In general on this shift, see Singham, "A Conspiracy," Echeverria, The Maupeou Revolution, and Van Kley, The
Religious
Origins (see Intro.
Cult of the Nation in France
48. Jaucourt, "Patrie"; Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Emile, ou de l'e? ducation (Paris,
1966), 40. See also his article "Political Economy" for the Encyclope? die, in
which he claimed that love of the patrie is treated with derision.
49. Basset de la Marelle, La diffe? rence, 3; Rossel, Histoire du patriotisme franc? ois, 8 vols. (Paris, 1769), I, vi; Geoffroy, De amore patriae, 3. Norman Hampson, in "La patrie," 127, argues that during the pre-revolution of 1787-1789, "con- servatives" tended to use the word "patrie," while opponents of the monarchy used "patriote. " His observation is quite correct, but he does not examine the reason for this dichotomy, namely that the "patriotes" did not believe the patrie actually existed and had to be created, while their opponents believed
that it did exist and indeed was inseparable from the monarchy.
50. Quoted in Contamine, "Mourir pour la patrie," 31. On later French expres-
sions of the idea, see Viroli, 73-6. Chantreau, quoted in Dupuy, "Gene`se," 68.
51. Baptestein, Me? moire (see Ch. 1, n. 103), 2.
52. Coyer, 42.
53. Quoted in Bickart, Les parlements, 30.
54. [Edme-Franc? ois Darigrand], Antifinancier (n. p. , 1763), 7.
55. I reject the argument of Steven Englund in "The Ghost of Nation Past" (see
Intro. , n. 35), 315: "Who is using patrie and its derivations, patriotisme, patriote? Is it kings and ministers vis-a`-vis popes or ultramontanes? Or is it
Notes to Pages 60-63 243
? Notes to Pages 60-63
244
Notes to Pages 63-65
? 56. 57.
58.
more often municipalities, parlements, and aristocracies in opposition to centralizing monarchs? " In fact, the evidence shows that it was precisely the centralizing monarchs who used the word patrie most often.
Millot, Discours sur le patriotisme franc? ois (Lyon, 1762), 3, 15. Philippe-Auguste de Sainte-Foix, chevalier d'Arcq, La noblesse militaire (1756), iii; Beausobre, quoted in Elie-Lefebvre, "Le de? bat," 102.
Rossel, Histoire du patriotisme franc? ois. The manuscript essays submitted to the contest do not appear to have survived in the archives. Entries that were printed include Baptestein, Me? moire; Cle? ment-Alexandre de Brie-Serrant, Ecrit adresse? a` l'Acade? mie de Cha^lons-sur-Marne, sur une question propose? e par voie de concours, concernant le patriotisme (n. p. , 1787); Johan Meerman, Discours pre? sente? a` l'Acade? mie de Cha^lons-sur-Marne en 1787 (Leiden, 1787); E. Mignonneau, Re? flexions politiques sur la question propose? e par l'Acade? mie de Cha^lons (Paris, 1787); and the winner, Charles-Joseph Mathon de la Cour, Discours sur les meilleurs moyens de faire nai^tre et d'encourager le patriotisme dans une monarchie; qui a remporte? le prix dans l'Acade? mie de Cha^lons-sur- Marne, le 25 aou^t, 1787 (Paris, 1787). All of these works stressed the compati- bility of monarchy and patriotism, although the anonymously published Discours sur le patriotisme of 1788 (see Intro. , n. 56), which appears to have been provoked by the contest but not submitted for the prize, argued the op- posite case.
Me? morial pittoresque de la France, ou recueil de toutes les belles actions, traits de courage, de bienfaisance, de patriotisme et d'humanite? , arrive? s depuis le re`gne de Henri IV jusqu'a` nos jours (Paris, 1786). On depictions of the great men, see Chapter 4, and Bonnet, Naissance du Panthe? on (see Intro. , n. 48), 131-32.
Pierre Buirette de Belloy, Oeuvres complettes de M. de Belloy, de l'Acade? mie Franc? aise (Paris, 1779), 32. This text probably first appeared in 1775. See Simon Schama, Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution (New York, 1989), 37.
The exact degree of royal sponsorship of the play has been the subject of con- siderable discussion. See especially Clarence D. Brenner, L'histoire nationale dans la trage? die franc? aise du dix-huitie`me sie`cle (Berkeley, 1929), 253-65; Mar- garet M. Moffat, "'Le sie`ge de Calais' et l'opinion publique en 1765," Revue d'histoire litte? raire de la France, 39 (1932), 339-54; Lennard Breitholz, Le the? a^tre historique en France jusqu'a` la Re? volution (Uppsala, 1952), 191-202; Carmen Biondi, "Le sie`ge de Calais di Dormont de Belloy [sic]: Ragioni di un successo," in Intorno a Montesquieu (Pisa, 1970), 5-20; Boe? s, La lanterne magique (see Intro. , n. 44), 98-103.
Belloy, Le sie`ge de Calais (see Ch. 1, n. 104), 48. The eulogist, in Belloy, Oeuvres, 33, makes clear the line was directed against the philosophes.
Notes to Pages 63-65
59.
60.
61.
62.
63. Louis-Se? bastien Mercier, L'an 2440 (London, 1772), 267.
64. [Louis Petit de Bachaumont, et al. ], Me? moires secrets pour servir a` l'histoire de
la re? publique des lettres en France, 36 vols. (London, 1777-1789), VI, 39; Baron Grimm similarly reported that those who dared criticize the play and its obsequious royalism "are regarded as bad citizens. " Quoted in Boe? s, La lanterne magique, 70.
65. The point has been exhaustively demonstrated by Dziembowski in Un nou- veau patriotisme franc? ais.
66. "Six months ago you caused one revolution in the opinions of this country; now you must cause another one. " Moreau, Mes souvenirs, I, 59.
67. In the newspaper he identified his enemies as "so-called philosophes," and people "who have tried to restrict the exercise of authority," and explicitly linked the former to the English enemy: "A contagious epidemic malady has come to us from England: it is called the philosophical spirit. " Moreau, Le Moniteur, I, 77, 19. On Moreau's enterprise, see Dziembowski, "Les de? buts d'un publiciste" (see Ch. 1, n. 98). Two introductory essays from the Moniteur have been published in Dziembowski, ed. , Ecrits, 57-74 and 75-83.
68. On this literature, see Darrin McMahon, Enemies of Enlightenment (New
York, 2001).
Notes to Pages 65-67
69. Le patriotisme, poe`me (see Ch. 1, n. 86), 4, 11.
70. See Beaune, Naissance (see Intro. , n. 12), esp. 417-53.
71. Moreau, Moniteur franc? ois, I, 27.
72. Recueil des pie`ces d'e? loquence et de poe? sie qui ont remporte? les Prix de
l'Acade? mie Franc? oise, depuis 1747 jusqu'en 1753 (Paris, 1753). See also Denis- Ponce Ecouchard Lebrun, "Ode: L'amour des Franc? ais pour leurs Rois, consacre? par les monuments publics," in Denis-Ponce Ecouchard Lebrun, Oeuvres, P. L. Ginguene? , ed. , 4 vols. (Paris, 1811), 16-22. Nathalie Elie- Lefebvre writes that "in sum, one can say that the idea of patrie is practically inseparable from love for the king" (108).
73. Basset de la Marelle, 24. See also, for instance, Sobry, Le mode franc? ois (see Ch. 1, n. 63), 11; Annonces, affiches et avis divers ou Journal ge? ne? ral de France, 156 (1782), 1317-18; Ferlus, Le patriotisme chre? tien (see Ch. 1, n. 75), 5; Fourot, Code patriotique de rivalite? et d'e? mulation nationale, pacifique et guerriere (London, 1788), 25; Fauchet, De la religion nationale (Paris, 1789), 2.
74. Thomas Kaiser, "Louis le Bien-Aime? and the Rhetoric of the Royal Body," in Sara E. Melzer and Kathryn Norberg, eds. , From the Royal to the Republi- can Body: Incorporating the Political in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century France (Berkeley, 1998), 131-61.
75. The reference is to Jacques-Be? nigne Bossuet, Politics, which was first pub- lished posthumously in 1709. See Merrick's authoritative The Desacralization of the French Monarchy (see Intro. , n. 32).
Notes to Pages 65-67 245
? 246
Notes to Pages 67-71
? 76. 77.
78. 79.
80.
Notes to Pages 67-71
81.
82. 83.
84.
85. 86.
87. 88. 89.
Bibliothe`que de Port-Royal, Collection Le Paige, 17, 794.
In general on this shift, see Singham, "A Conspiracy," Echeverria, The Maupeou Revolution, and Van Kley, The Religious Origins (see Intro. , n. 66), 249-302. Even so, the "patriote" pamphlets still used the words "patriote" and "patriotique" less frequently than "nation. "
Lettre a` M. le Comte de xxx sur l'obe? issance que les militaires doivent aux commandements du Prince (n. p. , [1771]), 12.
See, for instance [Darigrand], Antifinancier, 7; Pierre-Etienne Regnaud, Histoire des evenemens arrive? s en France depuis le mois de septembre MDCCLXX concernans les Parlements & les changements dans l'Administra- tion de la justice & dans les loix du Royaume (Paris, 1772), in Bibliothe`que Nationale, Cabinet des Manuscrits, Manuscrits Franc? ais 13733-35, I, 1; [Bachaumont, et al. ], Me? moires secrets, V, 223 (March 7, 1772).
See, for a summary of this literature, Singham, "A Conspiracy," 77-161. Among the most notable examples of the literature are L'avocat national, ou lettre d'un patriote au Sieur Bouquet, dans laquelle on de? fend la ve? rite? , les loix et la patrie contre le syste`me qu'il a publie? dans un ouvrage intitule? Lettres provinciales (Paris, 1774).
In the ARTFL database there are 14 words beginning with "patriot-" out of a total of 1,387,549 for the period 1765-1769, or a frequency of 1. 00 per 100,000. For the period 1770-1774 there are 88 out of 2,286,660, or a fre- quency of 3. 85 per 100,000.
On "revolution," see Baker, Inventing, 203-23.
Louis Brancas, Comte de Lauragais: Extrait du droit public de la France (n. p. , [1771]), 45.
Quoted in Singham, "A Conspiracy," 137. See also notably Mathieu-Franc? ois Pidansat de Mairobert, Journal historique de la Re? volution ope? re? e dans la con- stitution de la monarchie franc? aise par M. de Maupeou, 5 vols. (London, 1775); Guy-Jean-Baptiste Target, Lettres d'un homme a` un autre homme sur les affaires du temps (n. p. , 1771).
Bibliothe`que de la Socie? te? de Port-Royal, Collection Le Paige 571, no. 26 (Le Paige to Murard, 20 May 1772). See also Van Kley, The Damiens Affair, 193. Maximes du droit public franc? ois (Amsterdam, 1772). On the influence of this work, see Dale Van Kley, "The Jansenist Constitutional Legacy in the French Pre-Revolution," in Baker, The Political Culture of the Old Regime (see Intro. , n. 32), 169-201.
[Jacques-Claude Martin de Mariveaux], L'ami des loix, ou les vrais principes de la le? gislation franc? oise ([n. p. ], 1775), 6, 25.
[Guillaume-Joseph Saige], Le cate? chisme du citoyen, quoted in Baker, In- venting, 143.
As several recent studies have concluded, the changes in French political cul-
dramatically.
1760-64 0. 77 1765-69 3. 39 1770-74 3. 79 1775-79 1. 24 1780-84 1. 20 1785-89 3. 31
"Nation"
"Public Opinion"
1. 67 1. 20 0. 63 1. 38 0. 88 1. 36
(use per 100,000 words)
91. According to the on-line catalogue of the Bibliothe`que Nationale de France: http://catalogue. bnf. fr.
92. [Jurieu], Les voeux d'un patriote (Amsterdam, 1788). Notes to Pages 71-73
93. As recently demonstrated by Dale Van Kley in "From the Lessons of French History to Truths for All Times and All People: The Historical Origins of an Anti-Historical Declaration," in Van Kley, ed. , French Idea, 72-113, and esp,
80-91.
94. [Pierre-Jean Agier], Le jurisconsulte national, ou principes sur la ne? cessite? du
consentement de la nation pour e? tablir et proroger les impo^ts (n. p. , 1788).
95. Quoted in Van Kley, "From the Lessons of French History," 81-82.
96. This assertion, based on my reading in the pre-revolutionary pamphlet litera-
ture, is also supported by Fehrenbach, "Nation"; Godechot, "Nation, patrie, nationalisme et patriotisme"; Hampson, "La patrie"; and Garrett, "French Nationalism. "
97. Godard to Cortot, May 29, 1788, Archives De? partementales de la Co^te d'Or, E 642. On the "national party" see also, for instance, Le roi et ses ministres, dia- logues (n. p. , [1788]), 3-4.
98. Emmanuel Sieye`s, Qu'est-ce que le Tiers Etat? (Paris, 1789). On Sieye`s and his influence, see most recently William H. Sewell, Jr. , A Rhetoric of Bourgeois Revolution: The Abbe? Sieye`s and 'What Is the Third Estate? ' (Durham, 1994).
99. "Manifeste aux Normands," and "Manifeste aux Bretons," reprinted in
Notes to Pages 71-73 247
? ture unleashed by Maupeou's coup were irreversible. See for instance, Maza,
Private Lives, esp. 313-24; Bell, Lawyers and Citizens, 148-81
90. See Ozouf, "L'opinion publique," 431-32. Measuring the popularity of terms is a difficult call, and the assertion here is based above all on my general sense from having read widely in the primary literature. However, the ARTFL data- base again provides a suggestive comparison. The use of "nation," as shown below, jumped dramatically both during lead-up to the Maupeou crisis and the crisis itself (1771-74), and then again during the pre-revolution (1785- 1789). "Public opinion," on the other hand, registered a decline during the Maupeou crisis, and even in the pre-revolutionary conflict it did not jump
248
Notes to Pages 73-76
? 100.
101.
102.
103. 104.
Notes to Pages 73-76
105.
106. 107.
108.
109.
110.
Maupeouana, ou Recueil complet des e? crits patriotiques publie? s pendant le regne du Chancelier Maupeou, 7 vols. (Paris, 1775), VI, 1-21, 84-97, quote from 1. Quoted in Berlet, Les tendances unitaires (see Intro. , n. 57), 10, 59; Aulard, Le patriotisme, 103; and Jules Keller, Le the? osophe Fre? de? ric-Rodolphe Saltzmann et les milieux spirituels de son temps, 2 vols. (The Hague, 1985), I, 194; Provenc? al material quoted by Rafe Blaufarb in unpublished conference paper, Society for French Historical Studies, Washington D. C. , 1999.
See on this subject David A. Bell, "Nation-Building and Cultural Particular- ism in Eighteenth-Century France: The Case of Alsace," Eighteenth-Century Studies, XXI/4 (1988), 472-90. On the absence of secessionist movements during the redrawing of France's internal boundaries, see Marie-Vic Ozouf- Marignier, La Formation des de? partements: La repre? sentation du territoire franc? ais a` la fin du 18e` sie`cle (Paris, 1989); Ted Margadant, Urban Rivalries in the French Revolution (Princeton, 1992).
See particularly on this subject Antoine de Baecque, The Body Politic: Corpo- real Metaphor in Revolutionary France, 1770-1800, trans. Charlotte Mandel (Stanford, 1997), 132-38.
Quoted in ibid. , 138.
J. Villier, Nouveau plan d'e? ducation et d'instruction publique de? die? a` l'Assemble? e nationale dans lequel on substitue aux universite? s, seminaires et colle`ges des e? tablissements plus raisonnables, plus utiles, plus dignes d'une grande nation (Angers, 1789), vi-viii. For further discussion of this discourse of "degeneration" see Chapter 5 below.
In this analysis I take issue somewhat with Jacques Revel's important article, "La re? gion," in Nora, ed. , Les lieux de me? moire, 851-83, pt. III, I, in which, drawing on the work of Mona Ozouf and Catherine Bertho, he argues that the "regional problem" was invented in the early years of the Revolution itself. Toussaint Guiraudet, Qu'est-ce que la nation et qu'est-ce que la France (n. p. , 1789).
See Van Kley, "From the Lessons of French History," and esp. Joseph John Zizek, "The Politics and Poetics of History in the French Revolution, 1787- 1794," Ph. D. diss. , University of California, Berkeley (1995).
For this section I am relying on the rich literature already available on the concept of "regeneration" in the era of the French Revolution. See particu- larly Mona Ozouf, "Re? ge? ne? ration," in Furet and Ozouf, eds. , Dictionnaire (see Intro. , n. 77), 821-31; de Baecque, The Body Politic, 131-56; and most re- cently, Sepinwall, "Regenerating France" (see Ch. 1, n. 91), esp. 83-7.
On this shift to a social, statistical description of the nation, and the influence of the physiocrats (which was particularly strong on Sieye`s), see esp. Baker, Inventing, 238-50.
Pierre-Louis de Lacretelle, De la convocation de la prochaine tenue des e? tats-
Notes to Pages 76-80 249
? ge? ne? raux (Paris, 1789), quoted in Shafer, "Bourgeois Nationalism," 35;
Guiraudet, Qu'est-ce que la nation, 63, Sieye`s, passim.
111. Here I am following Baker, Inventing, 238-51; Friedland, "Representation,"
esp. 1-60.
112. Sepinwall, 85-6.
113. Jean Starobinski, "Eloquence et liberte? ," Revue suisse de l'histoire, XXVI
(1976), 549-63, quote from 562.
114. Cited in Fehrenbach, "Nation," 58.
115. Quoted in Vovelle, "Entre cosmopolitisme et xe?
