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He also burnt to the ground the market-place, and some of the temples in Babylon; and destroyed the best part of the city.

[22] G Alexander surnamed Zabinas, when the distinguished officers Antipater, Clonius, and Aeropus revolted from him, besieged and captured Laodiceia, which they had occupied. However, he generously spared them all. For he was of a mild and gentle disposition, and pleasing temper, and of a wonderful affability towards his associates and those he met; and therefore he was greatly loved by the mass of his subjects.

[23] G # When Sextius had captured the city of the Gauls, and was selling the inhabitants as slaves, one Crato who was led in chains with the rest, came up to the consul, as he sat upon the tribunal, and told him he had always been a friend to the Romans, and for that reason had received many injuries, and had suffered many beatings from his fellow citizens. Sextius immediately released him from his bonds, along with all his family, and restored all his possessions; and for his good will to the Romans, gave him power to set free nine hundred of the citizens, such as he himself thought fit. For the consul was more generous and bountiful to Crato than he expected, so that the Gauls could easily see how exactly just the Romans were, both in their punishments and in their rewards.

[24] G # The people showed favour to him {Gracchus}, not only when he took up office, but when he was a candidate, and even before then. Upon his return from Sardinia, the people went out to meet him, and his landing from the boat was greeted with blessings and applause. Such was the extreme affection that people had for him.

[25] G # Gracchus in his speeches to the people urged them to overthrow the aristocracy and establish a democratic government; and after winning the favour of all classes, he had them not only as supporters, but even as instigators of his bold objectives. For every citizen, lured by the hope that the proposed laws would be in his own interests, was ready to risk any danger to ensure that they were adopted. By taking control of the courts away from the senators and setting up the knights as judges, Gracchus gave the lower classes power over the nobles, and by breaking the harmony that existed previously between the senate and the knights, he made the populace a serious rival to both those classes. By setting all the classes at variance, he built up personal power for himself; and by using funds from the public treasury for shameful and inopportune expenses, which however bought him favour with others, he made himself the centre of everyone's attention. By leaving the provinces open to the greed and rapacity of the tax-farmers, he made their subjects rightly resentful of Roman rule; and by reducing the traditional severity of military discipline through his laws, as a favour to the soldiers, he introduced insubordination and anarchy into the state. Contempt for their leaders causes men to disobey the laws, and finally leads to fatal disorders and the overthrow of the state.

2 G # Gracchus had reached such a degree of power and arrogance, that he released Octavius, even though the people had voted to send him into exile. He told the people that he did this as a favour to his mother, who had interceded with him.

[26] G # When Popilius was sent into exile, the people accompanied him with weeping as he left the city; for the people knew that the sentence of exile was unjust, and that by accepting bribes against Popilius they had lost the ability to speak out openly against wickedness.

[27] G Seventeen tribes voted against the law, which was approved by an equal number of tribes; when the votes of the eighteenth tribe were counted, there was a majority of one vote in favour of approval. While the judgment of the people was so finely balanced, Gracchus was terribly alarmed, as if his life was in danger; but when he heard that he had won by a margin of just one vote, he cried out in elation, "The sword is hanging over the heads of our enemies, and for the rest, we will be pleased with whatever fortune will grant us. "

[28] G # Alexander, who had no confidence in the multitude, in regard to both their inexperience of warfare, and also their habitual inconstancy and craving for change, did not venture upon a pitched battle. Having got together as much money as he could out of the royal treasuries, and pillaged the temples, he resolved to slip away by night towards Greece. But he was detected while he was attempting, with the help of some of his barbarians, to plunder the temple of Zeus; and he and his accomplices almost suffered the instant punishment that they deserved. However he managed to escape with a few followers, and headed towards Seleuceia. The Seleuceians, who had heard about the sacrilege he had committed, shut their gates against him; so having failed in this attempt also, he hurried along the sea coast towards Posideium.

2 G Alexander, after looting the temple, fled to Posideium. He seemed to be pursued by an invisible demon, which tracked his steps and constantly worked to ensnare him in the punishment that he so richly deserved. In fact, two days after his sacrilege, he was arrested and taken to the camp of Antiochus. Such is the inescapable power of avenging justice, which pursues those guilty of brazen impiety; for punishment relentlessly hunts down the wicked, bringing swift revenge. Once king and head of an army of forty thousand men, now he was led shackled and exposed to the insults and revenge of his enemies.

3 G When Alexander, king of Syria, was put in chains and led through the camp, it seemed incredible, not only to those who heard about it, but even to those who saw it themselves; for the unexpectedness of the event almost overcame the evidence of their senses. After they had convinced themselves by watching that it was really true, they all went away from the sight in amazement. Some in frequent exclamations of approval praised the power of destiny; others remarked in various ways on the fickleness of fate, the reversals in human fortunes, and the speed of transformations; they observed how changeable life can be, far beyond anyone's expectations.

[28a] G # Gracchus opposed them with many supporters; but as his situation became steadily worse, and he met with unexpected failure, he fell into a depression and a manic mood. He gathered his fellow conspirators at his own house, and after consulting with Flaccus, he decided that it was necessary to overcome his opponents by force, and to use violence against the magistrates and the senate. Therefore he urged them all to carry swords under their togas, and to follow him, awaiting his orders. While Opimius was deliberating on the Capitol about a suitable course of action, Gracchus rushed there with his disaffected followers; but when he found that the temple had already been occupied and that a crowd of nobles had gathered there, he went away to the portico behind the temple, in a despondent and tormented mood. An acquaintance of his called Quintus fell at his knees, while he was raging in this way, and begged him not to take any violent or desperate action against his fatherland. But Gracchus, who was already starting to behave like a tyrant, threw him face down onto the ground, and ordered his followers to slay him, making this the start of their revenge against their enemies. The consul was shocked, and he informed the senate about the murder and the intended attack on them.

[29] G # After Gracchus had been killed by his own slave, Lucius Vitellius, who had been one of his friends, was the first to come across his body; and was so far from being troubled at his death, that he cut off his head, and carried it to his own house, thereby giving a remarkable instance of his cruelty and covetousness. For when the consul {Opimius} by proclamation promised to reward anyone that should bring him the head {of Gracchus}, with its weight in gold, Vitellius bored a hole in the neck, and drawing out the brain, poured in molten lead in its place. Then he brought the head to Opimius, and returned with the promised reward; but he was hated by everyone for the rest of his life, because he had betrayed his friend. The Flacci were likewise put to death.

{At this point, two pages of the collection "De Sententiis" are almost illegible, and therefore only a few words or phrases survive from the following fragments. }

[30] G Flaccus . . . this lawlessness . . .

[30a] G The (? ) Scordisci took a large amount of booty and thereby persuaded many others to adopt the same policy, as if robbing others' property and ravaging by force . . . was conduct befitting brave men. They thought that strong men are merely confirming the law of nature when they seize the property of weaker men.

[30b] G The Scordisci later, by blocking (? ) the way through, showed that even the power of the Roman rested not in their own strength, but in the weakness of others.

[30c] G Although intelligence may seem to be master of everything, it is surpassed by one thing alone: fortune. [Plans that are conceived] by an astute and clever mind can be unexpectedly ruined by capricious fortune. On the other hand, plans that have been discarded in folly . . . can succeed, contrary to everyone's expectations. As a result, men who are favoured by fortune can enjoy continual success in almost every enterprise; but those who are opposed by fortune are thwarted every time in each of their ventures, and these men can be seen . . .

[31] G # In Libya the two kings drew up their armies one against another, and Jugurtha routed the Numidians in a battle, slaying many of them. His brother Adherbal after fleeing to Cirta, where he was shut in and besieged, sent envoys to Rome to entreat the Romans not to abandon a king, who was their friend and ally, in grave danger. The senate forthwith sent messengers to Numidia with orders that the siege should be raised. When Jugurtha disregarded this message, the Romans sent more envoys vested with greater authority; but they achieved as little as the previous envoys. At length Jugurtha, digging a trench around the city, forced it into surrender through starvation. Then he most unnaturally slew his own brother, as he was going out of the city with his children and abdicating from his kingdom. Adherbal begged him only to spare his life, but Jugurtha disregarded both the affection due to family, and the respect due to suppliants. He also tortured and killed all the Italians who had fought alongside his brother.

[32] G Jugurtha, the king of the Numidians, marvelled at the courage of the Romans and praised their virtues. He said to his own friends that with such men he could . . . through the whole of Africa . . .

[32a] G When news arrived of the death of (? ) Cassius and his army . . . the city was filled with much uproar and wailing; for many children were orphaned . . . and not a few brothers . . .

[33] G Publius Scipio Nasica, the consul, was a man renowned for both his virtue and his nobleness of birth; for he was descended from the same family as Africanus, Asiaticus and Hispanus; of whom the first conquered Africa, the second Asia, and the third Spain; and each of them earned their surname through their achievements. In addition to the glory attached to the whole family, his father and his grandfather had been the most eminent men of the city; for both of them were leaders of the senate - the first to express their opinions in all debates - up to the time of their deaths. His grandfather upon one occasion was judged by the senate the best man of all the Roman citizens. 2 # For it was found written in the Sibylline oracles that the Romans should build a temple in honour of the great mother of the gods {Magna Mater}, and should bring her sacred images from Pessinus in Asia; and that all the people should go out of the city to meet them; and that the best man should lead the men, and the best woman be at the head of the women, when they received the images of the goddess. The senate performed all that was prescribed in the oracles; they judged Publius Nasica to be the best man, and Valeria the best woman.

3 G # He was not only eminent for his piety towards the gods, but also a good statesman, who expressed his views intelligently. For Marcus Cato, who was given the name Demosthenes, whenever he delivered his opinion in the senate always repeated that Carthage must be destroyed, even if the senate was debating some other, unrelated matter; but Publius Nasica was ever of the opposite opinion, that Carthage should be preserved, 4 Both of these opinions seemed to the senate to be worthy of consideration; but the most acute thinkers amongst them preferred the opinion of Nasica. For they conceived that the power and grandeur of the Romans should be judged, not by comparison with the feebleness of others, but rather by their superiority over even the strongest states. 5 Besides, while Carthage stood, the fear of that city would force the Romans to remain in peace and concord among themselves, and they would govern their subjects with more moderation and clemency; these are the things which usually strengthen and enlarge empires. But if the rival city {Carthage} was destroyed, what could they expect but civil wars amongst the Romans themselves, and hatred of their leadership amongst the allies, who would suffer from the greed and insolence of the Roman magistrates.

6 G # All of this accordingly happened to the Romans after the destruction of Carthage. For turbulent demagogues, redistribution of land, grievous revolts of allies, continual and destructive civil wars, and all the other misfortunes which Publius Scipio foretold, came to pass. His son Nasica afterwards, when he was well advanced in years, acted as leader of the senate and with his own hands killed Tiberius Gracchus, who was aiming at tyrannical power. 7 # This caused uproar amongst the common people, who were provoked to rage against those responsible for the death of Gracchus. The tribunes of the people, bringing all the senators one by one to the rostra, asked them who had killed him; every one of them, fearing violence from the people, denied the facts, and gave vague answers. But when it came to Nasica, he admitted that he had killed him with his own hand; and further declared, that the ambition of Gracchus to seize absolute power had not been obvious to others, but it was very well known to him and the senate. Whereupon the people, though they were much troubled at what had happened, yet were moved by the boldness and authority of the man; and so they refrained from further action. 8 # This Scipio Nasica likewise, the son of the former Nasica, who died in this year, maintained an incorruptible character throughout his life; he took part in public affairs, and showed himself to be a philosopher, not only in words, but genuinely in the way he lived; so that he inherited a reputation for virtue in keeping with his ancestors.

[34] G Antiochus Cyzicenus, as soon as he gained possession of the kingdom, applied himself to drinking and luxury, and behaviour altogether unbecoming for a king. For being extremely addicted to mimes, stage players and all kinds of conjurers, he learned their arts with great eagerness; he applied himself also to puppet-playing, and moving models of living creatures, five cubits high, which were covered over with gold and silver, and other contrivances of that sort. But he did not own any helepoleis or other siege engines, the possession of which would have brought him great renown, as well as being of practical use. Moreover, he was much addicted to inappropriate hunting, and often would steal out secretly by night, with a servant or two, to hunt boars, lions and leopards; so that many times he was in danger of his life by rashly encountering these wild beasts.

[35] G Micipsa, son of Masinissa king of Numidia, had many children; but above them all he loved Adherbal his eldest, and Hiempsal and Micipsa. Micipsa was the most cultivated of all the kings of Numidia, and summoned the most learned of the Greeks to join him. He spent his time with them in improving himself in all sorts of learning, especially in philosophy; and he maintained his kingdom, together with his study of philosophy, until his old age.

[35a] G # Another Jugurtha {Massiva? }, a member of the royal family, came to Rome and made a rival claim to be king of Numidia. Since he was gaining an extremely good reputation, Jugurtha hired some murderers and secretly killed him; after this, without anyone preventing him, he returned to his kingdom.

[36] G Contoniatus, the chieftain of Iontora in Gaul, was eminent for his prudence and skill in warfare. He was a friend and an ally of the Romans; for he had previously spent some time in Rome, and so shared in their virtue and liberal education. It was with the help of the Romans that he had gained power in Gaul.

[37] G # . . . of Carbo and Silanus. After so many men had been killed, some were crying for sons or brothers; others, orphaned by the death of their fathers, lamented the loss of their parents and the desolation of Italy; and a very large number of women, deprived of their husbands, were turned into poor widows. But the senate, enduring this misfortune with great magnanimity, put an end to so much wailing and crying; although they had suffered greatly from the disaster, they preferred to conceal the grief.

[38] G # Caius Marius, one of the counsellors and legates, was slighted by the proconsul, as being one of the humblest amongst them. The rest who were of eminent birth, and great reputation, were honoured and respected by the proconsul. But as for Marius, who was said to have been a tax-farmer, and had struggled to get into the lowest rank amongst the magistrates, Metellus paid no attention to him. Though in truth, all the rest loved their ease and avoided the unpleasantness of fighting; but Marius, having been often employed as leader of dangerous operations during the wars, seemed (? ) to welcome this lack of respect. By applying himself to the tasks that he was given, he became a most expert soldier; 2 and because he was naturally of a warlike spirit, and faced danger without flinching, in a short time he acheived a great reputation for bravery. His fairness and generosity towards the soldiers, and his affable conduct in all his meetings with those who were under his command, gained the affection of all the soldiers. In return for his kindness, they fought more courageously, when they were under his command, so as to increase the honour and reputation of their general; but if any other at any time happened to be sent to command them, the soldiers would deliberately fight more weakly at the very height of the battle. As a result, the Romans were often defeated, when one of the others commanded the army; but when Marius was general, they were always victorious.

[39] G # Bocchus, king of Libya, having sharply rebuked those who had persuaded him to make war upon the Romans, sent envoys to Marius. He begged pardon for his past offences, and since he desired to enter into an alliance, made many promises to provide assistance to the Romans in future. Marius ordered him to send a deputation to the senate, to treat of these matters; and accordingly the king sent envoys to Rome. The senate replied to them that Bocchus would in every respect be received into grace and favour, if he won the support of Marius. Realising that Marius was anxious to take Jugurtha the king as prisoner, Bocchus sent for Jugurtha, as if he wished to discuss some business of concern to them both. Then he seized him, and delivered him bound to Lucius Sulla the quaestor, who had been sent out for that purpose; and so, by the downfall of Jugurtha, he bought his own safety, and escaped punishment from the Romans.

[39a] G When the elder Ptolemy was shut up in the city of Seleuceia, one of his friends formed a plot against him. Ptolemy captured the plotter and punished him; but after that, he no longer had complete trust in his friends.

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Diodorus Siculus, Book 36
( fragments covering the period 104 - 98 B. C. )

See table of contents for some information about how this translation has been produced, and key to translations for an explanation of the format.
[1] G # About the time that Marius in a great battle defeated Bocchus and Jugurtha, the African kings, and slew many thousands of the Africans, and afterwards captured Jugurtha himself - who was delivered up to him by Bocchus, in order to gain the favour of the Romans and pardon for having made war upon them - the Romans themselves were in difficulty, by reason of the great losses they had suffered in the fighting against the Cimbrians in Gaul. And moreover, at the very same time men arrived from Sicily, reporting that many thousands of slaves there had risen in revolt. Therefore the whole Roman state was in such straits, that they knew not which way to turn; after losing sixty thousand allied troops in Gaul, in the war against the Cimbrians, they did not enough soldiers to send out another army.

[2] G # And besides, before the rebellion of the slaves in Sicily, there had been numerous revolts in Italy; but these were short and inconsiderable, as if the divinity had appointed them to be omens and presages of the great rebellion in Sicily. The first rising was at Nuceria, where thirty servants entered into a conspiracy, but they were soon punished. The second was at Capua where two hundred rose up in arms, but they were soon suppressed. 2 The third happened in a strange manner, which was as follows. Titus Minutius, a Roman knight who had a very rich man for his father, chanced to fall in love with another man's maidservant, who was a very beautiful girl. Having enjoyed her, he was seized by an extraording passion, almost to the point of madness. He desired to buy her from her master, who was with much difficulty persuaded to part with her. The lover at length bought her for seven Attic talents, and agreed a certain time for the payment of the money; until this time, his father's great wealth procured him credit. But when the day of payment was come, he did not have the money available, and he requested a postponement of thirty days. 3 That time also having passed, the creditor then demanded his money, but the lover was still not able to pay, and yet his love continued still as hot as ever. At length an extraordinary concept came into his head, which induced him to lay a trap for those that demanded the money; and to that end he decided to take on the state and dignity of a monarch. Therefore he bought five hundred panoplies; and after setting a new day for payment, in which he was trusted, he withdrew secretly to a certain field, where he stirred up his own slaves, about four hundred in number, to rise in revolt. 4 Then he put on a diadem and purple cloak, and assuming all the other badges and emblems of royalty, he declared himself king, the deliverer of the slaves. In the first place he caused all those who demanded the money, which he had given for the young woman, to be scourged, and then executed. Then he entered the next towns with his armed slaves; those that came readily to join with him, he furnished with arms, and he killed all that opposed him. Having in a short time got together above seven hundred men, he divided them into centuries; and then fortifying and entrenching himself, he received all the slaves that ran away from their masters.

5 G When the rebellion was reported at Rome, the senate took prudent measures to put a stop to the mischief, and successfully suppressed it. The care and management of the business for the reducing and punishing of the fugitive slaves was committed to Lucius Lucullus, one of the praetors in the city, who raised six hundred men in Rome, and with them the same day marched to Capua, where he mustered four thousand foot-soldiers, and four hundred cavalrymen. 6 When Vettius heard with what speed Lucullus was advancing towards him, he took possession of a strong hill, along with three thousand five hundred of his men. In the first engagement the fugitives by the advantage of the higher ground, got the better. Afterwards Lucullus bribed Apollonius, Vettius' general, to betray his confederates, by promising him, on behalf of the state, that he should receive a pardon. Apollonius duly co-operated with the Romans, and attacked Vettius, who slew himself, in order to avoid the punishment he feared for his rebellion. The rest of the rebels soon perished, except for Apollonius. And these were like prologues to that great revolt in Sicily, which began as follows.

[2a] G There were many uprisings of slaves. The first was around Nuceria, when thirty slaves formed a conspiracy, and were quickly punished. The second was around Capua, when two hundred slaves joined in an uprising and were quickly punished. The third was extraordinary, and very different from the usual pattern of events. A certain Titus Vettius, a Roman knight with an extremely rich father, while he was still a mere youth formed a strong desire for another man's serving-maid, who was a girl of great beauty. After having intercourse with her, and living with her for some considerable time, he was seized by an extraordinary passion and a sort of madness. Because of his love for her, he tried to buy the girl's freedom,. At first, her owner refused; but later, won over by the large price that was offered, he agreed to sell her for seven Attic talents, and a time was arranged for the money to be handed over. The boy, who was trusted to pay because of his father's great wealth, took the maid away and went to one of his father's estates, where he satisfied his lusts with her. When the agreed time came for the payment, some men came to demand the money. After postponing the payment for thirty days, but still not being able to produce the money, the boy, who had become a slave to his passion, resorted to the most bizarre action. The strengh of his feelings, and the shame ensuing from the postponement, drove him to childish and very silly thoughts. As he contemplated the likely departure of his mistress, he formed a desperate plot against those who were demanding the payment . . .

[3] G # As part of the command of Marius against the Cimbrians, the senate had given him a commission to raise men from the countries beyond the seas; to which end, Marius sent envoys to Nicomedes king of Bithynia, requesting him to send some men as auxiliaries; but Nicomedes replied that most of the Bithynians had been taken away as slaves by the tax-collectors, and were dispersed throughout the provinces. 2 Upon hearing this, the senate decreed that no freeman belonging to any of the Roman allies should in any province be forced to be a slave, and that the praetors should take care to see that they were all set free. In pursuance of this order Licinius Nerva, then praetor in Sicily, appointed hearings and set free so many slaves that in a few days above eight hundred gained their liberty; so that all the slaves in Sicily were hereby encouraged and grew confident in their hope of liberty. 3 The most eminent Sicilians therefore approached the the praetor, and asked him to desist from making any more free.
Hereupon he (whether bribed, or to gain favour) withdrew his support for the hearings, and if any others came to him in the hope of being made free, he dismissed them with harsh words and sent them back to their masters. Upon this the slaves entered into a conspiracy; they left Syracuse, and gathered together at the grove of the Palici, where they discussed their intended rebellion. 4 The bold mood of the slaves became evident in many places throughout the island. Amongst others, thirty slaves of two rich brothers in the country of the Halicyae were the first to assert their liberty; their leader was one Varius. These in the first place killed their masters, when they were asleep in their beds: then they went away to the neighbouring dwellings, and urged all the slaves there to follow them to freedom; and more than one hundred and twenty came to join them in that one night. 5 Upon this they took possession of a place naturally strong of itself, which they endeavoured to make stronger with fortifications, where eighty more well-armed men came in to them. Licinius Nerva, the governor of the province, hastened out against them with the intention of stopping their ravages, but all his efforts were in vain. Seeing therefore that the place was not to be taken by force, he sought to gain it by treachery; for he secretly communicated with one Gaius Titinius, surnamed Gadaeus, whom he persuaded to assist in achieving his purpose, by promising him safety and protection. This man had been condemned to die two years before, but had escaped, and had robbed and murdered many freemen in that province, but never in the least injured any slave. 6 Titinius, with a great body of slaves, came to this fort, where the rebels had posted themselves, as if he intended to join with them in making war upon the Romans. When they willingly and cordially received him, and in recognition of his valour made him their general, he subsequently betrayed the fort. Then some of the rebels were killed while resisting, and the rest, out of fear of what they should suffer if they were taken prisoners, threw themselves down headlong from the top of the rock. And in this manner was the first rising of the slaves suppressed.

[4] G But the soldiers had no sooner got back to their quarters, than news was brought that about eighty slaves had started an uprising, and had cut the throat of Publius Clonius, a Roman knight, and that now their number was much increased. And to aggravate the matter the praetor, being ill advised, had disbanded most of his army, and the resulting delay gave time for the rebels to strengthen themselves. 2 However, he marched out against them with those he then had. As soon as he passed the river Alba, he turned aside from the rebel slaves, who were gathered on Mount Caprianus, and arrived at Heracleia. Upon this, a report was spread around that the praetor was a coward who was afraid to attack them, and very many slaves were encouraged to join in the revolt. When many therefore flocked in, furnishing themselves as well as they could for a battle, within seven days there were above eight hundred that took up arms; and soon afterwards they amounted to two thousand. 3 The praetor at Heracleia, being informed that their number was increasing, sent Marcus Titinius as commander against them, and provided him with six hundred men out of the garrison at Enna. This Titinius fought the rebels, who (having the advantage both of place and number) routed him, and killed many of his men, and the rest threw away their arms, and with much difficulty saved themselves by flight. By this means the rebels suddenly got such a great number of weapons, that they were more firmly resolved to persist in their rebellion, and now all the slaves were ready to revolt. 4 As more slaves joined the revolt every day, the number amounted in a short time to such a height as none ever suspected it could, insomuch that within a few days they were above six thousand. They now called an assembly, and held a debate; in the first place they chose a king called Salvius, who was reputed to be a fortune-teller, and one who played the flute wildly in the women's entertainments. But having now been raised to be king, he disdaineded living in cities, as being the nurseries of sloth and effeminacy. Afterwards, he divided the army into three bodies, over each of which he appointed a general, and ordered them to make inroads up and down in the country, and at a certain time and place all to join again in one body. 5 By these depredations they provided themselves so well with horses and other animals, that in a short time they had above two thousand horse, and no less than twenty thousand foot-soldiers, although the men were very raw and inexperienced in warfare. Among other raids, they attacked Morgantina, a strong and well-fortified city, with great fury and made fierce and continual assaults upon it

6 G The Roman general marched out in the night, with about ten thousand men from Italy and Sicily, with the intention of relieving the city. He surprised the rebels, who were busily employed in the siege, by the suddenness of his assault; and, breaking into their camp, found very few guards, but a great number of prisoners, and abundance of plunder of all sorts. With great ease he captured all this; and, when he had plundered the camp, he marched away towards Morgantina; 7 but the rebels turned back upon him with great fury, and having the advantage of the higher ground, soon routed him, and put all his army to flight. The rebel king ordered a proclamation to be made that no-one who threw away his weapons should be killed; and therefore most of the soldiers cast away their weapons, and fled. By this means Salvius both recovered what he had lost in his camp, and gained a glorious victory, and much spoil. 8 No more than six hundred of the Italians and Sicilians were killed, owing to the moderation of the king; but four thousand were taken prisoner. After this victory, many came flocking in to join Salvius, and his army became double in size to what it was previously. Having in this way made himself absolute master of the open country, he again besieged Morgantina, and promised liberty to all the slaves who were in the city. But their masters promised the same to them, if they would be faithful, and join with them in the defence of the place; and they chose rather to accept what was offered by their masters. They fought so resolutely, that they forced the enemy to raise their siege. But the praetor afterwards revoked the promise of liberty for the slaves; and this caused many of them to run away to join the rebels.

[5] G # After this, all the slaves in the territories of Segesta and Lilybaeum were likewise infected with this desire of rebellion. Their leader was one Athenion, a valiant man, and a Cilician. This man, who was the steward of two rich brothers, and an excellent astrologer, first persuaded the slaves, over whom he had some sort of command, to join with him, to the number of two hundred; and afterwards he added those who lived in the neighbouring districts, so that in five days time there were gathered above one thousand. 2 They made him king, and placed a diadem upon his head. Athenion resolved to order matters and affairs in a manner very different from the other rebels. For he did not indiscriminately receive everyone who came to him, but only those with strong and healthy bodies, who would make the best soldiers; the rest he forced to continue in their previous occupations, and everyone in his own place diligently to apply himself to the duty incumbent upon him. By this means he was able to bring in plenty of provisions for his soldiers. 3 He pretended that by the stars the gods foretold that he should become the king of the whole of Sicily, and therefore he was to refrain from spoiling the country, or destroying the cattle and crops, as they all belonged to him. At length, having now got together above ten thousand men, he was so daring as to besiege Lilybaeum, a city considered to be impregnable. But since he failed to make any headway, he abandoned the enterprise, pretending he was commanded to do so by the gods, who warned him that, if they continued the siege, they would certainly fall into some sudden misfortune. 4 Accordingly, while he was preparing to withdraw from the city, a fleet of Mauretanians entered the harbour, who had been sent to the assistance of the citizens of Lilybaeum. Their commander, called Gomon, surprised Athenion's army by night, as they were leaving the siege and marching off; he killed a great number of them and wounded as many others, before returning with his men to the city. The rebels were astonished, that Athenion's prophecy from reading the stars had been fulfilled in this way.

[6] G At the same time great disorders, and an Iliad of calamities, spread over the whole of Sicily. Not only slaves, but also impoverished freemen committed all sorts of robbery and acts of wickedness; for they shamelessly killed all they met, whether slaves or free, so that none might be left to inform on them. As a result, the inhabitants of the cities felt that they scarcely owned what was with them within the walls; but as for that which was outside, it was all lost, falling as prey to the lawless rule of violence. Many other outrageous deeds were impudently committed throughout Sicily, by many different persons.

[7] G Salvius likewise, who had besieged Morgantina, after harassing all the country, as far as the territories of Leontini, mustered his army there, consisting of above thirty thousand fighting men. Then he made a sacrifice to the Palici, the local heroes, and dedicated one of his royai robes, in gratitude for his victories. He caused himself to he proclaimed king, and was given the name Tryphon by the rebels. 2 Since he wished to take possession of Triocala, and there to build a palace, he sent to Athenion, summoning him as a king would summon a general. Every man then thought that Athenion would endeavour to gain the sovereignty for himself, and by that means the rebels woald be divided, and so a speedy end would be put to the war. But fortune so ordered the matter, as if to strengthen the armies of the runaway slaves, that the two leaders fully co-operated with each other. For Tryphon marched speedily with his army to Triocala, and Athenion met him there with three thousand men, in everything observing the commands of Tryphon as king. Athenion had sent the rest of his army away to devastate the countryside, and to bring over as many slaves as they could to join in the revolt. But not long afterwards, Tryphon suspected that Athenion was planning to supplant him in time, and therefore he caused him to be put in custody. The fortress, which was in itself very secure, he made still more strong, and adorned it likewise with many stately buildings. 3 They say that it was called Triocala, because it was remarkable for three fine things {tria kala}. First, for springs of excellent sweet water; secondly, for vineyards, and olive plantations, and rich lands for tillage; and thirdly, that it was an impregnable position, built upon a high and inaccessible rock. After he had built a city wall of eight stades round about it, and had surrounded it with a deep trench, he made it the his royal capital, filled with an abundance of all things necessary for the life of man. He likewise built there a stately palace and an agora, capable of receiving a vast number of men. 4 He chose a suitable number of the most prudent men to be his councillors, and used them as his advisers. Moreover, whenever he was conducting business, he put on a toga, edged with purple, and a wide-bordered chiton. Lastly, he appointed lictors with rods and axes to go before him, and took great care that all the other emblems and trappings of royalty should be observed.

[8] G # At length, Lucius Licinius Lucullus was chosen general by the senate of Rome, to go against the rebels. He took with him fourteen thousand Romans and Italians; eight hundred Bithynians, Thessalians and Acarnanians; six hundred Lucanians, under the command of Cleptius, an expert general, renowened for his valour; and also six hundred from other places; in the whole amounting to (? ) seventeen thousand. When he entered Sicily with this army , 2 Tryphon released Athenion, and consulted with him how to manage the war against the Romans. Tryphon was of the opinion, that it was the safest way to continue at Triocala, and there await the enemy: but Athenion advised that they should fight in the open countryside, rather than allow themselves to be trapped in a siege. As this opinion prevailed, they marched out and encamped near Scirthaea, with no fewer than forty thousand men, twelve stades distant from the Roman camp. 3 At first the armies employed themselves every day in light skirmishes; but at length they engaged in battle. While victory was still undecided, and many were slain on both sides, Athenion fought alongside two hundred of his cavalry, and covered the ground round about him with the bodies of his enemies. But being wounded in both knees, and then receiving a third wound, he was totally unable to continue fighting. This so discouraged the rebels, that they turned to flight. 4 Athenion lay concealed, as if he were dead, and so feigned himself till night came on, and then stole away. But the Romans, having now gained a glorious victory, forced Tryphon himself to take to his heels, and in the pursuit slew at least twenty thousand men. The rest, taking advantage of the night, got away to Triocala, although the general might easily have killed them too, if he had pressed the pursuit.

5 G Upon this rout the slaves were so much discouraged, that it was proposed amongst them that they should return to their masters, and submit themselves wholly into their power. But those who advised to stand it out to the last, and not to surrender themselves to the vengeance of their enemies, prevailed over the other. Nine days later, the Roman praetor began to besiege Triocala; but after much slaughter on both sides, he was obliged to withdraw and leave the place. Upon this the rebels recovered their spirits; the praetor on the other hand, either through sloth and negligence, or corrupted by bribes, neglected entirely the proper conduct of his duty, for which he was afterwards brought to trial by the Romans.

[9] G # Neither did Gaius Servilius, who succeeded Lucullus, do anything worth remembering; and therefore he was brought to trial, as Lucullus had been before, and banished. In the meantime Tryphon died, and Athenion succeeded him as king of the rebels. He besieged cities and devastated the countryside, without any opposition from Servilius, so that he gained control of large areas.

2 G When he heard that the praetor Gaius Servilius had crossed the straits to Sicily in order to take over the command of the war, the praetor Lucullus disbanded his soldiers, and burned his palisades and fortification works, so as not to leave to his successor any useful resources for the conduct of war. Because he was being accused of dragging out the war, he believed that he could exonerate himself, by ensuring the humiliation and failure of his successor.

[10] G # In the following year, Gaius Marius was elected as consul at Rome for the fifth time, and with him Gaius Aquilius. Aquilius was sent as general against the rebels; and through his personal valour he defeated them in a great battle; like a hero, he fought hand to hand with Athenion the king of the rebels, and killed him, but himself suffered a wound on the head, from which he recovered. Then he marched against the remainder of them, who were about ten thousand; and though they did not wait for his attack, but fled to their defences, yet Aquilius did not slacken his resolution in the least, until he had overcome them by siege. 2 There remained now only a thousand, led by Satyrus; at first Aquilius determined to reduce them by force; but later they sent envoys and made their submission. For the time being he put off their punishment ; but when they were brought as prisoners to Rome, he consigned them to fight with wild beasts, 3 where it is reported they ended their lives with great gallantry and nobleness of mind; for they scorned to fight with beasts, but slew each other at the public altars; and after all the others were dead, Satyrus being the last, with a heroic spirit killed himself. This was the tragic end of the slave war, after it had continued for the space of almost four years.

[11] G It was not only the multitude of slaves that not devastated Sicily; but also the free men, who had no property in the countryside, turned to robbery and lawlessness. Swarms of them were impelled by poverty and lawlessness to ravage the countryside; they drove away whole herds of cattle, robbed the barns in the towns and villages, and carried away the corn and crops. They killed everyone they met, whether slave or free, so that no-one might be left to report their recklessness and cruelty. 2 For since there was at this time complete anarchy in Sicily, and no Roman magistrate exercised any jurisdiction, all ran wild and committed many great enormities with impunity, so that all places were full of violence and robbery, which pillaged the possessions of the rich. They who a little before were pre-eminent amongst their fellow citizens for their wealth and distinction, by a sudden change of fortune were not only treated with the greatest contempt and scorn imaginable, and robbed of all they had by their slaves; but they were forced to bear insufferable abuse from their fellow freemen. 3 And therefore no-one could properly call anything his own even within the city gates; but what was outside, they considered to be quite lost, as an irrecoverable prey to the robbers. To conclude, confusion and utter subversion of law and justice, raged throughout all the cities in the island. For the rebels, after they gained control of the open countryside, made the roads impassable; they were driven by hatred of their masters, and they were not content with their unexpected success. Even the slaves that were still within the cities, who were sick at heart and longing for an opportunity to rebel, were a dread and terror to their masters.

[12] G # Saturninus the tribune was a man of licentious habits. When he was quaestor, he had been put in charge of the transport of all the corn from Ostia to Rome; but owing to his laziness and his debased character, he was removed from this office by the senate, who committed the task to the care of others. But afterwards, when he had desisted from his former licentiousnes, and adopted a sober mode of life, he was chosen by the people to be tribune.

[13] G # One Battaces, a priest of the goddess Rhea, came to Rome from Pessinus, a city of Phrygia. He declared that he had come by command of the goddess, and he told the magistrates and senate that their temple was profaned, and that a public expiation ought to be made in the name of the Romans. His clothing and the other ornaments of his body were very strange, and altogether unusual at Rome; for he bore a golden crown of great size, and a flowered gown embroidered with gold, giving the appearance of royal rank. 2 After he had spoken to the people from the rostra, and filled the people with religious awe, he was honoured with public lodgings and hospitality: but he was forbidden to wear the crown by Aulus Pompeius, a tribune of the people. When another tribune brought him back to the rostra, and asked how the expiatory sacrifices should be made, his answers were full of religious fervour. At length he was driven out by Pompeius' faction, with many scorns and insults. He went back to his lodgings, and never ventured out after that, saying that they had dishonoured not only himself, but also the goddess. 3 Before long Pompeius fell into a high fever, and then had a quinsy, which took away his speech, and he died on the third day. The common people believed that his death was caused by divine providence, as a result of his profane and impious abuse of the goddess and her priest; for the Romans are extremely god-fearing. Therefore Battaces was honoured with many presents, and allowed to continue wearing his sacred vestments with all their ornaments; and when he left Rome to return home, he was escorted out of the city by a multitude of men and women.

[14] G It was a custom among the Roman soldiers, that if any of their generals fought a battle and killed more than six thousand of tbe enemy, they called him imperator, which means the same as 'king' in Greek.

[15] G Envoys came from king Mithridates to Rome, bringing a great sum of money, with the intention of bribing the senate. Saturninus, thinking that now he had a cause to attack the senate, reproached and abused the embassy. Encouraged by the senators, who promised to assist them, the envoys brought a prosecution against Saturninus, concerning this abuse. 2 He was brought to trial in public, with great severity, by reason of the violation of the envoys, and of the constant abhorrence that the Romans have of any assault on embassies. Saturninus, who was now at risk of being condemned to death by the senate, his proper judges in such cases, fell into extreme fear and danger. Because of the seriousness of his predicament, in consternation he took refuge in the pity that is commonly given to those who are unfortunate. Throwing off his rich apparel, putting on poor and sordid clothes, and allowing his beard to grow, he ran up and down to the tumultuous throngs of people throughout the city, falling down upon his knees to some, catching others fast by the hands, begging with tears that they would assist him in his present calamities. 3 He declared that he was the victim of political oppression by the senate, contrary to all right and justice, and he suffered all this because of the good will he bore the people; the senate were his enemies, accusers, and judges. # The mob were swayed by his entreaties, and in an great uproar many thousands of them ran to the tribunal, so that he was unexpectedly released from the charges; and with the support of the people, he was again appointed tribune.

[16] G # For two years the subject of Metellus' banishment was debated in assemblies. His son traversed the forum with his beard and hair overgrown, and in a tattered garment, while with tears in his eyes he prostrated himself at the feet of every citizen, entreating them to recall his father. Although the people were very reluctant to make a precedent for exiles to return home in defiance of the laws, yet, in compassion to the young man, and being moved by the earnestness of his entreaties, they recalled Metellus from banishment, and surnamed the son Pius, on account of the singular affection and care that he had for his father.

Book 37 →

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Diodorus Siculus, Book 37
( fragments covering the period 91 - 88 B. C. )

Click on the G symbols to go to the Greek text of the fragments.
Click on the # symbols to go to lists of other ancient sources which refer to the same events.

[1] G # Ever since human actions have been recorded for eternal memory in history, the greatest war known to us is the Marsic War, named after the Marsi. This war, indeed, surpassed all those that preceded it, both in the bravery of the leaders and in the greatness of their exploits. Homer, the most famous of poets, made the Trojan war forever famous by his epic poem. In this struggle between Europe and Asia, while the two largest continents competed for victory, they accomplished such great deeds that posterity has drawn extensively on them for mythical and tragic subjects in the theatre. 2 Yet these heroes of antiquity took ten years to subdue the cities of the Troas, while later the Romans defeated Antiochus the Great in a single battle, and became masters of Asia. After the Trojan War, the Persian king marched against Greece; permanent rivers were dried up by the crowd of warriors who followed the king. However, the strategic skill of Themistocles together with the courage of the Greeks defeated the Persians. 3 At the same time, when three hundred thousand Carthaginians landed in Sicily, Gelon, the ruler of Syracuse, by a single stratagem, and within a short time, burned two hundred ships, killed in battle one hundred and fifty thousand of the enemy, and made an equal number prisoners . But the Romans, who fought in the Marsic War, defeated the descendants of those who had done all these great things. 4 In more recent times, the Romans conquered Macedonia, the home of that Alexander who, by his genius and his extraordinary bravery, overthrew the Persian empire. Carthage, which had for twenty-four years fought to resist the Romans in Sicily, contesting the largest and most numerous battles by land and sea, succumbed to the power of the Romans; and later, after Carthage started the so-called Hannibalic War, although it won many battles by land and sea, and achieved great fame for its exploits under the leadership of Hannibal, a most excellent general, yet finally it was subdued by the bravery of the Romans and Italians, as well as by the prowess of Scipio. 5 The Cimbri, who had the appearance of giants, endowed with enormous strength, destroyed several large Roman armies and attacked Italy with four hundred thousand men; but, thanks to the courage of the Romans, they were completely exterminated.

6 G So everyone judged that the palm of bravery should be awarded to the Romans and the people of Italy; but fate, which seemed deliberately to provoke discord among these peoples, unleashed a war that surpassed all others in its proportions. The people of Italy, who were always considered the bravest, were torn apart by internal factions, and rebelled against the authority of Rome. Then there arose this immense war, which was called the Marsic War after the name of the Marsi who were the leaders of the rebellion.

[2] G # (Diodorus says that) the so-called Marsic war (which happened in his lifetime) was greater than all previous wars. The Marsic war took its name from the leaders of the defection, although the Italians in general made this war upon the Romans. It is said that the primary cause of this arose was that the Romans, who had risen to such great power through their frugal and sparing way of living, fell into the pursuit and luxury and licentiousness. 2 This alteration caused great dissension between the populace and the senate; and when the senate called on the Italians for support, and in response to their frequent entreaties promised to enfranchise them, and make them free citizens of Rome, and to ratify it by a law, but the Italians saw nothing performed as had been promised, these were the sparks which at length broke forth into a flame at the time when Lucius Marcius Philippus and Sextus Julius were consuls, in the hundred and (? ) seventieth Olympiad.

3 G Many were the slaughters, sieges, and sacking of towns on both sides, during this war, victory hovering sometimes here and sometimes there, as if uncertain where to fall, and giving no assurance to either party which of them she favoured. But at length, after the shedding of much blood, the Romans with much difficulty got the better, and regained their former power and sovereignty. 4 # There were engaged against them in this war the Samnites, the people of Asculum, the Lucanians, the Picentes, the people of Nola, and other cities and nations; amongst which was Corfinium, a large and famous city, recently established as the capital city of the Italians. Here were all things necessary for the support and defence of so great a city, and the maintenance of the government; particularly a large forum and council-house, with a vast treasure, and a plentiful stock of provisions of all sorts. 5 They had likewise a senate consisting of five hundred members; out of which were chosen those considered fit to hold the most important magistracies, and to manage the weighty affairs of state. These therefore they entrusted with the management of the war, and put the absolute power of conducting all their business into the hands of the senators, who made a law that two consuls should be chosen every year, and twelve generals. 6 At this time Quintus Pompaedius Silo, a Marsian, (a person of the highest repute in his country), and Gaius Aponius Motylus, a Samnite, likewise famous for his noble acts above the rest of his own nation, were chosen consuls. They divided all Italy into two parts, and took each an equal share for the execution of their consular authority. 7 They allotted the region or tract from the Cercoli (so called) to the Adriatic sea, which lies to the north and west, to Pompaedius and six of the generals. The rest, which lay to the south and east, the Italians assigned to Motylus, with an equal number of generals. Having put all things into this good order, and, to sum up, having ordered all things according to the ancient model of the Roman government, they threw themselves more intently and earnestly into the prosecution of the war, and called the city itself Italia. 8 And they were so successful, that they for the most part came off as victors, until Gnaeus Pompeius was made consul and commander in the war, who with Sulla, the general of Cato the other consul, often routed them, and reduced them to such straits, that at length their power was shattered to bits. # However, they still continued the war, but were often worsted by Gaius Cosconius, who was sent as general to Iapygia. 9 Being therefore weakened and much reduced in numbers, since the Marsi and other neighbouring nations had gone over to the Romans, they agreed to abandon Corfinium, their capital city, and transplanted themselves to Aesernia, a city of the Samnites, under the command of five generals; of whom they made Quintus Pompaedius the chief for his valour and prudent management of the war; who with the consent of the other generals, raised a great army, which with the old soldiers amounted to the number of thirty thousand. 10 And besides, he got together at least twenty thousand foot-soldiers and one thousand cavalrymen by manumitting slaves, and armed them as well as the time would allow. Coming to battle with the Romans, whose general was Mamercus, he killed a few of them, but lost upwards of six thousand of his own men. About the same time Metellus captured the important city of Venusia in Apulia, which had in it a great number of soldiers, and carried away over three thousand prisoners.

11 G And now the Romans prevailed every day more and more against their enemies; so that the Italians sent envoys to Mithridates king of Pontus, who had then an excellent and well appointed army, to entreat him to march into Italy with his army, to oppose the Romans; by which means, they told him, the Roman power could easily be broken. Mithridates answered, that he would march into Italy as soon as he had subdued Asia, the task in which he was currently engaged. The rebels being therefore frustrated in their hopes of immediate assistance, and of supplies of money, were greatly disheartened: for there were but a few of the Samnites remaining, together with the Sabelli at Nola, and also Lamponius and Clepitius, who commanded what were left of the Lucanians.

12 G The Marsic war being now almost at an end, there arose again a great sedition in Rome, by reason of the contentious ambition of many of the Roman nobles, every one striving to be general in the war against Mithridates, lured on by the greatness of the rewards and riches to be reaped in that war. For Gaius Julius and Gaius Marius, who had been six times consul, opposed each other; and the people on that occasion were divided, some for the one and some for the other. There were likewise other disturbances about the same time; 13 # for Sulla the consul went from Rome to the forces which lay near to Nola, and so terrified many of the neighbouring territories and cities, that he forced them into surrender. But when Sulla was engaged in the war in Asia against Mithridates, and Rome was filled with slaughters and internal strife, Marcus Lamponius and Tiberius Cleptius, and also Pompeius, the generals of those Italians who were left remaining in Bruttium, attempted to capture the strong city of Isiae. After they had lain before the city for a long time, they left part of their army to maintain the siege, and fiercely assaulted Rhegium, in the expectation, that if they gained this place, they might with ease transport their army into Sicily, and so become masters of the richest island under the sun. 14 # But Gaius Norbanus, the governor of Sicily, so overawed the Italians with the greatness of his army and his vast preparations, that they drew off from the siege; and so the Rhegians were freed from danger. And afterwards, when the civil war broke out between Marius and Sulla, some of the Italians sided with Marius, and the rest with Sulla, and most of them were killed in the war; and all those who survived, joined the conqueror Sulla. And thus, at the same time as the civil war, ended the greatest of all wars, the Marsic war.

[3] G The Romans formerly, being governed by good and wholesome laws and customs, gradually grew to such a height of power, that at length they gained the greatest empire of any that history makes mention of. But in later times, after they had conquered many nations, and had long indulged themselves in the enjoyment of an uninterrupted peace, they declined from their ancient manners to wicked and destructive pursuits. 2 For the young men, enjoying rest and ease from war, with plenty of all things to be fuel to their lusts, gave themselves up to luxury and intemperance; for in the city prodigality was preferred before frugality, and living at ease before military service; and he that wasted all his time in voluptuousness, and not he that was of a virtuous and sober conduct, was accounted by all to be the only happy man. 3 Therefore sumptuous feasts, most fragrant ointments, flowered and embroidered carpets, rich and stately dining couches, splendidly wrought with gold, silver, ivory, and such like materials, came into fashion everywhere. Wine that was but of an ordinary quality they would not touch, but only Falernian and Chian, and other such fine wines: the choicest fish likewise, and everything of the best sort, was provided to gratify their shameless luxury. 4 The young men likewise wore garments of the finest and softest wool, woven so fine, that they were even transparent, and, with their flimsy texture, altogether like women's gowns. All these things, serving to nourish luxury and voluptuousness, (to their ruin and destruction), were generally coveted by all, so that in a short time their prices grew to an excessive level: 5 for a jar of Falernian wine was sold for a hundred drachmas, and a jar of salted Pontic fish for four hundred, skilful cooks were sold for four talents a-piece, and delicate and beautiful boys for many talents. While all with full swing were giving themselves up to this luxurious course of life, some of the governors in the provinces used their utmost endeavour to reform these enormities; and to that end, being most noticeable by reason of their eminent rank, they framed their own lives so as to be examples of virtue and liberal education to others.

6 G # Marcus Cato, a wise man and distinguished by the purity of his morals, spoke in the senate against the luxury that invaded Rome. "Only in this this city," he exclaimed, "does a pot of salted Pontic fish fetch a higher price than a pair of oxen, and a catamite cost more than a slave. "

[4] G I shall mention some men as an example for others, to give them their due praise and as an aid to public life: so that depraved men may be discouraged from pursuing their wicked designs by the blame they receive in histories, and good men may aspire to noble behaviour in the expectation of praise and external glory.