Professional _Women, probably the most
heterogeneous
of the four groups, had the highest reliability (.
Adorno-T-Authoritarian-Personality-Harper-Bros-1950
)
a. SuPPORT OF THE AMERICAN Status Quo. Perhaps the definitive com- ponent of conservatism is an attachment, on the surface at least, to "things as they are," to the prevailing social organization and ways. Related to the idea that "what is, is right," is a tendency to idealize existing authority and to regard the "American W ay" as working very well. Social problems tend either to be ignored or to be attributed to extraneous influences rather than to defects intrinsic in the existing social structure. One way of rationalizing
2 It is symptomatic of the present political situation that terms like "liberalism" and "con- servatism" are given numerous definitions and are used as shibboleths rather than as aids in description or analysis. We have therefore tried to make our meanings as explicit as possible.
? I 54 THE AUTHORIT ARIAN PERSONALITY
chronic problems is to make them "natural"; for example, "Depressions are like occasional headaches and stomach aches; it's natural for even the healthi- est society to have them once in a while" (Item 5). Or, as a prominent ultra- conservative radio commentator observed recently: "There is nothing wrong with our American system. It is as good as it ever was, but we must do all we can in the New Year to get rid of the charlatans, fakers and agitators who are responsible for so many problems. " It is clear from the other speeches of this commentator that his "charlatans" are for the most part leaders of the labor movement or of liberal political groupings-men who, in his eyes, threaten the existing order. The following scale item expresses a similar idea, namely, that personal maturity requires conformity and the overcoming of "rebellious" tendencies: "Young people sometimes get rebellious ideas, but as they grow up they ought to get over them and settle down" (Item 2 7).
To be "liberal," on the other hand, one must be able actively to criticize existing authority. The criticisms may take various forms, ranging from mild reforms (e. g. , extension of government controls over business) to com- plete overthrow of the status quo. As noted above, the scale attempts mainly to distinguish the political right and left rather than to identify the numerous varieties of left- and right-wing ideology.
b. REsiSTANCE To SociAL CHANGE. Another aspect of traditionalism is the tendency to oppose innovations or alterations of existing politico-economic forms. If things are basically good now, then any change is likely to be for the worse. Underlying resistance to change is sometimes expressed in the form of an emphasis on caution and an antipathy to being "extreme. " For example: "The best way to solve social problems is to stick close to the middle of the road, to move slowly and to avoid extremes" (Item r 5).
The opposition to change is often rationalized by an elaborate mythology of human nature according to which psychological man and capitalist social order are ideally suited to each other. According to this view, liberals are "utopian dreamers" who do not see man as he really is. Man is conceived as governed by economic self-interest and the profit motive. "In general, full economic security is harmful; most men would not work if they didn't need the money for eating and living" (Item 6r). Major social problems such as war and depression are regarded primarily as expressions of human nature rather than as products of the existing social structure. The person who wants to change the social structure is, therefore, either an impractical ideal- ist or an agitator making trouble in order to gain his own selfish ends. In short, basic improvement of our politico-economic forms is not possible, man being what he is, and social change is therefore undesirable.
c. SuPPORT OF CoNSERVATIVE VALUEs. As in the other areas of ideology, values play a central role in organizing and giving meaning to the total pat- tern of politico-economic ideology. One of the primary value systems under- lying conservative ideology is concerned with practicality, ambition, and
? POLITICO-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS I 55
upward class mobility. Success tends to be measured in financial terms, and business is accorded very high prestige as an occupation. These values are reflected in the raising and indoctrination of children, who "should learn early in life the value of a dollar" (Item I). They are also expressed in the selection of men who represent models of success: "Whether one likes them or not, one has to admire men like Henry Ford or J. P. Morgan, who over- came all competition on the road to success" (Item 7I).
The values for practicality and rugged competitiveness stand in rather marked contrast to other, psychologically related, values for charity and community service. On the one hand, it is assumed that "most people get pretty much what they deserve" (Item 78), that ability will find its socio- economic rewards, and that those who end up on the low end of the social ladder-since they did not have what it takes-are hardly to be pitied. On the other hand, our religious tradition is one of charity and tolerance; if one cannot excuse the poor, one can at least soften their plight-with Christmas parties, Thanksgiving bazaars, orphanages, and the like. Industrialists like Carnegie and Rockefeller are examples of this combination of weekday toughness and Sunday charity, which Item 8 was intended to measure: "Every adult should find time or money for some worthy service organiza- tion (charity, medical aid, etc. ) as the best way of aiding his fellow man. "
From the "liberal" point of view charity is mainly a soothing of conscience and a means of maintaining an unjust state of affairs. The causes of poverty are seen, not in the innate stupidity of the poor, but in the politico-economic organization which, by virtue of its concentration of economic power, creates poverty as a symptom. And the answer is seen, not in ineffectual though often well-intentioned charity, but in the elimination of poverty through modification of its societal causes.
It would appear, then, that liberals tend to view social problems as symp- toms of the underlying social structure, while conservatives view them as results of individual incompetence or immorality. This difference is ex- pressed also in the evaluation of political candidates. Conservative politicians tend to base their election campaigns largely on qualities of personal character and moral standing. To be a good family man and a leading figure in the community are judged more important than to know social science or to understand the actual politico-economic problems of the community. A district attorney or a businessman has a great initial advantage over a college professor or a labor leader. In short, political problems tend to be seen in moral rather than sociological terms. Item 22 was intended to measure this trend. "A political candidate, to be worth voting for, must first and foremost have a good character, one that will fight inefficiency, graft and vice. " The liberal alternative is not to reject "good character," but to make it secondary, in political affairs, to the understanding of issues and the desire to do what is best for the most people.
? I 56 THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
d. IDEAS REGARDING THE BALANCE oF PowER AMoNG BusiNEss, LABOR, AND GovERNMENT. This is the most technical and the most confused aspect of contemporary political thought. The confusion has multiple causes: the fact that most Americans are, politically, relatively uneducated and uninformed; the very technicality and abstractness of the basic issues involved; the fac- tionalism in both major political parties as well as in the minority left- and right-wing groups; American antipolitical, anti-intellectual tradition; and so on. The semantic confusion is especially great. Thus, "laissez-faire," orig- inally a characteristic of liberalism, is nowadays called "conservatism. " Because of this confusion, it is necessary to make explicit the conception of conservatism used here, and to contrast it with other viewpoints.
Conservatism is taken to mean traditional economic laissez-faire individual- ism, according to which our economic life is conceived in terms of the free (unregulated) competition of individual entrepreneurs. Business, accorded such great prestige by conservative values, is regarded as deserving great social power in relation to labor and government. Unions are regarded as threatening, power-seeking, interfering with the traditional functions of management, and promoting radical changes. Unions are likely to be ac- cepted only when their actual power is less than that of business: this means virtual elimination of the right to strike, of a voice in determining company policy, and of political functions-in short, of the possibility of changing to any significant degree the existing balance of politico-economic power. A lib- eral viewpoint regarding unions is expressed in Item 68: "Labor unions should become stronger by being politically active and by publishing labor
newspapers to be read by the general public. "
Conservative ideology has traditionally urged that the economic func-
tions of government be minimized. Fear of government power (like union power) is emphasized, and great concern is expressed for the freedom of the individual, particularly the individual businessman. (The issue here is greatly complicated by the fact that our economy has changed from a large number of competing entrepreneurs to a small number of powerful eco- nomic units; more about this will be said in Subsection 5. ) For example, "It is a fundamental American tradition that the individual must remain free of government interference, free to make money and spend it as he likes" (Item 63). This way of thinking assumes that the individual has "freedom" economically to the extent that there are no government restrictions on him; it overlooks the fact that economic freedom for most people today is limited to the greatest degree by economic forces originating in business monopoly. The attempt to minimize government functioning extends also to the sphere of social security, socialized medicine, and various other programs designed to help the "common man. "
There are numerous patterns of left-wing ideology regarding these issues. What characterizes the left and distinguishes it from the right is the desire
? POLITICO-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS I 57
for a change, slight or great, in the balance of power. Support for slight change is exemplified by New Deal liberalism, which would increase the functions of government so as to reduce the power of business, increase the power of labor, and diminish somewhat the extreme class differences that now exist. The more extreme left-wing ("radical") ideologies support more basic changes in the politico-economic structure; their thesis is that capital- ism, no matter how it is modified by reforms, must necessarily produce social problems such as depression, war, and mass poverty. What they want is not merely controls on business, but nationalization of industry, planned pro- duction, and production for use rather than for profit. Only when the process of production is organized on a socialist basis, they argue, can there be true economic democracy, equality of management and labor, and a high na- tional standard of living.
This is not the place to consider in detail the differences among the various left-wing or the various right-wing ideologies. The PEC scale at- tempted to measure only a general right-left dimension (with the hope that the individual's pattern of response might reveal more precisely the nature of his liberalism or conservatism). It was intended that a high score should indicate a high degree of the above-mentioned trends: support of the status quo and particularly of business; support of conservative values; desire to maintain a balance of power in which business is dominant, labor subordinate, and the economic functions of government minimized; and resistance to social change. Conversely, a low score was intended to reflect support of trends common to most left-of-center viewpoints: opposition to the status quo; a tendency to think in sociological rather than moral-hereditarian terms; a tendency to identify with labor and the "common man" and to oppose the power of business; support for extension of the political and economic functions of government. Further differentiation of various lib- eral and conservative patterns can be attempted after the empirical findings have been presented.
2. THE INITIAL PEC SCALE (FORM 78)
The Form 78 PEC Scale is presented in Table I(V). Eleven of the I6 items took the "conservative" position, so that agreement was given a high score ( + 3 = 7 points, - 3 = I point); on the five "liberal" items the scor- ing was reversed. The items were, as can be seen from the numbering, dis- tributed randomly throughout the 78-item series. The questionnaire was ad- ministered in the spring of I945 to three groups at the University of Cali- fornia: Public Speaking Class Women (N = I4o) and Men (N = p), and Adult Extension Psychology Class Women (N = 40); and to a group of 63 Professional Women (teachers, nurses, social workers). 3
3 For a more detailed discussion of the groups and the sampling problems involved in Form 78 as well as in the later forms, see Chapter IV (Ethnocentrism).
? r.
5?
8. I 3? IS. 22. 2 7?
THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY TABLE I (V)
THE INITIAL PoLITico-EcoNoMIC CoNSERVATISM SCALE (FoRM 78)
A child should learn early in life the value of a dollar and the importance of ambition, efficiency, and determination.
Depressions are like occasional headaches and stomach aches; it's natural for even the healthiest society to have them once in awhile.
Every adult should find time or money for some worthy service organization (charity, medical aid, etc. ) as the best way of aiding his fellow man.
The businessman, the manufacturer, the practical man-these are of much greater value to society than the intellectual, the artist, the theorist.
The best way to solve social problems is to stick close to the middle of the road, to move slowly and to avoid extremes.
A political candidate, to be worth voting for, must first and foremost have a good character, one that will fight inefficiency, graft, and vice.
Young people sometimes get rebellious ideas, but as they grow up they ought
to get over them and settle down.
36. " It is the responsibility of the entire society, through its government, to guar-
antee everyone adequate housing, income, and leisure.
44? " The only way to provide adequate medical care for the entire population is
through some program of socialized medicine.
52. " It is essential after the war to maintain or increase the income taxes on cor-
porations and wealthy individuals.
6I. In general, full economic security is harmful; most men wouldn't work if
they didn't need the money for eating and living.
63. It is a fundamental American tradition that the individual must remain free
of government interference, free to make money and spend it as he likes.
68. " Labor unions should become stronger by being politically active and by pub-
lishing labor newspapers to be read by the general public.
7I. Whether one likes them or not, one has to admire men like Henry Ford or
]. P. Morgan, who overcame all competition on the road to success.
76. " The government must play an even greater part in the economic and business
life of the nation after the war than it has before.
78. Character, honesty, and ability will tell in the long run; most people get
pretty much what they deserve.
a These five items are "liberal," the others are "conservative. " A high score is given for agreement with the conservative items, disagreement with the liberal items.
The reliability data for the PEC scale are given in Table 2 (V). The aver- age reliability of ? 73 is considerably lower than those of the Anti-Semitism and Ethnocentrism scales (. 8-. 9); while inadequate for the precise measure- ment of the individual, this reliability is sufficient for the present purposes of group comparison and correlation with other measures. There are prob- ably several major reasons for the relatively low reliability values. Several items may not have worked out as planned, because of either poor formula- tion or erroneous guiding hypotheses; this possibility is investigated in the item analysis below. It is also possible that the absence of extreme scorers is due in part to a real constriction in the "range of talent"-something that would tend to lower the obtained reliability-rather than to the intrinsic un-
reliability of the scale. This hypothesis is supported by the fact that the
? POLITICO-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS 159
TABLE 2 (V)
RELIABILITY OF THE PEC SCAlE (FORM 78)
Property A B c D Over-allb
Reliability . 74
Mean (total) 4. 30 Mean (odd half) 4. 39 Mean (even half) 4. 24
S. D. (total . 81
. 64
4. 18 4. 23 4. 12
. 75 . 88 . 84
2. 3-6. 0
. 72
4. 29 4. 34 4. 26
. 83 . 86 . 96
1. 6-5. 6
. 81
3. 91 3. 96 3. 85
1. 10 1. 28 1. 09
1. 5-6. 4
. 73
4. 17 4. 23 4. 11
. 87 1. 00 . 94
1. 5-6. 4
S. D. (odd half) S. D. (even half)
Range
. 96 . 86
1. 5-5. 9
aThe four groups are:
Group A: U. C. Public Speaking Class Women (N = 140) Group B: U. C. Public Speaking Class Men (N =52)
Group C: U. C. Extension Psychology Class Women (N =40) Group D: Professional Women (N = 63)
brn obtaining the over-all means, the individual group means were not weighted by N.
Professional _Women, probably the most heterogeneous of the four groups, had the highest reliability (. 81) as well as the largest Standard Deviation and range. Finally, and most basic, is the likelihood that American political think:. ing shows an actual lack of consistency and pattern. The lack of extreme scorers may thus reflect an ideological reality, namely the absence of a well- developed and articulate political left and political right in contemporary America. T o the extent that this is true, it is doubtful that any scale, measur- ing diverse trends in politico-economic ideology could obtain an average reliability of much over . So.
It is interesting that for all groups the PEC means were almost a point higher than the A-S and E means, and that once again the Professional Women were significantly lower than the others. Thus, while the rank order of conservatism is similar to that of ethnocentrism, the general level of con- servatism is considerably higher. People are, so to speak, more conservative than ethnocentric, at least as measured by these scales. The relation of con- servatism to ethnocentrism will be considered more fully below (Section C).
An item analysis was made according to the procedure described in Chap- ter III. Table 3(V) presents the item means and Discriminatory Powers for the Form 78 PEC scale. The average D. P. of 2. 14 is, like the reliability, lower than the corresponding values obtained from the previous scales. The low
? No.
1. 5. 8.
13. 15. 22. 27. 36. 44. 52. 61. 63. 68. 71. 76. 78.
Item Mean
(Value of dollar) 6. 20 (Depressions) 3. 23 (Charity) 5. 66 (Businessmen, artists)
(Middle of the road) (Political candidate) (Rebellious ideas)
(Gov' t. responsibility) (Socialized medicine) (Taxes, corporations) (Economic security) (Gov' t. interference) (Unions stronger)
(Ford, Morgan) (Gov't. activity) (Ability will tell)
D. P .
1. 69 2. 09 1. 35 1. 73 2. 60 0. 31 2. 90 2. 73 1. 64 2. 02 2. 05 1. 81 2. 36 1. 89 2. 32 1. 96
Mean
6. 02 2. 95 5. 37 2. 32 4. 32 6. 41 3. 83 2. 43 1. 98 3. 43 3. 10 3. 56 3. 90 5. 13 3. 21 4. 62
D. P .
1. 27 3. 73 2. 20 1. 87 3. 86 0. 60 4. 33 3. 07 2. 00 2. 80 3. 40 4. 40 3. 33 3. 00 3. 53 1. 73
Mean D. P. Rank D. P.
TABlE 3 (V)
MEANS AND DISCRIMINATORY POWERS OF THE PEC SCALE: ITEMS (FORM 78)a
. . . . 0\ 0
Group A
Group B Mean D. P .
5. 94 0. 81 3. 75 1. 86 5. 06 1. 17 2. 54 1. 25 4. 44 2. 45 6. 17 0. 39 3. 62 2. 05 3. 35 2. 41 2. 58 1. 72 3. 69 2. 58 3. 94 2. 44 3. 95 1. 34 4. 83 1. 75 5. 21 1. 67 3. 35 4. 07 4. 42 1. 52
Group C Mean D. P .
6. 25 0. 88 3. 40 3. 36 5. 73 1. 18 2. 05 1. 94 4. 60 2. 71 6. 50 -0. 03 4. 30 2. 06 3. 65 3. 82 2. 45 1. 39 3. 78 1. 76 3. 78 2. 85 4. 43 2. 02 4. 48 1. 74 5. 45 1. 46 3. 05 1. 11 4. 80 2. 74
Group D Over-allb
2. 24 4. 03 6. 44 3. 71 3. 46 2. 49 3. 73 4. 19 4. 11 5. 11 5. 42 3. 69 5. 14
::J > ~
Mean per item
aThe four groups are: Group A, U. C. Public Speaking Class Women (N = 140); Group B, U. C. Public Speaking Class
Men (N =52); Group C, U. C. Extension Psychology Class Women (N =40); Group D, Professional Women (N =63). brn obtaining the over-all means, the individual group means were not weighted by N.
4. 30
1. 97
4. 18 1. 84
4. 29 1. 94
3. 91
2. 82
4. 17 2. 14
6.
a. SuPPORT OF THE AMERICAN Status Quo. Perhaps the definitive com- ponent of conservatism is an attachment, on the surface at least, to "things as they are," to the prevailing social organization and ways. Related to the idea that "what is, is right," is a tendency to idealize existing authority and to regard the "American W ay" as working very well. Social problems tend either to be ignored or to be attributed to extraneous influences rather than to defects intrinsic in the existing social structure. One way of rationalizing
2 It is symptomatic of the present political situation that terms like "liberalism" and "con- servatism" are given numerous definitions and are used as shibboleths rather than as aids in description or analysis. We have therefore tried to make our meanings as explicit as possible.
? I 54 THE AUTHORIT ARIAN PERSONALITY
chronic problems is to make them "natural"; for example, "Depressions are like occasional headaches and stomach aches; it's natural for even the healthi- est society to have them once in a while" (Item 5). Or, as a prominent ultra- conservative radio commentator observed recently: "There is nothing wrong with our American system. It is as good as it ever was, but we must do all we can in the New Year to get rid of the charlatans, fakers and agitators who are responsible for so many problems. " It is clear from the other speeches of this commentator that his "charlatans" are for the most part leaders of the labor movement or of liberal political groupings-men who, in his eyes, threaten the existing order. The following scale item expresses a similar idea, namely, that personal maturity requires conformity and the overcoming of "rebellious" tendencies: "Young people sometimes get rebellious ideas, but as they grow up they ought to get over them and settle down" (Item 2 7).
To be "liberal," on the other hand, one must be able actively to criticize existing authority. The criticisms may take various forms, ranging from mild reforms (e. g. , extension of government controls over business) to com- plete overthrow of the status quo. As noted above, the scale attempts mainly to distinguish the political right and left rather than to identify the numerous varieties of left- and right-wing ideology.
b. REsiSTANCE To SociAL CHANGE. Another aspect of traditionalism is the tendency to oppose innovations or alterations of existing politico-economic forms. If things are basically good now, then any change is likely to be for the worse. Underlying resistance to change is sometimes expressed in the form of an emphasis on caution and an antipathy to being "extreme. " For example: "The best way to solve social problems is to stick close to the middle of the road, to move slowly and to avoid extremes" (Item r 5).
The opposition to change is often rationalized by an elaborate mythology of human nature according to which psychological man and capitalist social order are ideally suited to each other. According to this view, liberals are "utopian dreamers" who do not see man as he really is. Man is conceived as governed by economic self-interest and the profit motive. "In general, full economic security is harmful; most men would not work if they didn't need the money for eating and living" (Item 6r). Major social problems such as war and depression are regarded primarily as expressions of human nature rather than as products of the existing social structure. The person who wants to change the social structure is, therefore, either an impractical ideal- ist or an agitator making trouble in order to gain his own selfish ends. In short, basic improvement of our politico-economic forms is not possible, man being what he is, and social change is therefore undesirable.
c. SuPPORT OF CoNSERVATIVE VALUEs. As in the other areas of ideology, values play a central role in organizing and giving meaning to the total pat- tern of politico-economic ideology. One of the primary value systems under- lying conservative ideology is concerned with practicality, ambition, and
? POLITICO-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS I 55
upward class mobility. Success tends to be measured in financial terms, and business is accorded very high prestige as an occupation. These values are reflected in the raising and indoctrination of children, who "should learn early in life the value of a dollar" (Item I). They are also expressed in the selection of men who represent models of success: "Whether one likes them or not, one has to admire men like Henry Ford or J. P. Morgan, who over- came all competition on the road to success" (Item 7I).
The values for practicality and rugged competitiveness stand in rather marked contrast to other, psychologically related, values for charity and community service. On the one hand, it is assumed that "most people get pretty much what they deserve" (Item 78), that ability will find its socio- economic rewards, and that those who end up on the low end of the social ladder-since they did not have what it takes-are hardly to be pitied. On the other hand, our religious tradition is one of charity and tolerance; if one cannot excuse the poor, one can at least soften their plight-with Christmas parties, Thanksgiving bazaars, orphanages, and the like. Industrialists like Carnegie and Rockefeller are examples of this combination of weekday toughness and Sunday charity, which Item 8 was intended to measure: "Every adult should find time or money for some worthy service organiza- tion (charity, medical aid, etc. ) as the best way of aiding his fellow man. "
From the "liberal" point of view charity is mainly a soothing of conscience and a means of maintaining an unjust state of affairs. The causes of poverty are seen, not in the innate stupidity of the poor, but in the politico-economic organization which, by virtue of its concentration of economic power, creates poverty as a symptom. And the answer is seen, not in ineffectual though often well-intentioned charity, but in the elimination of poverty through modification of its societal causes.
It would appear, then, that liberals tend to view social problems as symp- toms of the underlying social structure, while conservatives view them as results of individual incompetence or immorality. This difference is ex- pressed also in the evaluation of political candidates. Conservative politicians tend to base their election campaigns largely on qualities of personal character and moral standing. To be a good family man and a leading figure in the community are judged more important than to know social science or to understand the actual politico-economic problems of the community. A district attorney or a businessman has a great initial advantage over a college professor or a labor leader. In short, political problems tend to be seen in moral rather than sociological terms. Item 22 was intended to measure this trend. "A political candidate, to be worth voting for, must first and foremost have a good character, one that will fight inefficiency, graft and vice. " The liberal alternative is not to reject "good character," but to make it secondary, in political affairs, to the understanding of issues and the desire to do what is best for the most people.
? I 56 THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
d. IDEAS REGARDING THE BALANCE oF PowER AMoNG BusiNEss, LABOR, AND GovERNMENT. This is the most technical and the most confused aspect of contemporary political thought. The confusion has multiple causes: the fact that most Americans are, politically, relatively uneducated and uninformed; the very technicality and abstractness of the basic issues involved; the fac- tionalism in both major political parties as well as in the minority left- and right-wing groups; American antipolitical, anti-intellectual tradition; and so on. The semantic confusion is especially great. Thus, "laissez-faire," orig- inally a characteristic of liberalism, is nowadays called "conservatism. " Because of this confusion, it is necessary to make explicit the conception of conservatism used here, and to contrast it with other viewpoints.
Conservatism is taken to mean traditional economic laissez-faire individual- ism, according to which our economic life is conceived in terms of the free (unregulated) competition of individual entrepreneurs. Business, accorded such great prestige by conservative values, is regarded as deserving great social power in relation to labor and government. Unions are regarded as threatening, power-seeking, interfering with the traditional functions of management, and promoting radical changes. Unions are likely to be ac- cepted only when their actual power is less than that of business: this means virtual elimination of the right to strike, of a voice in determining company policy, and of political functions-in short, of the possibility of changing to any significant degree the existing balance of politico-economic power. A lib- eral viewpoint regarding unions is expressed in Item 68: "Labor unions should become stronger by being politically active and by publishing labor
newspapers to be read by the general public. "
Conservative ideology has traditionally urged that the economic func-
tions of government be minimized. Fear of government power (like union power) is emphasized, and great concern is expressed for the freedom of the individual, particularly the individual businessman. (The issue here is greatly complicated by the fact that our economy has changed from a large number of competing entrepreneurs to a small number of powerful eco- nomic units; more about this will be said in Subsection 5. ) For example, "It is a fundamental American tradition that the individual must remain free of government interference, free to make money and spend it as he likes" (Item 63). This way of thinking assumes that the individual has "freedom" economically to the extent that there are no government restrictions on him; it overlooks the fact that economic freedom for most people today is limited to the greatest degree by economic forces originating in business monopoly. The attempt to minimize government functioning extends also to the sphere of social security, socialized medicine, and various other programs designed to help the "common man. "
There are numerous patterns of left-wing ideology regarding these issues. What characterizes the left and distinguishes it from the right is the desire
? POLITICO-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS I 57
for a change, slight or great, in the balance of power. Support for slight change is exemplified by New Deal liberalism, which would increase the functions of government so as to reduce the power of business, increase the power of labor, and diminish somewhat the extreme class differences that now exist. The more extreme left-wing ("radical") ideologies support more basic changes in the politico-economic structure; their thesis is that capital- ism, no matter how it is modified by reforms, must necessarily produce social problems such as depression, war, and mass poverty. What they want is not merely controls on business, but nationalization of industry, planned pro- duction, and production for use rather than for profit. Only when the process of production is organized on a socialist basis, they argue, can there be true economic democracy, equality of management and labor, and a high na- tional standard of living.
This is not the place to consider in detail the differences among the various left-wing or the various right-wing ideologies. The PEC scale at- tempted to measure only a general right-left dimension (with the hope that the individual's pattern of response might reveal more precisely the nature of his liberalism or conservatism). It was intended that a high score should indicate a high degree of the above-mentioned trends: support of the status quo and particularly of business; support of conservative values; desire to maintain a balance of power in which business is dominant, labor subordinate, and the economic functions of government minimized; and resistance to social change. Conversely, a low score was intended to reflect support of trends common to most left-of-center viewpoints: opposition to the status quo; a tendency to think in sociological rather than moral-hereditarian terms; a tendency to identify with labor and the "common man" and to oppose the power of business; support for extension of the political and economic functions of government. Further differentiation of various lib- eral and conservative patterns can be attempted after the empirical findings have been presented.
2. THE INITIAL PEC SCALE (FORM 78)
The Form 78 PEC Scale is presented in Table I(V). Eleven of the I6 items took the "conservative" position, so that agreement was given a high score ( + 3 = 7 points, - 3 = I point); on the five "liberal" items the scor- ing was reversed. The items were, as can be seen from the numbering, dis- tributed randomly throughout the 78-item series. The questionnaire was ad- ministered in the spring of I945 to three groups at the University of Cali- fornia: Public Speaking Class Women (N = I4o) and Men (N = p), and Adult Extension Psychology Class Women (N = 40); and to a group of 63 Professional Women (teachers, nurses, social workers). 3
3 For a more detailed discussion of the groups and the sampling problems involved in Form 78 as well as in the later forms, see Chapter IV (Ethnocentrism).
? r.
5?
8. I 3? IS. 22. 2 7?
THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY TABLE I (V)
THE INITIAL PoLITico-EcoNoMIC CoNSERVATISM SCALE (FoRM 78)
A child should learn early in life the value of a dollar and the importance of ambition, efficiency, and determination.
Depressions are like occasional headaches and stomach aches; it's natural for even the healthiest society to have them once in awhile.
Every adult should find time or money for some worthy service organization (charity, medical aid, etc. ) as the best way of aiding his fellow man.
The businessman, the manufacturer, the practical man-these are of much greater value to society than the intellectual, the artist, the theorist.
The best way to solve social problems is to stick close to the middle of the road, to move slowly and to avoid extremes.
A political candidate, to be worth voting for, must first and foremost have a good character, one that will fight inefficiency, graft, and vice.
Young people sometimes get rebellious ideas, but as they grow up they ought
to get over them and settle down.
36. " It is the responsibility of the entire society, through its government, to guar-
antee everyone adequate housing, income, and leisure.
44? " The only way to provide adequate medical care for the entire population is
through some program of socialized medicine.
52. " It is essential after the war to maintain or increase the income taxes on cor-
porations and wealthy individuals.
6I. In general, full economic security is harmful; most men wouldn't work if
they didn't need the money for eating and living.
63. It is a fundamental American tradition that the individual must remain free
of government interference, free to make money and spend it as he likes.
68. " Labor unions should become stronger by being politically active and by pub-
lishing labor newspapers to be read by the general public.
7I. Whether one likes them or not, one has to admire men like Henry Ford or
]. P. Morgan, who overcame all competition on the road to success.
76. " The government must play an even greater part in the economic and business
life of the nation after the war than it has before.
78. Character, honesty, and ability will tell in the long run; most people get
pretty much what they deserve.
a These five items are "liberal," the others are "conservative. " A high score is given for agreement with the conservative items, disagreement with the liberal items.
The reliability data for the PEC scale are given in Table 2 (V). The aver- age reliability of ? 73 is considerably lower than those of the Anti-Semitism and Ethnocentrism scales (. 8-. 9); while inadequate for the precise measure- ment of the individual, this reliability is sufficient for the present purposes of group comparison and correlation with other measures. There are prob- ably several major reasons for the relatively low reliability values. Several items may not have worked out as planned, because of either poor formula- tion or erroneous guiding hypotheses; this possibility is investigated in the item analysis below. It is also possible that the absence of extreme scorers is due in part to a real constriction in the "range of talent"-something that would tend to lower the obtained reliability-rather than to the intrinsic un-
reliability of the scale. This hypothesis is supported by the fact that the
? POLITICO-ECONOMIC IDEOLOGY AND GROUP MEMBERSHIPS 159
TABLE 2 (V)
RELIABILITY OF THE PEC SCAlE (FORM 78)
Property A B c D Over-allb
Reliability . 74
Mean (total) 4. 30 Mean (odd half) 4. 39 Mean (even half) 4. 24
S. D. (total . 81
. 64
4. 18 4. 23 4. 12
. 75 . 88 . 84
2. 3-6. 0
. 72
4. 29 4. 34 4. 26
. 83 . 86 . 96
1. 6-5. 6
. 81
3. 91 3. 96 3. 85
1. 10 1. 28 1. 09
1. 5-6. 4
. 73
4. 17 4. 23 4. 11
. 87 1. 00 . 94
1. 5-6. 4
S. D. (odd half) S. D. (even half)
Range
. 96 . 86
1. 5-5. 9
aThe four groups are:
Group A: U. C. Public Speaking Class Women (N = 140) Group B: U. C. Public Speaking Class Men (N =52)
Group C: U. C. Extension Psychology Class Women (N =40) Group D: Professional Women (N = 63)
brn obtaining the over-all means, the individual group means were not weighted by N.
Professional _Women, probably the most heterogeneous of the four groups, had the highest reliability (. 81) as well as the largest Standard Deviation and range. Finally, and most basic, is the likelihood that American political think:. ing shows an actual lack of consistency and pattern. The lack of extreme scorers may thus reflect an ideological reality, namely the absence of a well- developed and articulate political left and political right in contemporary America. T o the extent that this is true, it is doubtful that any scale, measur- ing diverse trends in politico-economic ideology could obtain an average reliability of much over . So.
It is interesting that for all groups the PEC means were almost a point higher than the A-S and E means, and that once again the Professional Women were significantly lower than the others. Thus, while the rank order of conservatism is similar to that of ethnocentrism, the general level of con- servatism is considerably higher. People are, so to speak, more conservative than ethnocentric, at least as measured by these scales. The relation of con- servatism to ethnocentrism will be considered more fully below (Section C).
An item analysis was made according to the procedure described in Chap- ter III. Table 3(V) presents the item means and Discriminatory Powers for the Form 78 PEC scale. The average D. P. of 2. 14 is, like the reliability, lower than the corresponding values obtained from the previous scales. The low
? No.
1. 5. 8.
13. 15. 22. 27. 36. 44. 52. 61. 63. 68. 71. 76. 78.
Item Mean
(Value of dollar) 6. 20 (Depressions) 3. 23 (Charity) 5. 66 (Businessmen, artists)
(Middle of the road) (Political candidate) (Rebellious ideas)
(Gov' t. responsibility) (Socialized medicine) (Taxes, corporations) (Economic security) (Gov' t. interference) (Unions stronger)
(Ford, Morgan) (Gov't. activity) (Ability will tell)
D. P .
1. 69 2. 09 1. 35 1. 73 2. 60 0. 31 2. 90 2. 73 1. 64 2. 02 2. 05 1. 81 2. 36 1. 89 2. 32 1. 96
Mean
6. 02 2. 95 5. 37 2. 32 4. 32 6. 41 3. 83 2. 43 1. 98 3. 43 3. 10 3. 56 3. 90 5. 13 3. 21 4. 62
D. P .
1. 27 3. 73 2. 20 1. 87 3. 86 0. 60 4. 33 3. 07 2. 00 2. 80 3. 40 4. 40 3. 33 3. 00 3. 53 1. 73
Mean D. P. Rank D. P.
TABlE 3 (V)
MEANS AND DISCRIMINATORY POWERS OF THE PEC SCALE: ITEMS (FORM 78)a
. . . . 0\ 0
Group A
Group B Mean D. P .
5. 94 0. 81 3. 75 1. 86 5. 06 1. 17 2. 54 1. 25 4. 44 2. 45 6. 17 0. 39 3. 62 2. 05 3. 35 2. 41 2. 58 1. 72 3. 69 2. 58 3. 94 2. 44 3. 95 1. 34 4. 83 1. 75 5. 21 1. 67 3. 35 4. 07 4. 42 1. 52
Group C Mean D. P .
6. 25 0. 88 3. 40 3. 36 5. 73 1. 18 2. 05 1. 94 4. 60 2. 71 6. 50 -0. 03 4. 30 2. 06 3. 65 3. 82 2. 45 1. 39 3. 78 1. 76 3. 78 2. 85 4. 43 2. 02 4. 48 1. 74 5. 45 1. 46 3. 05 1. 11 4. 80 2. 74
Group D Over-allb
2. 24 4. 03 6. 44 3. 71 3. 46 2. 49 3. 73 4. 19 4. 11 5. 11 5. 42 3. 69 5. 14
::J > ~
Mean per item
aThe four groups are: Group A, U. C. Public Speaking Class Women (N = 140); Group B, U. C. Public Speaking Class
Men (N =52); Group C, U. C. Extension Psychology Class Women (N =40); Group D, Professional Women (N =63). brn obtaining the over-all means, the individual group means were not weighted by N.
4. 30
1. 97
4. 18 1. 84
4. 29 1. 94
3. 91
2. 82
4. 17 2. 14
6.
