northwards, he pack'd them up in several Trunks, and by one or two in Week sent them to trusty Friend in Surry, who safely preserVd them; and when the Army was Westward, and fearing their Return that way they were sent to London again but the Col lector durst not keep them, but sent them into Essex, and so according as they lay near Danger, still, by timely removing them, at great
Charge, secur'd them, but continu'd perfecting the Work. And for farther Security to them, there was bargain pretended to be made with the University of Oxford, and Receipt of Thousand Pounds given and acknowledge to be in part for them, that the Usurper had found them out, the University should claim them, who had Greater Power to struggle for them than private man. All these Shifts have been made, and Difficulties encounter'dto Keep the Collection from be ing embezell'd and destroy' which with the great Charges of collect ing and binding them, cost the Undertaker so much, that he refused Four Thousand Pounds for them in his Life time, supposing that Sum not sufficient to re-imburse him. "
;d
a
: a
if
a ad
is a
a a
a ;
;
it a
aa; a
it,
90 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
ceedings for the consideration of the nation through the medium of the press.
The publication of Parliamentary debates was an im mense concession towards popular liberty, since it was an admission that the people had a right to know and to canvass the conduct of their representatives. This virtual admission produced a host of pamphlets and Newspapers; and, as the contest between the Throne and the Parliament became more fierce, both sides, as we have already said, caUedjn_the„ aid of the press, and by its_meaaa_ appealed to the nation for support. Men of all ranks were now asked to do what had been before forbidden : they were asked to read controversial writings, in which the political points at issue between Royalists and Roundheads were canvassed, and News papers multiplied ; the most popular title for such publications being Mercury. This name was used, as we have seen, in one of Butter's Newspapers ; and now that English politics were no longer forbidden, Mercurius Britannicus rose from the imprint of the Weekly News to be the heading of a popular journal. There would seem to have been either a lamentable want of originality or a very great affection for the word Mercurius, for we find it used by both parties, and with various additions, some of them curious enough: — Mercurius Fumigosus, Mercurius Veridicus, Mercurius Pragmaticus, Mercurius Politicus, Mercurius Rusticus, Mercurius Aulicus, are amongst the Newspaper titles of this period ; and when one of these became successful, other journalists seem at times to have appropriated the fortunate cognomen without hesitation. Each
army is said to have had a printing press in its baggage
THE DESTRUCTION OF MANUSCRIPTS. 97
train, and the belligerents used lead in types with almost as much zeal as they employed it in bullets—firing pamphlets when not employed in firing cannon-shot. *
* One natural effect of the introduction of News-books and News
papers, and cheap volumes on various subjects, was to complete a work
of destruction which the si^gressioa. . p^jssjj^oiig^ougeir^^ begun. The manuscripts which had been stored up for generations were now regarded as little more than waste parchment. This havoc has been thus described in Aubrey's History of Wiltshire : — " The fashion then was to save the ferules of their books with a false cover of parchment scilicet old manuscript, which I was too young to understand; but I was pleased with the elegance ofthe writing, and the coloured initial letters. I remember the rector here, Mr. William Stump, great-grandson of the clothier of Malmsbury, had several manuscripts of the Abbey. He was a proper man, and a good fellow, and when he brewed a barrel of special ale, his use was to stop the bung-hole under the clay with a sheet of manuscript. He said nothing did it so well, which methought did grieve me then to see. Afterwards, I went to school to Dr. Latimer, at Leigh Delamar, the next parish, where was the like use of covering of books. In my grandfather's days, the manuscripts flew about like butterflies: all music books, account books, copy books, &c, were covered with old manuscripts, as we cover them now with blue paper or marbled paper. And the glovers at Malmsbury made great havoc of them, and gloves were wrapped up no doubt in many good pieces of
antiquity. Before the late wars, a world of rare manuscripts perished hereabout ; for within half a dozen miles of this place was the Abbey of Malmsbury, where it may be presumed the library was as well fur nished with choice copies as most libraries of England; and perhaps in this library we might have found a correct Pliny's Natural History, which Cauntus, a monk, here did abridge for King Henry the Second. Within the aforesaid compass were Broadstock Priory, Stanley Abbey, Farleigh Abbey, Bath Abbey, eight miles, and Cirencester Abbey, twelve miles. Anno 1638, I was transplanted to Blandford school, in Dorset, to Mr. William Sutton. Here also was the use of covering of books with old parchments, leases, &c. ; but I never saw anything of a manuscript there. Hereabout were no abbeys or convents for men. One may also perceive by the binding of old books how the old manu scripts went to wreck in those days. About 1647, I went to Parson
Stump, out of curiosity to see his manuscripts, whereof I had seen some VOL. I. H
98 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
Between one and two hundred of these partizan
Newpapers, which appeared after the meeting of the Long Parliament and before the Restoration, may yet be seen. Their contents show how unscrupulously their editors attacked all opponents. The writers were men originally in various ranks of life, who had been drawn to the task by the requirements of the times, and some of them cut so prominent a figure that their names be came public property, and their lives found a chronicler in Anthony Wood. One of these was Marchamont Nedham, who took up a pen for the double purpose of helping the popular cause, and making Newspaper writing a source of income. He plied his self-imposed task most industriously for several years ; but the changes of those perilous times appear to have thrown him into the power of the Royalist party, and, probably to save his neck, he wrote for a while in favour of those who held him in duresse. When opportunity served, however, he returned to his original camp, and wrought constantly and faithfully for the Commonwealth, until the Restoration, when his pen was soon relinquished for the pestle and mortar. The change in his politics, however, though but for a season, has been regarded as sufficient to condemn him to something very like infamy, though such changes were sufficiently common amongst politicians, divines, and soldiers, in the times when Nedham lived. The facts handed down to us about this early and prolific Newspaper writer were
in my childhood; but by that time they were lost and disperst. His sons were gunners and soldiers, and scoured their guns with them; but he showed me several old deeds granted by the lord abbots, with their seals annexed. "
MARCHAMONT NEDHAM. 99
collected by Anthony Wood, whilst Nedham's name was yet fresh in the public mind ; and, not forgetting the strong political bias of the biographer, we may glean from his descriptions a more favourable account of this scribe than the author of the Athense Oxoni-
ensis would have us entertain. Nedham was born at Burford in Oxfordshire, in 1620, and was sent for education to Oxford, where he took a degree. His subsequent career is thus sketched by his political opponent :—
At length, being invited to London, he had conferred upon him an usher's place in Merchant Taylors' School, but how long he continued there I cannot justly tell. Sure it is that, upon the change of the times, he became an under clerk in Grey's Inn, where, by virtue of a good legible court hand, he obtained a comfortable subsistence. Soon after, siding with the rout and scum of the people, he made them weekly sport by railing at all that is noble in his intelligence called Mercurius Britannicus, wherein his endeavours were to sacrifice the fame of some lord or person of quality, nay of the King himself, to the beast with many heads. Diego writeth that Barceus meeting with the Devil sitting at his ease upon a chair bid him rise up and give place to his betters. The tale was moralized in Britannicus, who might very well have challenged the precedency of Satan, to have thrust him out of his chair, the seat of the scornful ; where he sate several years, and outrailed all the Shimeis and Rabsekebs, and out-railed all the Simmiasses and Pseudolusses that ever sate in that chair. So that this Nedham being become
popular, and an active man in person among the rout, he was commonly called Captain Nedham of Grey's Inn, and what he said or wrote was looked upon as gospel. About that time he studied physic: followed the chemical way; and, by 1645, began to practice and by that and his writing maintained himself in very genteel fashion. But so was, that either by his im prisonment in the Gate-house for libel on His Majesty, in the opening or explaining his cabinet letters, an. 1645, or for some
H
2
a it
it,
100 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
scorn or affronts put upon him, he forthwith left the blessed cause, and obtaining the favour of a known Royalist to introduce him into His Majesty's presence at Hampton Court, an. 1647, he then and there knelt before him, and desired forgiveness for what he had written against him and his cause, which being readily granted, he kissed His Majesty's hand, and soon after wrote Mercurius Pragmaticus, which being very witty, sati rical against the Presbyterians, and full of loyalty, made him known to, and admired by the bravadoes and wits of those times. But he, being narrowly sought after, left London, and for a time skulked at Minster Lovel, near Binford in Oxfordshire, in the house of Doctor Peter Heylin. At length being found out,
imprisoned in Newgate, and brought into danger of his life, Lenthall, the Speaker of the House of Commons, who knew him and his relations well, and John Bradshaw, President of the High Court of Justice, treated him fairly, and not only got his pardon, but, with promise of rewards and places, persuaded him to change his style once more, meaning for the Independents
then carrying all before them. So that being brought over, he wrote Mercurius Politicus, so extreme contrary to the former, that the generality for a long time, especially the most generous Royalists, could not believe that that intelligence could possibly be written by the same hand that wrote the M. Pragmaticus. The truth is, these last were written for about an year and an half, and were endeavoured by the Parliamenteers to be stifled ; but the former, (the Politici,) which came out by authority, and flew every week into all parts of the nation for ten years, had very great influence upon numbers of inconsiderable persons, such who have a strange presumption that all must needs be
true that is in print. He was then the Goliah of the Philis tines—the great champion of the late usurper, whose pen in comparison of others was like a weaver's beam.
After some further fierce abuse of the tone adopted by Nedham in his political writings, Wood thus con tinues his description of that writer's career :—
In the year 1660, he being conscious to himself that he might be in danger of the halter once more, skulked, (some say
nedham's career. 101
fled into Holland,) till such time as he could get his pardon, or that the act of oblivion should pass. In the mean time were not wanting some forward Loyalists to complain of and write against him. But notwithstanding all verbal and printed com plaints, he, for money given to an hungry courtier,* obtained his pardon under the great seal, which was his defence oftentimes, particularly at Oxford act in 1661, when these several acts upon him in St. Mary's Church to hale him before a justice, and so to prison for treason ; so that I say, being free, and at liberty by reason of that seal, which he several times produced, he exer cised the faculty of physic to his dying day among the brethren, which was a considerable benefit to him. He was a person endowed with quick natural parts, was a good humanitian, poet, and boon droll, and had he been constant to his cavaliering
principles he would have been beloved by, and admired of all ; but being mercenary, and valuing money and sordid interest, rather than conscience, friendship, or love to his prince, was much hated by the Royal party to his last, and many cannot yet endure to hear him spoken of.
Among other works published by Nedham, was Mercurius Britannicus, communicating the Affairs of Great Britain for the better Information of the People. These Mercuries began about the middle of August 1643, and were carried on thence, week by week every Monday, in one sheet, to the latter end of 1646 or beginning of 1647.
Mercurius Pragmaticus, communicating Intelligence from all Parts, touching all Affairs, Designs, Humours and Conditions throughout the Kingdom, especially from Westminster and the Head-quarters. There were two parts of them, and they came out weekly in one sheet in quarto. The former part commenced the 14th September, 1647, and ended the 9th of January, 1648. The other which was entitled Mercurius Pragmaticus, for King Charles the Second, and commenced the 24th April, 1649, but quickly ended. There were now and then other Pragmatici that peeped forth, but they were counterfeit.
* 1659, Aug. 15. Resolved that Marchamont Nedham, gentleman, be, and is hereby, restored to be writer of the Publick Intelligence, as formerly. Journals of the Home of Commons, Vol. VII. , p. 758, Cole.
102 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
Mereurius Politicus. Comprising the Sum of Foreign Intel ligence, with the Affairs now on foot in the three Nations of England, Scotland, and Ireland.
In speaking of Nedham's Mercury, Anthony Wood gives some information about other Newspapers that appeared at the same time and soon afterwards. These statements, it should be borne in mind, come from a cotemporary authority. He says : —
These Mercuries came out weekly, every Wednesday, in two sheets quarto, commencing 9th June, 1649, and ending 6th of June, 1650. At which time, being Thursday, Nedham began again with number 1, from Thursday, June 6 to Thursday, June 13, 1650. Beginning—"Why should not the Commonwealth
****
have a fool as well as the King had his? "
The Mercurii Politici (wherein were many discourses against Monarchy, and in behalf of a free state, especially in those which were before Oliver Cromwell gaped after a supremacy,) were constantly carried on until about the middle of April, 1660, when (as several times before) the author was prohibited by order of the Council of State. By virtue of which order, Henry Muddiman and Giles Dury were authorized to publish their Intelligence under the titles of Parliamentary Intelligencer and Mercurius Publicus, which continued (Dury soon after giving over) till the middle of August, 1663 ; and then Roger L'Estrange published the Intelligence twice every week in quarto sheets,
under the titles of the Public Intelligencer and the News. The first of which came out the 31st August, and the other on the 3rd September, an. 1663. These continued to the 29th January, 1665, at which time L'Estrange desisted, because in November going before, were every other kind of Newspapers published twice every week in half a sheet in folio. These were called The Oxford Gazette, and the first commenced 7th November, 1665, the King and Queen with their Courts being then at Oxon. These for a little time were written, I think, by Henry Muddi man : but when the said courts removed to London, they were entitled and called the London Gazette ; the first of which, that
nedham's antagonists. 103
was published there, came forth on the 5th of February following, the King being then at Whitehall. Soon after, Mr. Joseph Williamson, Under-secretary of State, procured the writing of them for himself; and thereupon employed Charles Perrot, M. A. , and fellow of Oriel College, Oxon, who had a good command of his pen, to do that office under him, and so he did, though not constantly, to about 1671. After which time they were constantly written by under-secretaries belonging to those that are principal, and do continue so to this day.
The Public Intelligencer communicating the chief occurrences and Proceedings within the Dominions of England, Scotland, and Ireland, &c, came out weekly, every Monday, but contained mostly the same matter that was in the Politici*
The animus of this sketch of Nedham and his writings is too apparent to mislead an impartial reader. The damage that his pen had done to the Royal cause explains the feeling manifested against him by a bio grapher, who, being a Royalist, wrote when monarchy was again in the ascendant. The great bulk of Ned- ham's writings were in aid of the popular cause, and those who cried out so loudly about his unprin cipled, though temporary, service on the opposite side, offer us no evidence to show that his pen was not taken up upon compulsion. Yet the acrimony of Wood pursues its victim even beyond the grave, as we
see in the following last notice :—
At length this most seditious, mutable, and railing author, Marchamont Nedham died suddenly in the house of one Kidder, in D'Evreux-Court, near Temple-bar, London, in 1678, and was buried on the 29th November, (being the Vigil of St. Andrew,) at the upper end of the body of the church of St. Clement Danes near the entrance into the chancel. Soon after, that church being pulled down and rebuilt, and the letters on his grave taken away and defaced, you shall have in their place this
* Wood's Athenie Oxoniensis, VoL III.
