,
277): " Quod si contingat inter eccle-
siam et F.
277): " Quod si contingat inter eccle-
siam et F.
Thomas Carlyle
b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www.
hathitrust.
org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 304 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
In a letter addressed to the French in September, Frederick
complained not only of the unwarrantable action of Innocent
IV. and some of his predecessors in deposing kings and other
rulers, but also of their interference, at the request of one
party to a quarrel, between rulers and their subjects or between
the subjects themselves. He also complained of papal en-
croachments on the jurisdiction of the secular courts. He had
sent envoys to Louis IX. to endeavour to enlist hie support
after consulting the peers and other nobles of his kingdom
(congregatis laicis paribus regni sui aliisque nobilibus). Even
if active support were not forthcoming, he begged that none
of Louis' subjects be allowed to assist the Papacy while the
conflict continued. He offered to submit to the decision of
the king and his nobles on the compensation due from him
to the Church, provided they could procure the cancellation
of the orders passed at Lyons. Should peace be restored
with the Pope, and should the Lombards submit, or at all
events lose the support now given them by the Church, he
was prepared to enter into very far-reaching engagements as
regards the Holy Land. If the danger from the Papacy and
the Lombards prevented this, he would do all in his power
to help Louis and all other crusaders. 1 An encyclical was
peccatis, nedum a summo pontifice,
quem in spiritualibus patrem nostrum
et dominum profitemur, si tamen ipse
nos filium debita relatione cognoscat,
sod per quemlibet sacerdotem reverenter
accipimus et devote servamus. " He
insists on his orthodoxy, and then
proceeds, " Advertat igitur prudentia
tua si prediota sententia nulla ipso
hire, nullus ipso iure processus non
magis in nostram quam in omnium
regum et principum ac quarumlibet
dignitatum temporalium perniciem de-
beat observari, quam nulla nostrorum
Germanie principum, a quibus assump-
tio status et depressio nostra dependet,
presentia ve! consilia firmaverunt.
Advertat et aliud qualis ex istis initiis
exitus expectetur I A nobis incipitur,
sed pro certo noveritis (we quote from
A on p. 365), quod in aliis regibus
et princibus finietur, a quibus publico
gloriantur resistentiam aliquam minime
formidare, si, quod absit, posset nostra
potencia primitus conculcari. Regis
(i. e. . King of England) igitur vestri
iusticiam in causa nostra defendite,
suis et eorum heredibus providete ! "
He asks that no countenance be given
to the Pope nor to his legates, but
rather to himself, as his cause concerns
all kings and princes (quos communiter
causa nostra contingit).
1 M. G. H. , ' Const. ,' ii. 264, Sep-
tember 1245. In this letter, " universis
presentes litteras inspecturis per reg-
num Francie constitutis," Frederick
complained that he and other kings
and princes with others " honores
quoslibet et iurisdictiones habentes,"
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHAP. IV. ] FREDERICK H. AND INNOCENT IV.
305
also issued apparently at the same time to kings and rulers
generally. Unfortunately we have only a fragment of the
letter, but from the portion preserved it appears to have
contained a fresh statement of his grievances against Gregory
IX. and Innocent IV. from the time of the second rebellion
of his son Henry, the King of the Eomans. 1
In another letter, evidently addressed to rulers generally,
Frederick complained of the decline of the Church; it was
ungrateful to its benefactors, and no longer resplendent with
miracles. The clergy were now given over to the pleasures
of the world, and it would be an act of charity to deprive
were aggrieved by the present and
other earlier Popes, " ex eo quod ipai
contra Denm et iustitiam posse sibi
iurisdiotionem et auctoritatem usut-
pant instituendi et destituendi seu
removendi ab imperio, regnis, princi-
patibus et honoribus suis imperatores,
reges et principes seu quoscunque
magnates, temporalem auctoritatem
in eos temporaliter exercendo, absol-
vendo etiam a sacramentis quibus
dominis suis vassalli tenentur, contra
dominos excommunicationis tantum-
modo sentencia promulgate, quodque
questione aive discensione inter dominos
et vassallos seu inter duos nobiles et
vicinos invicem contendentes, prout
assolet, emergente, predicti summi
pontifices ad petitionem unius partis
tantummodo partes suas temporaliter
interponunt, volendo ipsos invitos in
se oompromittere vel aliter ad con-
oordiam cohercere, et alligando se
fidelibus contra dominos aut uni de
partibus supradictis, quod non prius
paoem cum aliis faciant quam alligatos
sibi ponant in pace, recipiendo similiter
promissionem de non faciendo pacem
cum dominis a vassallis; item ex eo
quod predicti summi pontifices in
preiudioium iurisdictionis et honoris
regum et principum predietorum, ad
petitionem clericorum seu laycorum,
cognitionis causarum de rebus tem-
poralibue, possessionibus pheodalibus
VOL. V.
seu burgesaticis in ecclesiastico foro
tractandas recipiunt et committunt. "
He asked that the King of France
" congregatis coram se laycis paribus
regni sui aliisque nobilibus tanto
negotio opportunis, per se cum eis
super omnibus prediotis et singulis
audiat iura nostra. " If the king would
not do as he suggested, that at all
events he should not oppose the action
taken by Frederick nor allow his sub-
jects clerical or secular to help the
Pope. If the king " una cum paribus
et nobilibus regni sui " will interpose,
he is ready to accept the king's deci-
sion, " de consilio parium nobiliumque
suorum, visis et diligenter auditis
nostris et imperii iuribus," regarding
the satisfaction to be given to the
Church, " ac deinde pace per hoc inter
? ? nos et ecclesiam precedente et reliquiis
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 306 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PART II.
them of their excessive riches, thus effecting, what he had
always intended--namely, their restoration to what they had
been in primitive times. 1
Innocent replied at some length. The Popes as successors
of Peter had received by divine appointment a general
" legatio " over all men and in all matters spiritual and
temporal. Even under the old dispensation priests had powers
over nations and kings, and it was in virtue of these powers
that they deprived of their thrones kings unworthy to rule.
The Eoman pontiff might when occasion arose (casualiter)
judge any Christian, however exalted in rank, especially when
there was no one else who could do so, and when a question
of sin was involved. In such cases one separated from the
body of the faithful was thereby also deprived of any temporal
authority he might have possessed, as there was no power
ordained of God (a deo nulla sit ordinata potestas) outside
the " Ecclesia. " Those, therefore, who attributed the Pope's
imperial power to a grant from Constantine were in error.
Before his conversion the powers illegitimately exercised by
Constantine were those of a tyrant, " permissa " not " con-
cessa," and these he resigned to the Church, and it was the
Church which bestowed on him the divinely ordered imperial
power. Both swords, the temporal and the spiritual, belonged
1 Matthew Paris, vol. iv. 476. To
the King of England, &c. He dwells
on the ingratitude of the priesthood :
" Quanto manus largiores extenditis,
tanto non solum manus, sed etiam
cubitos avidius apprehendunt, suo nos
laqueo detinentes. . . . "
He expressed his desire to restore the
Church to its primitive purity (p. 477):
" Quia semper fuit nostra intentio
voluntatis, clerioos cujusque ordinis
ad hoc induce re, et maxime maximos,
ut tales perseverarent in fine, quales
fuerunt in ecclesia primitiva, Aposto-
licam vitam ducentes, humilitatem
Domini cam imitantes. Tales namque
clerici solebant angelos intueri, mira-
culis choruscare, segros curare, mortuos
suscitare; et sanctitate, non armis,
sibi reges et principes subjugare. At
isti, ss? culo dediti, deliciis ebriati,
Deum postponunt; quorum ex affiuen-
tia divitiarum religio suffocatur. Tali-
bus ergo subtrahere nocentes divitias,
quibus dampnabiliter onerantur, opus
est caritatis. Ad hoc vos et onmes
principes una nobiscum, ut cuncta
superfiua deponentes, modicis rebus
contenti, Deo deserviant, debetis dili-
gantiam adhibere. "
There is no date, but Innocent
appears to refer to this letter in his
reply to Frederick's first encyclical.
Matthew Paris remarks that this
letter did Frederick great harm in
France and England : " Et de hseresi
per id ipsum se reddens suspectum. "
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHAP. IV. ] FREDERICK H. AND INNOCENT IV.
307
to the Church, but it handed over the former for use to the
emperor. The acceptance of this use of the sword was sym-
bolised in the coronation service in which the emperor drew
from its scabbard a sword given him by the Pope, and brand-
ished it aloft. Frederick's argument that the Pope had no
more power than bishops to depose the ruler was fallacious.
Bishops were the subjects of their kings, and owed them
fidelity and obedience (subjectio). The emperor, on the other
hand, owed obedience and fidelity to the Pope. Moreover,
kings succeeded one another by way of inheritance, while in
the case of emperors succession was decided by the free elec-
tion of German princes. Dealing with the more technical
objections, the Pope declared that Frederick's citation was
made publicly and was known to him. The facts of the case
were so notorious, Innocent gave instances, that it was pos-
sible at once to proceed to judgment. Frederick had ridiculed
the idea that he could be guilty of lese majesty, but an offence
against the divine majesty was far more serious than one
against a mere man, and was subject to the bike penalties.
In answer to Frederick's attacks on the Church he justified
its wealth and power, and turned the tables on him by show-
ing that these attacks proved Frederick's desire to oppress
the Church and the clergy.
He did not deal with the statements made in various
letters by Frederick as to the peace negotiations, but asserted
Frederick's object was merely to get a false peace which
would enable him more easily to injure the Church. He
made no express reference to the Lombards, but charged
Frederick with specially hating the Church because it de-
fended the liberty of kings whom he desired to subject to
himself. 1
1 Win. Ac. , vol. ii. 1035, 1. Inno-
cent's answer to Frederick's complaint
regarding his action. Written towards
the end of 1245 (p. 697, 1. 19 f. ):
" Cum enim magistrum discipulus aut
servus dominum non precellat, preferri
nolumus magistro nostro et domino
Ihesu Chrieto, quin cum ipso male-
dioorum hominum praviloquia pre-
feramus, cui dolum non habente vel
maculam inhonestiora exprobabat rc-
proborum improbitas, quam nobis
exprobret posteritas eorundem. "
With reference to Frederick's objec-
tion that the sentence was invalid as
passed in his absence, he charges him
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 308
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
Many fruitless attempts were made, especially by Louis IX. ,
to restore peace between the empire and the Papacy. In
(p. 697, 1. 32 f. ) " non desistens iuxta
aolitum apostolica preeminentie vacuare
primatum, quem beatum Petrum,
fidelium omnium capud, ac successores
ipsius accepisse constat, non ab homine,
sed a deo, cuius auctoritatom profecto
diminuit nec deum dei filium heredem
universorum et dominum cognoscit,
quisquis ab ipsius ditione vicarii se
contendit exemptum. Generali namque
legations in tenia fungimur regis
re gum, qui non solum quemcumque.
sed ne quid de rebus aut negociis
intelligeretur exceptum, sub neutro
genere generalius universa compleetens,
etiam quodcumque ligandi super terram
pariter et solvendi apostolorum prin-
cipi nobiaque in ipso plenotudinem
tribuit potestatis, etiam ut doctor
gentium huiusmodi plenitudinem non
restringendam ostenderet, dicens : ' An
nescitis, quoniam angelos iudicabimus ? ,
quanto magis secularia I Nonne ad
temporalia quoque porrectam exposuit
datum eidem in angelos potestatem,
ut hi is intelligantur minora subesse,
quibus subdita sunt maiora ? . ? . Hao
potestate usi leguntur plerique ponti-
fices veteris testamenti, qui a non.
nullis regibus, qui se indignos fecerant
principatu, regni solium auctoritate
sibi divinitus tradita transtulerunt.
Relinquitur ergo Romanum pontificem
posse saltem casualiter suum exercere
pontificale indicium in quemlibet Chris-
tianum cuiuscumque conditionis existit,
presertim si de ipso alius iustitie debi-
tum nolit reddere vel non possit,
maxime ratione peccati, ut peceatorem
quemcumque, postquam in profundum
viciorum venerit per contemptum tam-
quam publcanum et ethnicum habere
oonstituat et a fidelium corpora alienum
sicque saltem per consequens privatum,
si quam habebat, temporalis regiminia
potestate, qui procul dubio extra
ecclesiam efferre omnin non potesto.
cum foris, ubi omnia edificant ad
gehennam, a deo nulla sit ordinata
potestas. Minus igitur acute persi.
piunt, nescientes re rum investigare
primordia, qui apostolicam sedem
autumnant a Constantino principe
primitus habuisse imperii principatum,
qui prius naturaliter et potencialiter
fuisse dinoscitur apud eam. Dominus
enim Ihesus Christus, sicut verus homo
verusque deus, sic secundum ordinem
Melchisedech verus rex ac verus sacerdos
existens . . . in apostolica sede non
solum pontificalem sed et regalem
constituit monarchatum, beato Petro
eiusque successoribus terreni simul ao
colestis imperii commissis habenis, quod
in pluralitato clavium competenter
? ? innuitur, ut per unam, quam in spiri-
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHAP. IV. ] FREDERICK H. AND INNOCENT IV.
309
answer to an appeal in the autumn of 1246, Innocent wrote
Louis that, while he had little hope of any results from his
producitur, in legis ministerium, malo-
rum vindicem bonorumque tutorem
innueret residere. Huius siquidem
materials potestas gladii apud eccle-
siam est implicata, sed per impera-
torem, qui eam inde recipit, explicatur
et, que in sinu ecclesie potentialis est
solummodo et inclusa, fit cum trans -
fertur in principem, actualis. Hoc
nempe ille ritus ostendit, quo summus
pontifex cesari, quem coronat, exhibet
gladium vagina contentum, quem
acoeptum princeps exerit, et vibrando
innuit so illius exercitium nccepisse. "
In answer to Frederick's argument
that the Pope had no more right to
depose the emperor than bishops to
depose a king crowned by them, he
replied : *' Aliud est enim de regibus
aliis, qui a suis pontificibus iniun-
guntur, a quibus pro temporalibus
subiectionis et fidelitatis recipiunt
iuramenta, aliud de Romanorum prin-
cipe. qui Romano pontifici, a quo
imperii honorem et diadema conse-
quitur, fidelitatis et subiectionis vin-
culo se astringit, sicut antiquitas tradi-
dit et modernitas approbavit. " More-
over, while other kings succeed by
inheritance, the Roman emperor " per
liberam Germanic principum electionem
assumitur, in quos ius et potestas
elogendi regen in imperatorem a nobis
postmodum promovendum, sicut ipsi
non abnuunt sed fatentur, ab aposto-
lica sede pervenit. "
The summons to Frederick was issued
publicly, and came to his notice. In-
dependently of this his offences were
notorious, and such that " non re-
quiritur iudicum dampnationis in
actus," but " animadversionis dum-
taxat executio in actorem. "
With regard to Frederick's attack
on the wealth of the Church, he ends
his defence as follows (p. 701, 1. 2 f. ):
" Nosquoque etsi preferamus pauper -
tatem ex spiritu, que inter affluentes
divitias cum difficultate nutritur, divi-
tiarum tamen non usum in culpa fore
dicimus, sed abusum, patenter quoque
se ad oppressionem ecclesie, cuius esse
debebat ex officio advocatus, totis affec-
tibus aspirasse propria loquela con-
vincitur, ex eo precipue, quod ad
ecclesiarum et clericorum spolia alios
principes sue tyrampnidis invitat ex-
emplo. "
With regard to the negotiations, he
does not answer Frederick in detail,
but merely remarks, " Unde si acute
cernitis, certius certo videtis, o animalia
oculata, quod in tractatibus hactenus
habitus reconciliationem non veram
sed simultatoriam pacis emulus sec-
? ? tabatur, non ut tamquam revocanti
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 310
[PAKT n.
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
efforts, he was prepared to treat Frederick as leniently and
kindly (mitius et benignius) as possible without sinning against
God and the Church. Two and a half months later, however,
he wrote the Bishop of Strassburg that under no circumstances
would he make peace with Frederick so long as he remained
emperor or king, and in a later letter this was extended, so
far as the empire was concerned, to all Frederick's offspring. 1
Frederick in a letter to Henry III. expresses himself as
willing to come to terms provided the rights and honours of
the kingdom were safeguarded, but as he included in this
the submission of the Lombards, or at all events the abandon-
ment of their cause by the Church, and the attitude of the
Pope to this had always been the obstacle to peace, no recon-
ciliation was possible. 2
According to Matthew Paris, Louis made a last attempt
after his capture in Egypt in 1250 to get the Pope to come
to terms with Frederick, but he again failed, greatly to the
anger of Louis' brothers and the Duke of Burgundy, through
whom this ineffectual attempt to restore peace was made. 8
1 Epis. Sae. XIII. , vol. ii. 257, 6th
November 1246. Innocent informed
Louis in answer to his appeal for peace
between the Church and Frederick:
" Prefati Frederici salutem appetimus
ipsumque desideramus recipere, si
forsan inspiratus divinitus redire valit
ad ecclesiasticam unitatem," and
'' agemus, quanto mitius et benignius
cum Deo et honore ecclesie sine peccato
poterimus cum eodem. " On the 28th
January 1247 Innocent wrote the
bishop and people of Strassburg (1. e.
,
277): " Quod si contingat inter eccle-
siam et F. quondam imperatorem
pacem aliquo tempore reformari, quod
numquam erit eo remanente impera-
tore vel rege. " In a later letter to
some king (not probably, as H. -B.
suggests, Louis IX. ) this is extended :
" Cote rum pro constanti teneas quod
qualiscumque pacis tractatus emergat,
dictus F. aut aliquis de sua progenie
nunquam de cetero ad imperii regimen
assumatur " (H. -B. , vol. vi. 641, date
uncertain).
* H. -B. , vol. vi. p. 645, August 1248.
A letter to Henry III. regarding the
failure of peace negotiations. Frederick
attributed an attempt to start negotia-
tions to Louis IX. , and stated that his
envoys " salvo honore semper imperii
et regnorum, quibus authore Domino
presidemus, voluntatem nostram ad
pacem paratam exponerent, et mani-
festa presagia future satisfactionis
offerrent, que rex ipse suffieientia
reputabat. Sed iste bonus pastor
Ecclesie nullum ad jus et honorem
imperii nec ad nos voluit habere re-
spectum, sed totum sue subjicere potes-
ta ti, pro Lombardorum negocio qui
pacis tractatui semper hactenus im-
pedimenta pararant. "
>> Matthew Paris, vol. v. p. 175.
According to Matthew Paris, the king's
brother and the Duke of Burgundy
? ? begged the Pope " ut regi, in discrimine
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? ChAP. IV. ]
311
FREDERICK II. AND INNOCENT IV.
These efforts are remarkable in the case of a man so pious and
with such a strong sense of justice as Louis, and it is difficult
to believe he would have made them had he attached any
weight to the charges of heresy against Frederick, or had he
believed that the faults lay all on one side in his quarrel with
the Church. While, however, the Pope could not induce
him to treat Frederick as deposed or as a heretic, he would
not support Frederick in his attacks on the Church, and
when at one time (in 1247) there had appeared to be some
danger of Frederick's using force against the Pope at Lyons,
Louis and his mother had at once offered to send troops to
protect him. 1
It was some time before arrangements were completed to
elect an emperor in place of Frederick II. Finally Henry
Easpe, the Landgraf of Thuringia, was accepted by the Pope
as a suitable successor of Frederick, and in April 1246 Innocent
wrote the archbishops and other nobles of Germany pressing
them (monemus, rogamus et hortamur attente mandantes)
to elect Henry. He also wrote a number of the most im-
portant lay princes individually, exhorting them to proceed
quickly to an unanimous election, but not naming the person
to be elected. 2
tanto constitute) et pro honors univor-
sali ecclesise dimicanti, non segniter
subveniret, et Frethericum, qui solus
inter omnes Christianos tantis potest
mederi perioulis, ad paoem ecclesise
revocans humiliatum, ipsum ad hoc
indueeret, ut ipei regi jam psene de-
perato succursum competens oonferat
et festinum," and threatened if he
did not comply to make him leave
Lyons.
1 Epis. Sae. XIII. , vol. ti. 395, 17th
June 1247. Innocent thanks Louis IX.
and his mother and brothers for their
offer of military help, but asks them
not to take action " quousque super
hoc per nostrum nuncium vel speciales
litteras votum Apostolice Sedis agnos-
cae. "
>> L. c. , 159, 21st April 1246. Inno-
cent " Archiepiscopis et nobilibus viris
aliis principibus Theutonie habentibus
potestatem eligendi Romanorum re gem,
in imperatorem postmodum promo-
vendum. Quia inter ceteros orbis
principes honorem ecclesie ac imperii
Romani tenemini specialiter procurare
. . . eo oonfidentius vos ad id requirimus
et hortamur, quo nostris in hac parte
beneplacitis libentius et promptius vos
credimus parituros. " Hence, as the
Landgraf of Thuringia was willing to
accept " universitatem vestram mone-
mus, rogamus et hortamur attente
mandantes in remissionem peccaminum
iniungendo, quatinus de gratia spiritus
sancti confisi eundem landtgravium in
Romanorum regem in imperatorem
postmodum promovendum, cum pre-
fatum imperium ad presens vacare
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 312
[PART II.
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
Henry was accordingly elected, but none of the more im-
portant secular princes attended. Henry died in less than
a year, and many princes, including Eichard of Cornwall and
the Duke of Brabant, were unsuccessfully approached. Fin-
ally, on the recommendation of the Duke of Brabant, his
nephew Count William of Holland was selected to succeed
Henry. Very extensive powers had been given to the legate
in Germany to deal with recalcitrant clerics. 1 William was
elected, but again none of the greater secular princes, saving
the Duke of Brabant, took part.
Frederick, during the period between his deposition and
his death, met with one great disaster, the defeat of his forces
at Parma in 1248, and a serious loss in the capture of his son
Enzio early in 1249. After this he seems to have improved
his position considerably in Italy, and not to have lost ground
in Germany. The Pope, on the other hand, appears at the
time of Frederick's death to have been losing ground. Intense
dissatisfaction was caused by the heavy financial exactions
necessitated by the expenditure entailed by bis struggle with
Frederick, and especially by the very extensive use he made
of provisions and dispensations to strengthen his party. The
intense feeling roused against the curia is shown by Bishop
Grosseteste's famous " sermo " before the Pope at Lyons in
May 1250. 2 Another striking example of the stir caused by
noscatur, unanimiter absque dilationis
dispendio eligatis. . . . " In his letter
to the King of Bohemia (1. e. , 160 of
same date) and certain other lay princes
individually (also one bishop), Innocent
does not lay down whom they are to
elect.
1 L. c. , 303, letter of instructions
given by Innocent to his legate in
Germany, 15th March 1247. "IV.
discretioni tue ammovendi perpetuo
tam archiepiscopos et episcopos quam
alios eccleaiarum prelatos tue legationis,
qui fuerint inobedientes ecclesie . . .
ab amministratione spiritualium et
temporalium suarum ecclesiarum, et
contradictores super hoc per censuram
ecclesiastieam appellations postposita
compescendi . . . liberam concedimus
tenore presentium potestatem. "
3 Sermo Roberti Linconiensis Epis-
copi, propositus coram Papa et Cardi-
nalibus, &c. , 13th May 1250, vol. ii. p.
250 f. of E. Brown's Fasciculus Rerum
Expetendarum et Fugiendarum. This
was not a sermon, but a written state-
ment, of which the bishop gave copies
to the Pope and several of the
cardinals, and which was read out,
not publicly, but before the Pope and
the cardinals.
After enumerating a number of the
evils due to bad pastors, he wrote
(p. 252): " causa ; fons et origo
hujus est hfflc OUBIA ; non solum
eo quod hseo mala non dissipat,
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHAP. IV. ] FREDERICK H. AND INNOCENT IV.
313
the struggle between the Pope and the emperor is afforded
us by the proceedings of a league of French barons formed in
November 1246 to oppose the encroachments of the Church.
The members of the league pledged themselves not to allow
clerics to try any cases saving where heresy, marriage, and
usury were concerned, and they expressed their desire to see
the Church restored to its primitive state. It is evident that
such attacks as that of Frederick on the wealth of the Church
had not been without effect. 1
et has abominationes non purgat,
cum ea sola hac maxime possit,
et ad hoc summe teneatur, sed et
eo amplius, quod ipsa quoque per
suas dispensationes et provisioned et
collationes curse pastoralis, tales, quales
prsetacti sunt, pas to res, immo mundi
perditores, in oculis solum constituit
hoc ut provideat vitro alicujus tem-
poral, multa millia animarum pro
q u arum qualibet sempiterna vivifi-
carda, Filius Dei morto turpiasima
voluit condemnari, devorationi summi
bestiarum agri tradit et sompitenwe
morti. . . . (p. 253. ) Nec dicat quis
quod talia facit hsec Curia propter
Ecclesise communem utilitatom. Com-
munem utilitatem operati sunt sancti
patres per mali suSerentiam, et nullo
modo, quia et hoo modo illicitum, per
mali actionem ; vse onim his qui dicunt,
faciamus mala ut eveniant bona, quo-
rum damnatio justa est. . . . (p. 255. )
Potestas autem pastoralis, quse in
virtute et potestate data est Apostolis
super omnia dsemonia . . . data est
etiam pastoribus . . . plurimum est
hodie, et maxime in Anglia, coarctata
et ligata. Primo, per exemptiones . . .
Secundo. Per potestatem secularem
. . . Tertio. Per Apellationum licitiones.
. . . (p. 257. ) Hujus quoque curise
. . . mundum replevit inconstantia
mentiendi, fugavit verecundiam, adhi-
bendi fidem chartis omnem abstulit,
et non observandi fidem omnem con-
tulit audaciam. Clam at enim mundus,
quod hsec curia, contra praceptum
Evangelicum, quo dictum est Petro,
Converte gladium tuum in locum
suum, manu propria educit gladium
materialem etsi a solicitis de salute
hujus sacrse sedis vehentisime timetur,
ne, quod absit, veniat super eam ilia
terribilis subjuncta Domini comminatio,
Omnes enim qui acceperint gladium,
gladio peribunt Et omnino timen-
dum, imo magis pro certo tenendum
est huic sacra sedi quod illam quam
nunc sentit pcenarum prsesentiam et
bonorum absentiam induxerint super
eam prediotse actiones male et con-
similes ut evenirent ei bona j et quod
nisi in his et consimilibus absque mora
se corrigat, cito profecto privabitur
bonis : "
1 H. -B. , vol. vi. 467, November
1246. The magnates declared that
? ? clerics " jurisdictionem secularium prin-
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 314
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT H.
The death of Frederick marks an important stage in the
contest between the Papacy and the empire, which had begun
nearly two hundred years before between Gregory VII. and
Henry IV.
Gregory had claimed very large powers as vicar of St Peter,
not only over the empire but also over secular rulers generally,
but they were extraordinary powers. Gregory was not con-
tent with this, and endeavoured to obtain some secular control
also, by extending to as many countries as possible a claim
to feudal superiority by the Church of Eome.
Innocent III. , while careful to assert his powers as vicar,
not of Peter, but of Christ or of God, also sought to bring
the relations between the Papacy and the empire under
definite rules. He maintained any subsisting feudal claims
in other countries, and in the case of Sicily and England the
exercise of his powers as feudal overlord played a consider-
able part in his policy, but on the whole he generally depended
on his extraordinary powers as vicar of Christ. In the case
of the empire he claimed a special position, inasmuch as the
Western empire was the creation of the Papacy, which had
transferred the seat of empire from Constantinople--a transfer
to which the German princes owed the right to elect a king
who became emperor when crowned by the Pope. He held
that in virtue of this transfer the Papacy had the first and
ostendant miracula que dudum a
seculo receeserunt . . . "
Innocent answered the attack of
the barons by a letter to his legate
in France (l. c. , 483 f. , 4th February
1247), in which he directed his legate
to point out to the barons how Charle-
magne had confirmed the statute of
Theodosius (p. 485) " videlicet ut
quicumque litem habens (sivo possessor)
sive petitor fuerit, vel inito lites vel
decursis temporum curriculis, sive cum
negotium peroratur sive cum jam ceperit
promi sententia, si judicium elegerit
sacrosancte sedis antistitis, illico sine
aliqua dubitatione etiam si pars altera
refragatur, ad episcoporum judicium
cum sermone litigantium dirigatur, et
omnes cum cause que pretorio et etiam
civili jure tractantur, episooporum
terminate sententiis perpetuo robur
obtineant firmitatis et negotio quod
judicio eorum deciditur, nequaquam
ulterius ab aliquo retractetur ; ex quo
manifesta potest ratione perpendi
quam iniquum videatur et absonum
si honor Ecclesie que tam grandia
libertatis privilegio dotata dinoscitur,
in illis immunitatibus que multo pre-
diotis dinoscuntur esse minores, hiia
temporibus decurtetur. "
For this supposed edict of Theodosius
cf. vol. ii. p. 222.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1.
? 304 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
In a letter addressed to the French in September, Frederick
complained not only of the unwarrantable action of Innocent
IV. and some of his predecessors in deposing kings and other
rulers, but also of their interference, at the request of one
party to a quarrel, between rulers and their subjects or between
the subjects themselves. He also complained of papal en-
croachments on the jurisdiction of the secular courts. He had
sent envoys to Louis IX. to endeavour to enlist hie support
after consulting the peers and other nobles of his kingdom
(congregatis laicis paribus regni sui aliisque nobilibus). Even
if active support were not forthcoming, he begged that none
of Louis' subjects be allowed to assist the Papacy while the
conflict continued. He offered to submit to the decision of
the king and his nobles on the compensation due from him
to the Church, provided they could procure the cancellation
of the orders passed at Lyons. Should peace be restored
with the Pope, and should the Lombards submit, or at all
events lose the support now given them by the Church, he
was prepared to enter into very far-reaching engagements as
regards the Holy Land. If the danger from the Papacy and
the Lombards prevented this, he would do all in his power
to help Louis and all other crusaders. 1 An encyclical was
peccatis, nedum a summo pontifice,
quem in spiritualibus patrem nostrum
et dominum profitemur, si tamen ipse
nos filium debita relatione cognoscat,
sod per quemlibet sacerdotem reverenter
accipimus et devote servamus. " He
insists on his orthodoxy, and then
proceeds, " Advertat igitur prudentia
tua si prediota sententia nulla ipso
hire, nullus ipso iure processus non
magis in nostram quam in omnium
regum et principum ac quarumlibet
dignitatum temporalium perniciem de-
beat observari, quam nulla nostrorum
Germanie principum, a quibus assump-
tio status et depressio nostra dependet,
presentia ve! consilia firmaverunt.
Advertat et aliud qualis ex istis initiis
exitus expectetur I A nobis incipitur,
sed pro certo noveritis (we quote from
A on p. 365), quod in aliis regibus
et princibus finietur, a quibus publico
gloriantur resistentiam aliquam minime
formidare, si, quod absit, posset nostra
potencia primitus conculcari. Regis
(i. e. . King of England) igitur vestri
iusticiam in causa nostra defendite,
suis et eorum heredibus providete ! "
He asks that no countenance be given
to the Pope nor to his legates, but
rather to himself, as his cause concerns
all kings and princes (quos communiter
causa nostra contingit).
1 M. G. H. , ' Const. ,' ii. 264, Sep-
tember 1245. In this letter, " universis
presentes litteras inspecturis per reg-
num Francie constitutis," Frederick
complained that he and other kings
and princes with others " honores
quoslibet et iurisdictiones habentes,"
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHAP. IV. ] FREDERICK H. AND INNOCENT IV.
305
also issued apparently at the same time to kings and rulers
generally. Unfortunately we have only a fragment of the
letter, but from the portion preserved it appears to have
contained a fresh statement of his grievances against Gregory
IX. and Innocent IV. from the time of the second rebellion
of his son Henry, the King of the Eomans. 1
In another letter, evidently addressed to rulers generally,
Frederick complained of the decline of the Church; it was
ungrateful to its benefactors, and no longer resplendent with
miracles. The clergy were now given over to the pleasures
of the world, and it would be an act of charity to deprive
were aggrieved by the present and
other earlier Popes, " ex eo quod ipai
contra Denm et iustitiam posse sibi
iurisdiotionem et auctoritatem usut-
pant instituendi et destituendi seu
removendi ab imperio, regnis, princi-
patibus et honoribus suis imperatores,
reges et principes seu quoscunque
magnates, temporalem auctoritatem
in eos temporaliter exercendo, absol-
vendo etiam a sacramentis quibus
dominis suis vassalli tenentur, contra
dominos excommunicationis tantum-
modo sentencia promulgate, quodque
questione aive discensione inter dominos
et vassallos seu inter duos nobiles et
vicinos invicem contendentes, prout
assolet, emergente, predicti summi
pontifices ad petitionem unius partis
tantummodo partes suas temporaliter
interponunt, volendo ipsos invitos in
se oompromittere vel aliter ad con-
oordiam cohercere, et alligando se
fidelibus contra dominos aut uni de
partibus supradictis, quod non prius
paoem cum aliis faciant quam alligatos
sibi ponant in pace, recipiendo similiter
promissionem de non faciendo pacem
cum dominis a vassallis; item ex eo
quod predicti summi pontifices in
preiudioium iurisdictionis et honoris
regum et principum predietorum, ad
petitionem clericorum seu laycorum,
cognitionis causarum de rebus tem-
poralibue, possessionibus pheodalibus
VOL. V.
seu burgesaticis in ecclesiastico foro
tractandas recipiunt et committunt. "
He asked that the King of France
" congregatis coram se laycis paribus
regni sui aliisque nobilibus tanto
negotio opportunis, per se cum eis
super omnibus prediotis et singulis
audiat iura nostra. " If the king would
not do as he suggested, that at all
events he should not oppose the action
taken by Frederick nor allow his sub-
jects clerical or secular to help the
Pope. If the king " una cum paribus
et nobilibus regni sui " will interpose,
he is ready to accept the king's deci-
sion, " de consilio parium nobiliumque
suorum, visis et diligenter auditis
nostris et imperii iuribus," regarding
the satisfaction to be given to the
Church, " ac deinde pace per hoc inter
? ? nos et ecclesiam precedente et reliquiis
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 306 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PART II.
them of their excessive riches, thus effecting, what he had
always intended--namely, their restoration to what they had
been in primitive times. 1
Innocent replied at some length. The Popes as successors
of Peter had received by divine appointment a general
" legatio " over all men and in all matters spiritual and
temporal. Even under the old dispensation priests had powers
over nations and kings, and it was in virtue of these powers
that they deprived of their thrones kings unworthy to rule.
The Eoman pontiff might when occasion arose (casualiter)
judge any Christian, however exalted in rank, especially when
there was no one else who could do so, and when a question
of sin was involved. In such cases one separated from the
body of the faithful was thereby also deprived of any temporal
authority he might have possessed, as there was no power
ordained of God (a deo nulla sit ordinata potestas) outside
the " Ecclesia. " Those, therefore, who attributed the Pope's
imperial power to a grant from Constantine were in error.
Before his conversion the powers illegitimately exercised by
Constantine were those of a tyrant, " permissa " not " con-
cessa," and these he resigned to the Church, and it was the
Church which bestowed on him the divinely ordered imperial
power. Both swords, the temporal and the spiritual, belonged
1 Matthew Paris, vol. iv. 476. To
the King of England, &c. He dwells
on the ingratitude of the priesthood :
" Quanto manus largiores extenditis,
tanto non solum manus, sed etiam
cubitos avidius apprehendunt, suo nos
laqueo detinentes. . . . "
He expressed his desire to restore the
Church to its primitive purity (p. 477):
" Quia semper fuit nostra intentio
voluntatis, clerioos cujusque ordinis
ad hoc induce re, et maxime maximos,
ut tales perseverarent in fine, quales
fuerunt in ecclesia primitiva, Aposto-
licam vitam ducentes, humilitatem
Domini cam imitantes. Tales namque
clerici solebant angelos intueri, mira-
culis choruscare, segros curare, mortuos
suscitare; et sanctitate, non armis,
sibi reges et principes subjugare. At
isti, ss? culo dediti, deliciis ebriati,
Deum postponunt; quorum ex affiuen-
tia divitiarum religio suffocatur. Tali-
bus ergo subtrahere nocentes divitias,
quibus dampnabiliter onerantur, opus
est caritatis. Ad hoc vos et onmes
principes una nobiscum, ut cuncta
superfiua deponentes, modicis rebus
contenti, Deo deserviant, debetis dili-
gantiam adhibere. "
There is no date, but Innocent
appears to refer to this letter in his
reply to Frederick's first encyclical.
Matthew Paris remarks that this
letter did Frederick great harm in
France and England : " Et de hseresi
per id ipsum se reddens suspectum. "
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHAP. IV. ] FREDERICK H. AND INNOCENT IV.
307
to the Church, but it handed over the former for use to the
emperor. The acceptance of this use of the sword was sym-
bolised in the coronation service in which the emperor drew
from its scabbard a sword given him by the Pope, and brand-
ished it aloft. Frederick's argument that the Pope had no
more power than bishops to depose the ruler was fallacious.
Bishops were the subjects of their kings, and owed them
fidelity and obedience (subjectio). The emperor, on the other
hand, owed obedience and fidelity to the Pope. Moreover,
kings succeeded one another by way of inheritance, while in
the case of emperors succession was decided by the free elec-
tion of German princes. Dealing with the more technical
objections, the Pope declared that Frederick's citation was
made publicly and was known to him. The facts of the case
were so notorious, Innocent gave instances, that it was pos-
sible at once to proceed to judgment. Frederick had ridiculed
the idea that he could be guilty of lese majesty, but an offence
against the divine majesty was far more serious than one
against a mere man, and was subject to the bike penalties.
In answer to Frederick's attacks on the Church he justified
its wealth and power, and turned the tables on him by show-
ing that these attacks proved Frederick's desire to oppress
the Church and the clergy.
He did not deal with the statements made in various
letters by Frederick as to the peace negotiations, but asserted
Frederick's object was merely to get a false peace which
would enable him more easily to injure the Church. He
made no express reference to the Lombards, but charged
Frederick with specially hating the Church because it de-
fended the liberty of kings whom he desired to subject to
himself. 1
1 Win. Ac. , vol. ii. 1035, 1. Inno-
cent's answer to Frederick's complaint
regarding his action. Written towards
the end of 1245 (p. 697, 1. 19 f. ):
" Cum enim magistrum discipulus aut
servus dominum non precellat, preferri
nolumus magistro nostro et domino
Ihesu Chrieto, quin cum ipso male-
dioorum hominum praviloquia pre-
feramus, cui dolum non habente vel
maculam inhonestiora exprobabat rc-
proborum improbitas, quam nobis
exprobret posteritas eorundem. "
With reference to Frederick's objec-
tion that the sentence was invalid as
passed in his absence, he charges him
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 308
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
Many fruitless attempts were made, especially by Louis IX. ,
to restore peace between the empire and the Papacy. In
(p. 697, 1. 32 f. ) " non desistens iuxta
aolitum apostolica preeminentie vacuare
primatum, quem beatum Petrum,
fidelium omnium capud, ac successores
ipsius accepisse constat, non ab homine,
sed a deo, cuius auctoritatom profecto
diminuit nec deum dei filium heredem
universorum et dominum cognoscit,
quisquis ab ipsius ditione vicarii se
contendit exemptum. Generali namque
legations in tenia fungimur regis
re gum, qui non solum quemcumque.
sed ne quid de rebus aut negociis
intelligeretur exceptum, sub neutro
genere generalius universa compleetens,
etiam quodcumque ligandi super terram
pariter et solvendi apostolorum prin-
cipi nobiaque in ipso plenotudinem
tribuit potestatis, etiam ut doctor
gentium huiusmodi plenitudinem non
restringendam ostenderet, dicens : ' An
nescitis, quoniam angelos iudicabimus ? ,
quanto magis secularia I Nonne ad
temporalia quoque porrectam exposuit
datum eidem in angelos potestatem,
ut hi is intelligantur minora subesse,
quibus subdita sunt maiora ? . ? . Hao
potestate usi leguntur plerique ponti-
fices veteris testamenti, qui a non.
nullis regibus, qui se indignos fecerant
principatu, regni solium auctoritate
sibi divinitus tradita transtulerunt.
Relinquitur ergo Romanum pontificem
posse saltem casualiter suum exercere
pontificale indicium in quemlibet Chris-
tianum cuiuscumque conditionis existit,
presertim si de ipso alius iustitie debi-
tum nolit reddere vel non possit,
maxime ratione peccati, ut peceatorem
quemcumque, postquam in profundum
viciorum venerit per contemptum tam-
quam publcanum et ethnicum habere
oonstituat et a fidelium corpora alienum
sicque saltem per consequens privatum,
si quam habebat, temporalis regiminia
potestate, qui procul dubio extra
ecclesiam efferre omnin non potesto.
cum foris, ubi omnia edificant ad
gehennam, a deo nulla sit ordinata
potestas. Minus igitur acute persi.
piunt, nescientes re rum investigare
primordia, qui apostolicam sedem
autumnant a Constantino principe
primitus habuisse imperii principatum,
qui prius naturaliter et potencialiter
fuisse dinoscitur apud eam. Dominus
enim Ihesus Christus, sicut verus homo
verusque deus, sic secundum ordinem
Melchisedech verus rex ac verus sacerdos
existens . . . in apostolica sede non
solum pontificalem sed et regalem
constituit monarchatum, beato Petro
eiusque successoribus terreni simul ao
colestis imperii commissis habenis, quod
in pluralitato clavium competenter
? ? innuitur, ut per unam, quam in spiri-
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHAP. IV. ] FREDERICK H. AND INNOCENT IV.
309
answer to an appeal in the autumn of 1246, Innocent wrote
Louis that, while he had little hope of any results from his
producitur, in legis ministerium, malo-
rum vindicem bonorumque tutorem
innueret residere. Huius siquidem
materials potestas gladii apud eccle-
siam est implicata, sed per impera-
torem, qui eam inde recipit, explicatur
et, que in sinu ecclesie potentialis est
solummodo et inclusa, fit cum trans -
fertur in principem, actualis. Hoc
nempe ille ritus ostendit, quo summus
pontifex cesari, quem coronat, exhibet
gladium vagina contentum, quem
acoeptum princeps exerit, et vibrando
innuit so illius exercitium nccepisse. "
In answer to Frederick's argument
that the Pope had no more right to
depose the emperor than bishops to
depose a king crowned by them, he
replied : *' Aliud est enim de regibus
aliis, qui a suis pontificibus iniun-
guntur, a quibus pro temporalibus
subiectionis et fidelitatis recipiunt
iuramenta, aliud de Romanorum prin-
cipe. qui Romano pontifici, a quo
imperii honorem et diadema conse-
quitur, fidelitatis et subiectionis vin-
culo se astringit, sicut antiquitas tradi-
dit et modernitas approbavit. " More-
over, while other kings succeed by
inheritance, the Roman emperor " per
liberam Germanic principum electionem
assumitur, in quos ius et potestas
elogendi regen in imperatorem a nobis
postmodum promovendum, sicut ipsi
non abnuunt sed fatentur, ab aposto-
lica sede pervenit. "
The summons to Frederick was issued
publicly, and came to his notice. In-
dependently of this his offences were
notorious, and such that " non re-
quiritur iudicum dampnationis in
actus," but " animadversionis dum-
taxat executio in actorem. "
With regard to Frederick's attack
on the wealth of the Church, he ends
his defence as follows (p. 701, 1. 2 f. ):
" Nosquoque etsi preferamus pauper -
tatem ex spiritu, que inter affluentes
divitias cum difficultate nutritur, divi-
tiarum tamen non usum in culpa fore
dicimus, sed abusum, patenter quoque
se ad oppressionem ecclesie, cuius esse
debebat ex officio advocatus, totis affec-
tibus aspirasse propria loquela con-
vincitur, ex eo precipue, quod ad
ecclesiarum et clericorum spolia alios
principes sue tyrampnidis invitat ex-
emplo. "
With regard to the negotiations, he
does not answer Frederick in detail,
but merely remarks, " Unde si acute
cernitis, certius certo videtis, o animalia
oculata, quod in tractatibus hactenus
habitus reconciliationem non veram
sed simultatoriam pacis emulus sec-
? ? tabatur, non ut tamquam revocanti
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 310
[PAKT n.
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
efforts, he was prepared to treat Frederick as leniently and
kindly (mitius et benignius) as possible without sinning against
God and the Church. Two and a half months later, however,
he wrote the Bishop of Strassburg that under no circumstances
would he make peace with Frederick so long as he remained
emperor or king, and in a later letter this was extended, so
far as the empire was concerned, to all Frederick's offspring. 1
Frederick in a letter to Henry III. expresses himself as
willing to come to terms provided the rights and honours of
the kingdom were safeguarded, but as he included in this
the submission of the Lombards, or at all events the abandon-
ment of their cause by the Church, and the attitude of the
Pope to this had always been the obstacle to peace, no recon-
ciliation was possible. 2
According to Matthew Paris, Louis made a last attempt
after his capture in Egypt in 1250 to get the Pope to come
to terms with Frederick, but he again failed, greatly to the
anger of Louis' brothers and the Duke of Burgundy, through
whom this ineffectual attempt to restore peace was made. 8
1 Epis. Sae. XIII. , vol. ii. 257, 6th
November 1246. Innocent informed
Louis in answer to his appeal for peace
between the Church and Frederick:
" Prefati Frederici salutem appetimus
ipsumque desideramus recipere, si
forsan inspiratus divinitus redire valit
ad ecclesiasticam unitatem," and
'' agemus, quanto mitius et benignius
cum Deo et honore ecclesie sine peccato
poterimus cum eodem. " On the 28th
January 1247 Innocent wrote the
bishop and people of Strassburg (1. e.
,
277): " Quod si contingat inter eccle-
siam et F. quondam imperatorem
pacem aliquo tempore reformari, quod
numquam erit eo remanente impera-
tore vel rege. " In a later letter to
some king (not probably, as H. -B.
suggests, Louis IX. ) this is extended :
" Cote rum pro constanti teneas quod
qualiscumque pacis tractatus emergat,
dictus F. aut aliquis de sua progenie
nunquam de cetero ad imperii regimen
assumatur " (H. -B. , vol. vi. 641, date
uncertain).
* H. -B. , vol. vi. p. 645, August 1248.
A letter to Henry III. regarding the
failure of peace negotiations. Frederick
attributed an attempt to start negotia-
tions to Louis IX. , and stated that his
envoys " salvo honore semper imperii
et regnorum, quibus authore Domino
presidemus, voluntatem nostram ad
pacem paratam exponerent, et mani-
festa presagia future satisfactionis
offerrent, que rex ipse suffieientia
reputabat. Sed iste bonus pastor
Ecclesie nullum ad jus et honorem
imperii nec ad nos voluit habere re-
spectum, sed totum sue subjicere potes-
ta ti, pro Lombardorum negocio qui
pacis tractatui semper hactenus im-
pedimenta pararant. "
>> Matthew Paris, vol. v. p. 175.
According to Matthew Paris, the king's
brother and the Duke of Burgundy
? ? begged the Pope " ut regi, in discrimine
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? ChAP. IV. ]
311
FREDERICK II. AND INNOCENT IV.
These efforts are remarkable in the case of a man so pious and
with such a strong sense of justice as Louis, and it is difficult
to believe he would have made them had he attached any
weight to the charges of heresy against Frederick, or had he
believed that the faults lay all on one side in his quarrel with
the Church. While, however, the Pope could not induce
him to treat Frederick as deposed or as a heretic, he would
not support Frederick in his attacks on the Church, and
when at one time (in 1247) there had appeared to be some
danger of Frederick's using force against the Pope at Lyons,
Louis and his mother had at once offered to send troops to
protect him. 1
It was some time before arrangements were completed to
elect an emperor in place of Frederick II. Finally Henry
Easpe, the Landgraf of Thuringia, was accepted by the Pope
as a suitable successor of Frederick, and in April 1246 Innocent
wrote the archbishops and other nobles of Germany pressing
them (monemus, rogamus et hortamur attente mandantes)
to elect Henry. He also wrote a number of the most im-
portant lay princes individually, exhorting them to proceed
quickly to an unanimous election, but not naming the person
to be elected. 2
tanto constitute) et pro honors univor-
sali ecclesise dimicanti, non segniter
subveniret, et Frethericum, qui solus
inter omnes Christianos tantis potest
mederi perioulis, ad paoem ecclesise
revocans humiliatum, ipsum ad hoc
indueeret, ut ipei regi jam psene de-
perato succursum competens oonferat
et festinum," and threatened if he
did not comply to make him leave
Lyons.
1 Epis. Sae. XIII. , vol. ti. 395, 17th
June 1247. Innocent thanks Louis IX.
and his mother and brothers for their
offer of military help, but asks them
not to take action " quousque super
hoc per nostrum nuncium vel speciales
litteras votum Apostolice Sedis agnos-
cae. "
>> L. c. , 159, 21st April 1246. Inno-
cent " Archiepiscopis et nobilibus viris
aliis principibus Theutonie habentibus
potestatem eligendi Romanorum re gem,
in imperatorem postmodum promo-
vendum. Quia inter ceteros orbis
principes honorem ecclesie ac imperii
Romani tenemini specialiter procurare
. . . eo oonfidentius vos ad id requirimus
et hortamur, quo nostris in hac parte
beneplacitis libentius et promptius vos
credimus parituros. " Hence, as the
Landgraf of Thuringia was willing to
accept " universitatem vestram mone-
mus, rogamus et hortamur attente
mandantes in remissionem peccaminum
iniungendo, quatinus de gratia spiritus
sancti confisi eundem landtgravium in
Romanorum regem in imperatorem
postmodum promovendum, cum pre-
fatum imperium ad presens vacare
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 312
[PART II.
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
Henry was accordingly elected, but none of the more im-
portant secular princes attended. Henry died in less than
a year, and many princes, including Eichard of Cornwall and
the Duke of Brabant, were unsuccessfully approached. Fin-
ally, on the recommendation of the Duke of Brabant, his
nephew Count William of Holland was selected to succeed
Henry. Very extensive powers had been given to the legate
in Germany to deal with recalcitrant clerics. 1 William was
elected, but again none of the greater secular princes, saving
the Duke of Brabant, took part.
Frederick, during the period between his deposition and
his death, met with one great disaster, the defeat of his forces
at Parma in 1248, and a serious loss in the capture of his son
Enzio early in 1249. After this he seems to have improved
his position considerably in Italy, and not to have lost ground
in Germany. The Pope, on the other hand, appears at the
time of Frederick's death to have been losing ground. Intense
dissatisfaction was caused by the heavy financial exactions
necessitated by the expenditure entailed by bis struggle with
Frederick, and especially by the very extensive use he made
of provisions and dispensations to strengthen his party. The
intense feeling roused against the curia is shown by Bishop
Grosseteste's famous " sermo " before the Pope at Lyons in
May 1250. 2 Another striking example of the stir caused by
noscatur, unanimiter absque dilationis
dispendio eligatis. . . . " In his letter
to the King of Bohemia (1. e. , 160 of
same date) and certain other lay princes
individually (also one bishop), Innocent
does not lay down whom they are to
elect.
1 L. c. , 303, letter of instructions
given by Innocent to his legate in
Germany, 15th March 1247. "IV.
discretioni tue ammovendi perpetuo
tam archiepiscopos et episcopos quam
alios eccleaiarum prelatos tue legationis,
qui fuerint inobedientes ecclesie . . .
ab amministratione spiritualium et
temporalium suarum ecclesiarum, et
contradictores super hoc per censuram
ecclesiastieam appellations postposita
compescendi . . . liberam concedimus
tenore presentium potestatem. "
3 Sermo Roberti Linconiensis Epis-
copi, propositus coram Papa et Cardi-
nalibus, &c. , 13th May 1250, vol. ii. p.
250 f. of E. Brown's Fasciculus Rerum
Expetendarum et Fugiendarum. This
was not a sermon, but a written state-
ment, of which the bishop gave copies
to the Pope and several of the
cardinals, and which was read out,
not publicly, but before the Pope and
the cardinals.
After enumerating a number of the
evils due to bad pastors, he wrote
(p. 252): " causa ; fons et origo
hujus est hfflc OUBIA ; non solum
eo quod hseo mala non dissipat,
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHAP. IV. ] FREDERICK H. AND INNOCENT IV.
313
the struggle between the Pope and the emperor is afforded
us by the proceedings of a league of French barons formed in
November 1246 to oppose the encroachments of the Church.
The members of the league pledged themselves not to allow
clerics to try any cases saving where heresy, marriage, and
usury were concerned, and they expressed their desire to see
the Church restored to its primitive state. It is evident that
such attacks as that of Frederick on the wealth of the Church
had not been without effect. 1
et has abominationes non purgat,
cum ea sola hac maxime possit,
et ad hoc summe teneatur, sed et
eo amplius, quod ipsa quoque per
suas dispensationes et provisioned et
collationes curse pastoralis, tales, quales
prsetacti sunt, pas to res, immo mundi
perditores, in oculis solum constituit
hoc ut provideat vitro alicujus tem-
poral, multa millia animarum pro
q u arum qualibet sempiterna vivifi-
carda, Filius Dei morto turpiasima
voluit condemnari, devorationi summi
bestiarum agri tradit et sompitenwe
morti. . . . (p. 253. ) Nec dicat quis
quod talia facit hsec Curia propter
Ecclesise communem utilitatom. Com-
munem utilitatem operati sunt sancti
patres per mali suSerentiam, et nullo
modo, quia et hoo modo illicitum, per
mali actionem ; vse onim his qui dicunt,
faciamus mala ut eveniant bona, quo-
rum damnatio justa est. . . . (p. 255. )
Potestas autem pastoralis, quse in
virtute et potestate data est Apostolis
super omnia dsemonia . . . data est
etiam pastoribus . . . plurimum est
hodie, et maxime in Anglia, coarctata
et ligata. Primo, per exemptiones . . .
Secundo. Per potestatem secularem
. . . Tertio. Per Apellationum licitiones.
. . . (p. 257. ) Hujus quoque curise
. . . mundum replevit inconstantia
mentiendi, fugavit verecundiam, adhi-
bendi fidem chartis omnem abstulit,
et non observandi fidem omnem con-
tulit audaciam. Clam at enim mundus,
quod hsec curia, contra praceptum
Evangelicum, quo dictum est Petro,
Converte gladium tuum in locum
suum, manu propria educit gladium
materialem etsi a solicitis de salute
hujus sacrse sedis vehentisime timetur,
ne, quod absit, veniat super eam ilia
terribilis subjuncta Domini comminatio,
Omnes enim qui acceperint gladium,
gladio peribunt Et omnino timen-
dum, imo magis pro certo tenendum
est huic sacra sedi quod illam quam
nunc sentit pcenarum prsesentiam et
bonorum absentiam induxerint super
eam prediotse actiones male et con-
similes ut evenirent ei bona j et quod
nisi in his et consimilibus absque mora
se corrigat, cito profecto privabitur
bonis : "
1 H. -B. , vol. vi. 467, November
1246. The magnates declared that
? ? clerics " jurisdictionem secularium prin-
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. b3318617 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 314
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT H.
The death of Frederick marks an important stage in the
contest between the Papacy and the empire, which had begun
nearly two hundred years before between Gregory VII. and
Henry IV.
Gregory had claimed very large powers as vicar of St Peter,
not only over the empire but also over secular rulers generally,
but they were extraordinary powers. Gregory was not con-
tent with this, and endeavoured to obtain some secular control
also, by extending to as many countries as possible a claim
to feudal superiority by the Church of Eome.
Innocent III. , while careful to assert his powers as vicar,
not of Peter, but of Christ or of God, also sought to bring
the relations between the Papacy and the empire under
definite rules. He maintained any subsisting feudal claims
in other countries, and in the case of Sicily and England the
exercise of his powers as feudal overlord played a consider-
able part in his policy, but on the whole he generally depended
on his extraordinary powers as vicar of Christ. In the case
of the empire he claimed a special position, inasmuch as the
Western empire was the creation of the Papacy, which had
transferred the seat of empire from Constantinople--a transfer
to which the German princes owed the right to elect a king
who became emperor when crowned by the Pope. He held
that in virtue of this transfer the Papacy had the first and
ostendant miracula que dudum a
seculo receeserunt . . . "
Innocent answered the attack of
the barons by a letter to his legate
in France (l. c. , 483 f. , 4th February
1247), in which he directed his legate
to point out to the barons how Charle-
magne had confirmed the statute of
Theodosius (p. 485) " videlicet ut
quicumque litem habens (sivo possessor)
sive petitor fuerit, vel inito lites vel
decursis temporum curriculis, sive cum
negotium peroratur sive cum jam ceperit
promi sententia, si judicium elegerit
sacrosancte sedis antistitis, illico sine
aliqua dubitatione etiam si pars altera
refragatur, ad episcoporum judicium
cum sermone litigantium dirigatur, et
omnes cum cause que pretorio et etiam
civili jure tractantur, episooporum
terminate sententiis perpetuo robur
obtineant firmitatis et negotio quod
judicio eorum deciditur, nequaquam
ulterius ab aliquo retractetur ; ex quo
manifesta potest ratione perpendi
quam iniquum videatur et absonum
si honor Ecclesie que tam grandia
libertatis privilegio dotata dinoscitur,
in illis immunitatibus que multo pre-
diotis dinoscuntur esse minores, hiia
temporibus decurtetur. "
For this supposed edict of Theodosius
cf. vol. ii. p. 222.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:48 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1.
