No More Learning

Khusrav was now in danger
both from the garrison at Lahore and from the relieving force. With
most of his troops he turned to meet the latter. Jahangir was still
willing to treat with his son, who was a favourite even in rebellion,
but the negotiations failed and a battle was fought at Bhairowal.
Most of the rebel army consisted of untrained men, and it was
defeated by the imperial troops in spite of the success of its cavalry
under Husain Beg. After the battle Husain Beg suggested flight to
the north, but the fords were guarded and the fugitives were arrested
and taken to Lahore. Husain Beg was sewn up in a raw hide and
paraded through the city on an ass, while the skin slowly dried and
crushed him to death. Several hundred of the rebels were impaled
on stakes by the roadside and Khusrav was taken past them in chains
to receive the ironical homage of his would-be subjects. Guru Arjan
Singh was executed for aiding the rebel, and his death raised among
his followers a mutinous spirit which under Aurangzib and his suc-
cessors led to open rebellion. Not long afterwards Raja Man Singh
was removed from the governorship of Bengal where he had done
such excellent service under Akbar.
The stability of an empire under personal rule is particularly
dependent on the estimate held from time to time by its officials
and its enemies of the capability of its head. Akbar had left a fairly
compact territory extending from the confines of Persia to the Bay
of Bengal, and from Kashmir to Ahmadnagar. On the west Shah
'Abbas of Persia, a ruler of equal ability, was watching for an oppor-
tunity of recovering Qandahar, the gate through which traffic passed
between India and Persia. Along the southern border there were
watchful foes from Malik 'Ambar who was consolidating the Mu-
hammadan states, to Orissa which had not been perfectly subdued.
Within the empire were many ambitious and unsettled chiefs who
needed little inducement to rebel. Khusrav's revolt was followed by
disturbances in Bihar which were soon quelled, and by a
dangerous attempt by Rai Rai Singh of Bikaner who had been
promoted by Jahangir and was actually conducting the imperial
harem to Lahore when he broke away. Raja Jagannath of Amber,
with the forces intended for Mewar, soon captured and brought him
to court.
The Persian attack was more insidious owing to preoccupation


## p. 158 (#192) ############################################

158
JAHANGIR
with war against the Turks under Ahmad I, and at first showed itself
mérely in border incursions and a siege not strongly pressed: A re-
lieving force arrived early in 1607, the garrison was strengthened,
and Shah 'Abbas wrote letters describing the attacks as unauthorised
raids by disobedient officers. His immediate anxieties being removed,
Jahangir sought relaxation in a visit to Kabul during the hot summer
months, thus early in his reign displaying the love of pomp and
personal ease which distinguished him from his more austere and
energetic father. Some action was taken to reduce the turbulence
of the Afghan tribes, but the emperor's personal interest was chiefly
evident in horticulture. The low esteem in which he was held was
soon shown by a fresh plot on behalf of Khusrav. Some of the younger
men about the court, relations of high officials, formed a plan to kill
Jahangir while he was out hunting. Information leaked out and the
scheme failed. The ringleaders were executed or disgraced and
I'timad-ud-daula, whose son had been concerned, was put in prison,
but afterwards released on payment of a heavy fine. The danger to
the throne of the growing popularity of Khusrav led to his being
blinded, though his sight was partially restored later.
Before his accession Jahangir had been deputed by his father to
complete the conquest of Mewar, but had proceeded no farther than
Fathpur Sikri. Early in his reign he sent his son Parviz with a large
force commanded by Asaf Khan and accompanied by Raja Jagan-
nath of Amber or Jaipur. Their plan was to instal, as Rana, Sagar,
an uncle of the real chief Amar Singh, and thus create internal feuds.
Amar Singh, who had succeeded his father in 1597, had devoted
himself to internal reforms but had to some extent lost the martial
vigour which had marked the rulers of Chitor. Spurred by his nobles
he roused himself, and though the forces sent against him were able
to occupy several places and left Sagar in possession of Chitor, they
were withdrawn when Khusrav rebelled and Amar Singh still held
most of his state. Jahangir on his return from Kabul to Agra
despatched a new force under Mahabat Khan, whose skill and
bravery were effective so long as he could meet the Rajputs in pitched
battles. In the wild and broken country of the interior, however,
the enemy was able to avoid defeat. After a year, a fresh commander,
'Abdullah Khan, who like Mahabat Khan had risen from the lowest
rank, was appointed and had more success, defeating Karan the son
of Rana Amar Singh in 1611.
While Jahangir was thus attempting the reduction of Mewar which
he had neglected when it was committed to his charge, another
portion of his empire also claimed his attention. Akbar's last cam-
paign in the Deccan had been checked, after the fall of Asirgarh,
by his need to return to northern India caused by Salim's revolt.
1 See Beni Prasad, Jahangir, p. 166, n. 12, for a discussion of the various
accounts of the blinding.


## p. 159 (#193) ############################################

1
DISASTERS IN THE DECCAN
189
The kingdoms of the Deccan, torn by constant broils with no object
but territorial expansion, and misruled by successions of licentious
and drunken monarchs, were still able to command the services of
a few able men. One of these named Malik ‘Ambar was an Abyssinian
slave who had been in the service of Chingiz Khan, the faithful
general of Murtaza Nizam Shah I. Akbar's departure had left his
army without direction or capable leadership. Though the city of
Ahmadnagar was still held by the imperial forces Malik 'Ambar had
set up a ruler named Murtaza Nizam Shah II in the south of the
kingdom, and had instituted valuable reforms in the administrative
system. He also saw the military advantage to be gained in the
rugged country of the Deccan by developing guerrilla tactics and
using the Marathas as predatory bands. In 1608 Raja Man Singh
was first ordered to command the imperial army, but when he pro-
ceeded to his home to make preparations the Khan Khanan who had
come north from Burhanpur persuaded Jahangir to allow him to
undertake the conquest, promising to complete it within two years
if adequate troops and funds were supplied. Within a year, however,
it had become clear that success was still remote, and prince Parviz
took command with Asaf Khan as his tutor. Khan Khanan attempted
a campaign on the arrival of the prince but his forces were ill.
supplied, the terrain was difficult, and the commanders quarrelled.
Having thus failed he came to terms with Malik 'Ambar and with-
drew to Burhanpur, which was the base for operations in the Deccan.
Ahmadnagar itself, though bravely defended by Khvaja Beg Mirza,
a Persian soldier who had been in charge of it since its first capture,
was beset; a relieving force from Burhanpur failed to reach it
through bad leading, and it was surrendered.
Affairs were going so badly that Jahangir contemplated taking
command in person, but decided to adopt the simpler though less
satisfactory plan of changing his generals. Pir Khan Lodi, who
belonged to an old ruling family, and had won the title of Khan
Jahan, arrived with reinforcements soon after the disasters. Impressed
by his reports and promises Jahangir gave him the command, in
1610, and also restored to active service Khan A'zam, who had been
kept at court since the rebellion of Khusrav, and though nominally
governor of Gujarat, had administered that province through his
son as deputy. Khan A'zam had previous experience of warfare
in the Deccan during Akbar's reign, and a disloyal letter written
by him at that time to the ruler of Khandesh, but craftily produced
soon after Khusrav's revolt had nearly led to his execution. Mahabat
Khan, who was probably at this time and for many years the most
trustworthy servant of the empire, was deputed to bring Khan
Khanan back to court. There he was received by Jahangir with
strong marks of disfavour in spite of the old bond of affection which
1 See Vol. m, pp. 451-5.


## p. 160 (#194) ############################################

160
JAHANGIR
had existed since he had been guardian and tutor to the emperor's
youth.
These changes in the supreme command, though accompanied by
reinforcements in men and money, were ineffectual against the diffi-
culties of the country of which the defenders made the most by their
strategy and tactics. Want of combination continued to mark the
leadership on the imperial side. Affairs in Mewar had been suffi-
ciently prosperous to justify the replacement of 'Abdullah Khan, who
was also sent to the Deccan in 1611, though he had been appointed
governor of Gujarat. An enveloping movement was planned in which
Khan Jahan and Raja Man Singh were to take the left or eastern side
through Khandesh and Berar while 'Abdullah Khan advanced on the
west. Eager to obtain the whole credit for himself, 'Abdullah Khan
rashly pressed on through Nasik with inadequate scouting and failed
to keep touch with the other army though pressed by Raja Man Singh
to make a concerted plan. Maratha skirmishers harassed his forces
by day and night, acting as a screen to hide the concentration by Malik
'Ambar of a large force. Though he penetrated the Ahmadnagar
country as far as Daulatabad, his forces had suffered so much that in
the absence of reinforcements he was forced to retire, and withdrew
to Gujarat sustaining heavy losses so long as he was within hostile
territory.
The Punjabi Raja Basu, who had replaced 'Abdullah Khan in the
Mewar campaign, had not been successful in it, as might have been
anticipated from his previous history. He had several times revolted
during Akbar's reign, and had supported Salim in his attempt to
seize the throne. Apart from the Mewar campaign and the unsatis-
factory operations in the Deccan the country was generally quiet.
In 1610 a man who pretended that he was Khusrav, and to support
his claim pointed to certain marks round his eyes alleged to be the
result of an attempt to blind him (see p. 158), had seized Patna
during the absence of the governor, but the rebellion was soon
quelled. The Afghans of Bengal had also given trouble. A Persian
adventurer called 'Ali Quli, after rendering good military service,
had been attracted to Salim's staff, and was rewarded by the title
of Sher Afgan (tiger-slayer) for his gallant conduct during a hunting
expedition. Though he had resumed his allegiance to Akbar after
first joining in Salim's revolt he had been forgiven by Jahangir on
his accession and appointed to an office in Bengal. In 1607 he was
suspected of complicity with the Afghans and Qutb-ud-din, the
foster-brother of Jahangir who had been appointed successor to Raja
Man Singh as governor of Bengal, was directed to send him to court.
Sher Afgan appeared before the governor and was at once surrounded
by guards. Impelled either by apprehension for his own life, or by
the knowledge of his own guilt, he immediately attacked Qutb-ud-
din, wounding him mortally, and was cut to pieces on the spot.


## p. 161 (#195) ############################################

KHURRAM'S SUCCESS IN MEWAR
161
Another successor died and Islam Khan became governor with a
mission to subdue the Afghans. Chief among these was 'Usman
Khan, a fat heavy man who went to war on an elephant. In his
memoirs Jahangir gives a spirited account of the fight in which
Islam Khan's commander defeated and killed 'Usman Khan and
restored order (1612).
Jahangir now felt that he could leave the capital and be nearer
the control of the campaign in Mewar. He also wished to visit the
tomb of Khvaja Mu'in-ud-din Chishti at Ajmer, whom he regarded
as a patron saint. Leaving Agra in the autumn of 1613 he pro-
ceeded in a leisurely manner, hunting on the way. The ladies of the
imperial zanana took advantage of a Hindu festival, the Dasahra, to
reconcile him to Khusray and it was arranged that father and son
should meet daily. The Khan A'zam, who had seen no advantage
to himself in the unsatisfactory position in the Deccan, had been
transferred to Mewar, and at his request Jahangir also deputed his
own son Khurram, Raja Basu having died while the emperor was
marching to Ajmer. This arrangement was not congenial to Khurram,
who reported that Khan A'zam was unsatisfactory and was suspected
of intrigues in favour of his son-in-law Khusrav. Jahangir was so
impressed by these reports that he removed Khan A'zam from the
command and made him over to the custody of Asaf Khan with
instructions that he should be kept in the fort of Gwalior, which had
been the enforced residence of so many détenus. Jahangir also forbade
Khusrav to come before him, as he had shown no signs of pleasure
at seeing his father but preserved a sad attitude. Orders were issued
that the Khan A'zam was to be treated well, but his children were
kept under surveillance at the royal camp in Ajmer. Before long
he was himself released and brought to court where he was allowed
to stay on condition that he restrained his language.
Relieved of the presence of one whom he believed to be his enemy
Khurram pressed on the occupation of Mewar, establishing posts in
a number of places. And though losses were severe from the heat
of the summer, the unhealthiness of the rainy season and even from
dearth of supplies, the injury to the defenders was still greater. The
families of many Rajput nobles were captured, and the fortitude of
the Rana himself, which had never been strong, was gradually sapped.
He sent overtures to Khurram offering to recognise Mughul supre-
macy, but begging that he might be excused attendance at court
owing to his age. Jahangir, delighted by the success which had
escaped his father, accepted the submission in a letter under his own
seal, and invited the Rana's son to visit him. It was decided that
Chitor should never again be fortified, but no matrimonial alliance
was enforced and the generally favourable nature of the terms allowed
1 A coin struck at Ajmer about this time probably commemorates the victory.
See Panna Lal, "A rare rupee of Jahangir”, J. A. S. B. 1915, p. 483.
>
11


## p. 162 (#196) ############################################

162
JAHANGIR
bound the Rajputs to a loyalty which was honourably observed.
Before long the Rana abdicated in favour of his son Karan
Singh.
At this period (end of 1614) occurs the first mention of the English
in the Mughul records. Hawkins had resided at Agra as ambassador
from the king of England during 1609-11 and had received a welcome,
though he had been unable to negotiate a treaty. The unruly
behaviour of British shipwrecked sailors produced a bad impression,
and trade facilities were denied. Sir Henry Middleton's action against
the trading vessels from Gujarat to the Red Sea (1612), however,
created a spirit of respect, and the hope that the newcomers might
be of assistance to check the claim of the Portuguese to command
of the sea. The capture by the latter of four Indian ships with many
Muslim passengers (1613) had been irritating as they were provided
with a Portuguese pass, and Jahangir's mother had an interest in
the cargo. A year later when Downton arrived off Şurat he was
pressed by Muqarrab Khan the governor, a Mughul officer who had
been envoy to the Portuguese in 1607 and was in the close confidence
of the emperor, to join against the Portuguese, who had been in-
triguing at court to get the English expelled from India. Though
Muqarrab Khan promised concessions, Downton was not prepared
to do more than defend himself, and Muqarrab Khan sent messages
to the Dutch at Masulipatam. In January, 1615, the viceroy of Goa
arrived with his fleet, having sent his smaller vessels ahead. Having
no naval force, and no promise of help from the English or Dutch,
the Mughul governor made overtures for peace, which were con-
temptuously rejected. The Portuguese, feeling sure of success in
crushing the English, attacked Downton and were beaten off with
great loss. They were afraid to land troops and attack Surat and
withdrew to Goa. This action is mentioned with approval by Jahangir
in his memoirs, though he passes over in silence the visit of Hawkins
and his successor Sir Thomas Roe? who arrived in India in Sep-
tember, 1615. The effect of Downton's victory was by that time
evaporating, and peace was being arranged between the Mughuls
and the Portuguese. Prince Khurram, whose governorship included
Surat, was in their favour and actually issued an order that the English
should be allowed to trade for only a month and should have no
residence, while the draft terms with the Portuguese stipulated that
the English should be absolutely excluded. Roe's stout resistance
to indignities, and solicitations for bribes had some effect on the local
authorities, and he proceeded to the royal court at Ajmer. For nearly
three years he strove to obtain a trade treaty, following the court
in its progress to Mandu and to Ahmadabad. By the emperor he
was treated with the courtesy that was natural to him, but Jahangir
1 See vol. V, chap. IV.
? He mentions the use of a rarriage presented by Roe.


## p. 163 (#197) ############################################

NUR JAHAN'S INFLUENCE
163
had no inclination to deal on terms of equality with a nation of which
he knew nothing except that it desired Indian trade, and which was
represented to him by the Portuguese in the worst possible light.
Khurram was anxious that nothing should be done to detract from
his authority over the port, and Asaf Khan, who dealt with the draft
treaties put forward by Roe, showed himself greedy for gifts and
unreliable in every way. By September, 1618, Roe secured a farman
or grant from Khurram as viceroy of Gujarat which, though not so
complete as the draft treaty he had first tried to obtain from the
emperor, gave reasonable facilities for trade, but it did not allow any
building to be bought or built as a permanent residence. Beyond
this Roe's stay at the court and behaviour there did much to enhance
the respect with which the newcomers were regarded.
The chief power in the empire was now vested in the empress
Nur Jahan, who acted with her father I'timad-ud-daula, and brother
Asaf Khan. A legend grew up later that Jahangir had fallen in love
with her in childhood, and had treated her husband as David dealt
with Uriah. Contemporary history does not support this story,
which appears to have grown up long after her influence was estab-
lished. When Sher Afgan was killed in 1607 his widow who was then
styled Mihr-un-Nisa (Sun of womankind) was sent to court and
became an attendant on Salima Begam, the widow of Akbar. At the
spring ceremony in March, 1611, Jahangir was attracted by her and
married her two months later, changing her name to Nur Mahall
(Light of the palace). Her charm and beauty was equalled by her
devotion to Jahangir and by her capability and tact, and her own
influence over the emperor was immensely enhanced by the other
members of her family. Rapid promotion was given to her father
and brother, and her mother's discovery of the way to prepare attar
of roses won the admiration of the aesthetically-minded emperor.
A year after his own marriage Jahangir celebrated the wedding of
his son Khurram with Arjumand Banu, daughter of Asaf Khan,
thus cementing a link which bound Khurram to the leading spirits
for many years. As the emperor's intellect deteriorated through his
bodily indulgences and his concentration on pleasure, he was glad
to leave to his wife and her advisers the task of deciding most affairs
of state. His biographer records that he repeatedly said that he had
bestowed the sovereignty on Nur Jahan and for himself needed
nothing but a quart of wine and a pound of flesh. Within a month
of his arrival at the court at Ajmer, Roe discovered the power
exercised by her and her clique. When his draft of a treaty was
returned with alterations which he could not possibly accept he at
first supposed that the lower officials were responsible. He soon found
that Asai Khan was unreliable and had strong influence over
Khurram. He writes bitterly :
1 See Beni Prasad, Jahangir, chap. VIII.


## p. 164 (#198) ############################################

164
JAHANGIR
The King was my only refuge, from whom I was sure of justice if I com-
playned, but I feard I should draw upon me the hate of Normall the beloved
queene, ante to Sultan Corrons wife, sister of Asaph Chan, whose daughter the
Prince married, and all that powerfull faction, against whom, though I might
once prevayle, yet the advantage of tyme, language, and oppor unitye, the
power of a wife, sonne, and a favorite would produce revenge.
The power of the faction was not unchallenged, and its growth
was extended over a long period by the gradual appointment of its
nominees to offices of trust. Of the opponents Mahabat Khan was
the most notable and he was left without promotion for twelve years,
though he was one of the most capable men in the country. Per.
suasion rather than domination was the method first used with the
emperor. One element in the policy was the support of Khurram
as heir to the throne, and this led to opposition by those who preferred
the elder son Khusrav. In spite of the two rebellions of which Khusrav
was the nominal leader Jahangir never appears to have lost his
affection for him, and popular sympathy was strong in his favour.
Though his perpetual confinement gave him no opportunity of show-
ing his capability in administration, his disposition was admired
and his devotion to his only wife, the daughter of Khan A'zam,
was well known. In October, 1616, an attempt was made to get the
charge of Khusrav transferred from Ani Ray, a brave and faithful
Rajput attendant on the emperor, to Asaf Khan, and Roe narrates
that a verbal order was actually obtained late one night when
Jahangir was intoxicated. Ani Ray, who refused to comply, appeared
at court the next day and was commended. A few days later when
Khurram was about to proceed in person to conduct the Deccan
campaign his fear for his interests during his absence led him to
make another attempt which was successful, and caused great fears
for Khusrav's own life. Roe gives a vivid report of the conster-
nation in the women's quarters, where Khusrav's relations threatened
to burn themselves if he were killed, and of the rumours that Khurram
desired the death of his father as well as of his brother, and he com-
pares the state of India to that of Rome during the contest between
Otho and Vitellius related by Tacitus. It appeared to Roe that the
Company would do well to avoid siding in the quarrel, to make few
debts and to limit their establishments in the country.
During his seven years' tenure of the office of governor of the
Deccan prince Parviz and the officers under him had made no
progress in their campaigns. Like his father he was addicted to wine
and he was fonder of pleasures than of his business. Jahangir, anxious
to complete his conquest of the Deccan, transferred Parviz to the
easier charge of Allahabad in 1616 and sent in his place Khurram
on whom he conferred the title of Shah, while he himself moved his
court to Mandu so as to be nearer the scene of operations. A graphic
description of the luxury of his camp equipage, with the ladies of
1 Hist. I, 50.


## p. 165 (#199) ############################################

KHURRAM'S NEGOTIATIONS IN THE DECCAN 165
the court riding in gold howdahs on 50 elephants, is given by Roe,
whose meagre allowance from the Company did not permit him to
buy or hire reasonable equipment. The route lay through difficult
country where supplies were always, and water was sometimes,
scarce, while the straggling cortège was often liable to be plundered
by the inhabitants. In December, 1616, Roe saw a hundred corpses
of people who had been executed for robbery, and in January he
writes : "I am yet following this wandering King over mountaynes
and through woods, so strange and unused wayes that his own people
who almost know no other god, blaspheame his name and hers that
(it is said) conducts all his actions. " While he stayed at Ujjain the
emperor took pleasure in a visit to a celebrated faqir called Chid Rup1
who had met Akbar some 15 years earlier. In the sage's teaching
of Vedanta philosophy Jahangir thought he recognised the germ of
Sufi mysticism. The slow march through country which presented
many opportunities for the emperor's favourite pastime of hunting
ended in March, 1617, when he arrived at Mandu, the old capital
of the independent rulers of Malwa. ? The magnificent buildings of
the Malwa kings drew his admiration, while his disgust at the misdeeds
of one of the most infamous led him to desecrate the tomb and have
the remains cast in the Narbada river which flows a few miles away.
The difficulties of water supply on the rocky hill where the emperor
resided were so great that it had to be purchased, and Roe considered
himself lucky in finding a residence near an assured supply. Through-
out the summer intrigues continued regarding the succession, and at-
tempts were made to arrange a marriage between Khusrav and Nur
Jahan's daughter by her former husband Sher Afgan. The match would
have been generally popular, and might have secured Khusray's posi-
tion, but he declined to accept it, through devotion to his only wife.
Meanwhile Khurram had succeeded in a few months by negotia-
tion in settling the affairs of the Deccan more effectively than his
brother had done in as many years. The degenerate rulers of the
Deccan were weary of the struggle and some of their officials had
been corrupted by bribes. Khurram's success in Mewar had enhanced
his reputation. Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II the ruler of Bijapur agreed to
pay tribute and restore the conquered territory, including Ahmad-
nagar. Jahangir celebrated the peace by a magnificent reception in
Mandu of the Bijapur envoys and his son Khurram received the
unique privilege of a seat in his father's presence. He also received
the title of Shah Jahan (Sovereign of the world) which he retained
later when he succeeded his father on the throne. Roe, who was
present, was rather contemptuous of the whole affair, and rightly
1 Sometimes incorrectly transliterated Jadrup. For a contemporary picture
see J. R. A. S. 1919, p. 389.
2 See vol. II, chap. XIV, for a history of the dynasty, and G. Yazdani, Mandu,
1929, for a description of the place.


## p. 166 (#200) ############################################

166
JAHANGIR
guessed that the boasted victory was no more than the avoidance
of future loss. Some element of personal disappointment tinges his
comments, as he had hoped a few months earlier to sell Malik 'Ambar
a quantity of the Company's cloth and swords which were not in
demand elsewhere.
But in fact the settlement advanced the Mughul
power no further than it had stood when Akbar left the Deccan,
and while the Muhammadan rulers were rapidly losing hold the
Marathas who formed the bulk of the population had begun to realise
their own strength. There was no longer any need for the emperor
to remain in the magnificent but uncomfortable surroundings of
Mandu, and he decided to visit Gujarat, where for the first time in
his life he saw the sea. Throughout the journey Roe was endeavouring
to negotiate with Asaf Khan, thwarted perpetually by Shah Jahan,
who was against the English and constantly feared that any grant
to them of rights of trade would derogate from his powers as viceroy.
Roe also attempted to get the Portuguese expelled from Gujarat,
but the emperor told him that he proposed to maintain the arrange-
ments with them that had been concluded by the former rulers of
Gujarat. A respect for the power of the Portuguese on the sea was
still the deciding factor. It was not until the late autumn of 1618
that Roe finally concluded an agreement with Shah Jahan, by which
he obtained better terms than had first been offered, but not the
complete freedom he desired. In particular the English were not
allowed to purchase or construct their own residences, though they
were allowed to hire, and either the disorderly conduct of the sailors
or fear of actual invasion led to restrictions on the carriage of arms.
Jahangir with his zest for the amenities of life was disgusted with
the climate and scenery of Ahmadabad. He records that he did not
know whether to call it Samumistan (the place of hot winds),
Bimaristan (the abode of sickness), Zaqqum zar (the thorn or cactus
bed) or Jahannumabad (the house of hell). His reference to disease
is illustrated by the descriptions of a mysterious pestilence at Ahma-
dabad the exact nature of which cannot be identified. It was charac-
terised by a very high temperature and the appearance on the body
of large dark-coloured blisters the matter from which produced
others. Death ensued in a few hours and even the small English
community lost seven members. Both the emperor and Shah Jahan
were attacked but recovered after a lengthy convalescence. There
was nothing to detain the court in western India. Two chiefs in Cutch,
the Jam of Nayanagar and a lesser chief on the borders of Sind,
had been reduced by Raja Bikramajit in 1617. Jahangir therefore
set out for Agra in the rainy season, and during the leisurely march
of the court, a son was born to Shah Jahan's wife, who was named
Aurangzib and later became emperor. Another epidemic now
1 The landing of a few bricks for recasting the broken bell of a ship caused
rumours that they had projected the building of a fort.
>


## p. 167 (#201) ############################################

JAHANGIR VISITS KASHMIR
167
threatened the court and prevented its entry into Delhi. This, from
the description given by contemporary writers, was clearly bubonic
plague, as they describe the characteristic mortality among rats and
the appearance of swellings in the neck and groin. It had broken
out in the Punjab in 1616 and had spread south and east as far as
Agra, where it was still causing 100 deaths a day early in 1619, so
that Jahangir on arriving at Fathpur Sikri remained there till April. 1
During the halt at that place Nur Jahan distinguished herself by
killing a tiger with one shot.
Jahangir's intemperance had now begun to tell seriously on his
health, which had also suffered from the climate of the districts in
which he had spent the last five years. The advice of his physicians,
supported by the influence of his wife, induced him to reduce his
potations, but a permanent cure was not within his power. During
his journey to Kabul in 1606 the crossing of the Jhelum river had
reminded him of two visits he had paid to Kashmir in his father's
lifetime, and he had recorded a wish that he might visit that lovely
tract in the spring. Hoping that he might recover his health in more
pleasing conditions, he left Agra at the end of 1619 and spent the
whole of the following summer in the hills. The ascent by the rough
tracks which had to be followed was difficult, and on one day, after
a fall of snow, as many as twenty-five elephants were lost.
As the royal train penetrated higher into the mountains it had to
divide into parties, because supplies could not be brought together
for the whole retinue. Arrived in the vale of Kashmir Jahangir was
able to indulge his love of nature, and the journal is full of well-
phrased descriptions of the meadows abounding in wild flowers, the
stately trees, the springs, cascades and the brooks starting from these
and swelling into majestic rivers, or expanding into picturesque lakes.
On this and his many succeeding visits he planned and carried out
the construction of houses and gardens, some of which still exist.
While the emperor thus found new pleasures to distract his mind
from his failing health his court, from the highest nobles to the
meanest servant, suffered from bad lodging, from the inclemency of
the weather to which they were not accustomed, and from the
dearness and scarcity of food.
The emperor was met at Srinagar by the governor of Kashmir,
who had just succeeded after prolonged efforts in taking a small tract
in the south of Kashmir, known as Kishtwar, and who brought the
raja in chains. Misrule and oppression by the official in charge,
however, led to a revolt by the high-spirited inhabitants, who were
not finally subdued for a couple of years.
A greater triumph was the conquest of Kangra, a state protected
1 The disease, being carried as is now known by the flea which infests rats,
usually decreases as the hot season advances, because the people sleep outside
their houses.


## p. 168 (#202) ############################################

168
JAHANGIR
by many strong forts and containing the ancient shrine of Jwala-
mukhi with its natural fire. The temple, enriched by many precious
gifts from its devotees, had been plundered by Mahmud of Ghazni
in 1009, but in spite of many attempts by the later rulers of Delhi,
including Akbar, the fort of Kangra had still held out, though the
hill-country round it had been largely subdued. Efforts made under
the orders of Jahangir himself to subdue this stronghold had failed,
in some cases owing to the omission to press an attack by the com-
mander, who really sympathised with the holders and finally broke
into rebellion. Raja Bikramajit, who was then sent to command,
crushed the revolt and after a close siege for more than a year during
which the garrison was nearly starved, the fort surrendered towards
the end of 1620, just after the emperor had started for the plains.
Apart from the booty secured the capture had no political value,
but it gave Jahangir exquisite pleasure that his forces had succeeded
where so many of his predecessors had failed.
The failing health of the emperor, while it added to the influence
of Nur Jahan over the affairs of state, also increased her apprehension
of diminished power if he should die. Of all Jahangir's sons Shah
Jahan was most to be feared, as Khusrav though more popular was
still a prisoner and untried in public affairs. She now decided to
arrange a marriage between Ladli Begam, her daughter by her
former husband, Sher Afgan, and Jahangir's youngest surviving son,
Shahryar, whose mother had been a concubine, and who was then
an immature young man with dissolute inclinations. The formal
betrothal took place at Lahore, to be followed by a wedding at Agra.
While Jahangir had been seeking health in Kashmir the position
on the southern frontier had deteriorated. Malik 'Ambar, ever rest-
less and intriguing on behalf of his master, had again reconciled the
kings of Bijapur and Golconda and pursued his recruiting among the
Marathas. The Mughul governor was besieged in Ahmadnagar and
the high commanders were quarrelling. They might succeed in
pitched battles but lost ground after each and were so harried by
marauding bands that they were forced to fall back on Burhanpur,
which was beset, and even Mandu was not safe. The emperor, in
reply to the pressing demands for reinforcements, appointed Shah
Jahan to command them, but progress was delayed by the fact that
so many troops had been sent on the futile expedition against Kangra.
Shah Jahan, himself, realising the uncertainties of the position at
court, insisted on having charge of his elder brother Khusrav, and
when Jahangir had at last acceded to this the two brothers left their
father at Lahore (1620) and never saw him again. The expedition
was successful in its immediate objects. One division which was
detached to relieve Mandu soon scattered the Marathas who were
laying waste the country round, while Shah Jahan forced the armies
round Burhanpur to withdraw, and thus relieved the garrison which
>


## p. 169 (#203) ############################################

TREATIES WITH KINGDOMS IN THE DECCAN 169
had been practically beleaguered for two years and had been greatly
straitened for food and supplies. Before long the imperial troops had
penetrated as far south as Khirki, where the Nizamshahi rulers had
established their headquarters after Ahmadnagar had been incor-
porated in the imperial dominions. Here they demolished the new
buildings of the capital and set out to raise the siege of Ahmadnagar.
By this time Malik 'Ambar, who had removed his royal master and
his family for safety to Daulatabad, realised that his position was
insecure. He offered terms and Shah Jahan, already anxious about
arrangements for the supply of food for his large army in a tract
which had been devastated and plundered, agreed to treat. Besides
restoring the territory which had previously become Mughul, the
insurgents agreed to give a strip fourteen kos (25 to 28 miles) wide,
and a tribute of five million rupees from the three kingdoms of
Bijapur, Ahmadnagar and Golconda. The rainy season of 1621 being
now over he returned to Burhanpur and occupied himself with
reorganising the administration which had been dislocated by two
years' warfare. The rejoicing over this victory which delighted the
emperor, and prompted him to reward generously those who had
taken part in it, was marred by his illness. As he frankly admits in
his memoirs, he indulged more frequently in liquor, and suffered
for it, till the empress gradually persuaded him to reduce his pota-
tions and adapt his diet to his condition. In October he travelled
to the upper courses of the Ganges to seek a place with a suitable
climate where he might build a new city and avoid the trying heat
of Agra. He found Hardwar not pleasant, and decided to visit
Jammu and Kangra. Leaving the bulk of his great camp in the
plains he had started for the hills when he was recalled by grave
news about the health of I'timad-ud-daula, who was advanced in
years and had been left behind ill. Both the emperor and empress
returned and were present when he died. In spite of their earlier
disagreements reconciliation had been effected and Jahangir mourned
the loss of an able and faithful minister, and a wise and kind friend.
He was then free to visit Kangra and rejoice over his capture of that
ancient place. To celebrate the achievement he took with him per-
sons learned in the law of Islam and after prayers formally desecrated
the temple by sacrificing a cow.
Suddenly, however, great sorrow came upon him by receipt of
the news that Khusrav, who in spite of his two rebellions was still
his favourite son, had died at Burhanpur (January, 1622). The cause
of his death has never been established beyond doubt. 1 Shah Jahan,
in reporting it, said his brother had died of colic. It is significant that
the emperor, who usually added comments when recording deaths,
passes over this almost in silence. Local rumour, as recorded by the
1 H. Beveridge, J. R. A. S. 1907, p. 597, held that murder was not proved. Beni
Prasad, Jahangir, p. 336, after fully reviewing the evidence, thought it certain.


## p. 170 (#204) ############################################

170
JAHANGIR
English factors in the neighbourhood, definitely assigned the cause
to murder and the probability of this is strengthened by Shah Jahan's
later action.
Overshadowed by this event, the new year of the reign brought
news of trouble on the western frontier. Shah 'Abbas, king of Persia,
had from time to time sent ambassadors to Jahangir professing
friendship. One of these arrived at Ajmer in 1616 when Roe was
at the court. Although Roe thought this envoy's behaviour servile,
and not becoming the representative of an independent monarch, he
recognised the difference between the reception of the Persian and
his own treatment, and regretted that he himself was unable to offer
such magnificent gifts as had been sent from Isfahan. Jahangir's
estimate of the relative importance of the two envoys appears from
the elaborate account in the memoirs of the Persian and a full
transcription of the message which he brought, while the English
ambassador is not mentioned. Moreover, a Mughul representative
was sent to Persia in return and there received a gracious welcome.
This exchange of courtesies was a mere cloak to hide designs of
aggression by Shah 'Abbas, and after a fourth embassy arrived at the
end of 1620 the garrison of Qandahar fell to a few hundred soldiers,
the main forces of the empire being collected in the Deccan. The
city was important owing to its command of the land route to Persia
on which the bulk of the trade between that country and India was
still carried, and its possession was also a matter of pride since its
capture by Akbar. News of the collection of a Persian force had been
received and Shah Jahan, the only commander who had been suc.
cessful in recent years, was directed to take an army to defend the
frontier. Before anything could be done the fort was beleaguered
and it was reported that another army was marching on Sind. Great
preparations were made to collect troops and the vast quantity of
supplies required for an army in a tract the products of which barely
support a thin population. A proposal by the officer in immediate
command to take what forces were ready was not accepted as the
emperor hoped to collect an army which could advance as far as
Isfahan, the capital of Persia. His hopes had been stimulated by the
offer of help from Imam Quli, the ruler of Samarqand, who sent an
envoy suggesting the recapture of Qandahar and an expedition
against Khurasan. The project, however, was not immediately
accepted by Shah Jahan. He despatched part of his camp from
Burhanpur at once, but did not advance beyond Mandu, where he
proposed to stay during the rainy season, and he demanded that
when he took over charge of the campaign he should be allowed to
have the fort of Ranthambhor 1 for the residence of his family and
should be sole commander, and also governor of the Punjab. Jealousy
of the power of his stepmother Nur Jahan, and anticipations of her
1 In Rajputana, where Shah Jahan could count on strong support.


## p. 171 (#205) ############################################

SHAH JAHAN REBELS
171
probable support of Shahryar's claim to the throne if the emperor
died, were no doubt the cause of these requests, which were not
granted. Jahangir sent orders that as Shah Jahan did not wish to
move till after the rains he should at once despatch the principal
officers and the best of the troops including the Sayyids of Barha
and Bukhara, the Shaikhzadas, the Afghans and the Rajputs,
Almost immediately a fresh cause of dissension occurred owing to
a dispute about the grant of Dholpur as an assignment. It was
claimed by both Shah Jahan and Shahryar and a fight took place
between the officers of the brothers over its possession. Though
Jahangir with his usual patience again wrote to his son he was soon
persuaded not to accept his excuses. Shahryar was appointed to
command the Qandahar forces and a further indignity was inflicted
on Shah Jahan by the transfer of his jagirs in the Punjab to Shahryar.
Shah Jahan's humble submission, presented through his most trusted
officer, was rejected and he openly rebelled and marched towards
Agra, where the governor held back the treasure collected for the
expedition and prepared for a siege. Interest rather than loyalty
seems to have guided the action of the generals; thus the empress'
brother Asaf Khan abandoned the cause of his son-in-law the rebel
who was, however, supported by Khan Khanan just as he had once
sided with Jahangir in the rebellion against Akbar, and by many of
those who had held office in the Deccan and in Gujarat.
Mahabat Khan, the most capable soldier in the imperial forces,
had for some years been governor of Kabul and had kept order in
that difficult province. He was now summoned to take command,
and after some demur, owing to his suspicions of Asaf Khan whom
he rightly believed to be his enemy, was persuaded to accept the
post by the formal appointment of Asaf Khan to Bengal. "Shah
Jahan was unable to capture the fort of Agra with its treasure, but
plundered the city which had no walls. He then marched north to
meet his father's army, and though he was successful in detaching
'Abdullah Khan, who came over with a large force during the battle,
he was decisively beaten at Bilochpur (March, 1623), and lost Raja
Bikramajit, one of his best commanders.
Shah Jahan then retreated to Mandu, and was followed by his
brother Parviz, who was in nominal command, while his nephew
Dawar Bakhsh, son of Khusrav, marched towards Ahmadabad, the
capital of Gujarat, which had been committed to his charge. The
emperor himself proceeded to Ajmer to be nearer the operations.
The hot weather was now advanced and rainy weather made
fighting difficult. Shah Jahan's attempts to use Maratha horse were
ineffective and Mahabat Khan successfully intrigued to detach sup-
port from him. In a battle near Kaliya Dih some of the prince's
soldiers deserted him, and he withdrew south across the Narbada,
An intercepted letter from the Khan Khanan to Mahabat Khan


## p. 172 (#206) ############################################

172
JAHANGIR
showed that treachery was everywhere. Though the strong fortress
of Asir yielded to him, his trusted officers in Gujarat failed him, and
'Abdullah Khan, who was sent to restore his power in Gujarat, was
defeated near Ahmadabad, and finally had to join Shah Jahan at
Burhanpur with the small amount of money he was able to raise
at Surat. The rebel was now reduced to pitiable devices. Malik
'Ambar, whom he had twice defeated, refused aid as he was himself
gathering forces to attack Bijapur. An envoy sent to Golconda had
no greater success. In despair Shah Jahan decided to approach his
father, and sent Khan Khanan to Mahabat Khan after taking from
him the most solemn oath of faithfulness. A casual skirmish on the
banks of the Narbada led to further defections from the force guard-
ing the crossing, and Khan Khanan when he arrived at the imperial
camp, disregarding his solemn pledge, offered his own submission
to Parviz. Flight was inevitable and hotly pursued for some distance
in spite of the rainy season Shah Jahan escaped into the kingdom
of Golconda losing adherents on almost every march. From the
king he received no more help than was sufficient to enable him to
traverse the kingdom under a promise to leave it. The passage of his
force, though reduced in numbers, alarmed the people, and the
English factors at Masulipatam tried to get away. Better hopes were
held of success in Bengal and Shah Jahan marched into Orissa.
which was surrendered by the local authorities without a struggle.
Burdwan was taken by siege, but Ibrahim Khan (a brother of Nur
Jahan) refused to surrender his fort near Akbarnagar, backed by the
help of Portuguese gunners from Hugli who had rejected overtures
from the rebel after the fall of Burdwan as they had little hopes of
his success. In a battle outside the fort Ibrahim Khan was defeated
and killed and the fort was mined and stormed. Emboldened by
this success Shah Jahan advanced up the Ganges valley. Kunwar
Bhim Singh of Mewar, who had been his most faithful ally, entered
Patna without opposition and thus secured Bihar. When Shah Jahan
arrived the principal landholders, including the chief of the Ujjainiya
Rajputs, submitted to him, and the strong fortress of Rohtas was
surrendered. One division of the force now occupied Jaunpur and
advanced to Manikpur while 'Abdullah Khan laid siege to Allahabad
which was bravely defended by Mirza Rustam Beg, a Persian of
royal blood. Shah Jahan entered Benares and crossed the Ganges
to Kantit 2 on the south side. By this time, however, Parviz and
Mahabat Khan, after securing peace in the Deccan by an alliance
with Bijapur, had arrived in the Duab. They had difficulty in crossing
the river as Shah Jahan's forces had seized all boats, but were finally
helped by the Bais Rajputs. The rebels retreated and were defeated
1 Now represented by the Maharaja of Dumraon.
2 Sometimes wrongly transliterated as Kampat.
8 In what are now the Unao and Rae Bareli districts.
3


## p. 173 (#207) ############################################

SHAH JAHAN'S DEFEAT AND FLIGHT TO DECCAN 173
in a fiercely contested battle at Damdama? (1624) which completely
destroyed their hopes, though at one time Shah Jahan had nearly
won the day, when a wounded elephant threw his army into con
fusion. Bhim Singh was slain and Shah Jahan who was himself
present would in his despair have fought till killed if his followers
had not seized his bridle and turned his horse away. He rode hastily
to Rohtas where his wife had just borne a son (Murad Bakhsh) and
leaving her there retreated to Bengal. Darab Khan, son of Khan
Khanan, who had been left in command there, now failed him as
his father had done, but met the death his treachery had earned, on
the arrival of Mahabat Khan, though Khan Khanan himself was
forgiven by the emperor and restored to rank and office.
Shah Jahan, at the beginning of his rebellion, had been stigma-
tised by Jahangir as Be-daulat (infelix) and as he made his toilsome
journey back to the Deccan felt the truth of the epithet. On arriving
there he found conditions slightly more favourable. The alliance
between Bijapur and the Mughuls, concluded before Parviz proceeded
north to meet Shah Jahan, had stimulated Malik 'Ambar to fresh
intrigues with Golconda. A division of Bijapur troops had joined
the imperial headquarters at Burhanpur during the absence of
Parviz and Mahabat Khan, and Malik 'Ambar invaded Bijapur
territory, defeated the forces that tried to stop him and invested
Bijapur itself. Reinforced by part of the imperial army the Bijapur
division returned and forced Malik 'Ambar back to his own country.
His efforts to persuade the imperial troops to stand aside and
leave him to settle his own quarrels failed. He then made an un-
expected attack on the combined forces and scattering them com-
pletely laid siege at first to Ahmadnagar and then again to Bijapur,
overrunning the whole of the Balaghat. A year before he had
declined to help Shah Jahan, but now he offered him assistance and
was glad to use him as commander of a force to attack Burhanpur
itself, with 'Abdullah Khan as one of his chief officers. The fort was
actually penetrated but the defenders still held out till Parviz and
Mahabat Khan returned from the Duab, when the siege was raised.
Shah Jahan, sick in body and despairing of success after so many
failures, withdrew towards Berar. 'Abdullah Khan, the chief of the
captains who had survived the recent campaigns, became a religious
recluse at Indur (now Nizamabad) but retained sufficient interest
in worldly affairs to send his submission to court. His other allies
being dead or deserters Shah Jahan saw no alternative but to seek
pardon from his father. Nur Jahan, who had become practically
supreme, exacted terms which though rigorous were not excessive
either as a punishment for rebellion or to safeguard the emperor
1 A village in the Allahabad district near the junction of the Tons and Ganses.
2 A name given to several elevated tracts in central and southern India. Here
it refers to the hilly country in the western part of the present Hyderabad state.
2


## p. 174 (#208) ############################################

174
JAHANGIR
against further attempts. Shah Jahan was to give up the two forts
of Rohtas in Bihar and Asir in Khandesh, which were still held by his
adherents, and to send to court two of his sons, Dara and Aurangzib,
who were still boys. He accepted the terms and was formally
.
appointed governor of the Balaghat, a tract at a safe distance from
the capital, and one in which the proximity of dangerous enemies
might tend to keep him occupied.
Qandahar had been lost after a short siege at the beginning of the
rebellion (June, 1622) and there was no hope or even talk of regaining
it. Jahangir had become incapable of any mental exertion and by
the end of 1624 had even discontinued writing his memoirs. Most
of the elder generals were dead or in disgrace, and the only capable
member of the royal family was banished. No internal disturbances
threatened the crown, but the question of succession which could
not long be deferred was ever present in the mind of the empress.
Mahabat Khan with Parviz the eldest prince had established some
prestige by his successes against Shah Jahan, and the first desirable
object appeared to be to separate them. Parviz was destitute of
either ability or character and was easily induced to accept the
government of Gujarat, with Khan Jahan as his commander. Asaf
Khan's old enmity with Mahabat Khan prompted the appointment
of the latter to the undesirable post of governor in Bengal. TO
embarrass him still further demands were made that he should
despatch to court the elephants and treasure which he had captured
during the rebellion, and as he did not at once comply an envoy
was sent to recover them and to summon him to court. Of his
cruelty and excesses in that country there was much evidence
and complainants flocking to court had excited the emperor's com-
passion.
Early in March, 1626, Jahangir started for Kabul and Mahaba:
Khan arrived when the royal camp was on the banks of the Jhelum
river. He had come fully prepared to protect himself against hostile
designs, bringing with him four or five thousand loyal Rajput
soldiers, and to make even more certain of their allegiance he took
their wives and families whose honour and life would be at stake if
they failed him. A fresh charge was now brought that he had ar-
ranged for the marriage of his son without consulting the emperor,
and Jahangir was easily induced to order the treatment of the son
with gross indignity, while Mahabat Khan was directed to remain in
the camp but not to show himself at court unless specially summoned.
With incredible disregard of the consequences of such insults Asaf
Khan took across the river almost the whole camp, leaving the
emperor and empress with only a few attendants. Mahabat Khan,
feeling he had no ally in court, now made a desperate attempt to
secure the person of the emperor. He collected his Rajput troops,
and placed a couple of thousand at the head of the bridge of boats


## p. 175 (#209) ############################################

MAHABAT KHAN'S COUP D'ETAT
175
with orders to burn it rather than to allow any one to come back
across it.
Proceeding with a small body-guard to the royal tents he forced
his way into the state apartment and, brushing aside the chamberlain,
tried to enter the private tent. As his men were tearing down the
boards which protected it the emperor came out with a few servants,
and as the chronicle relates “twice placed his hand on his sword
to cleanse the world from the filthy existence of that foul dog". He
was dissuaded from using force and at Mahabat Khan's suggestion
mounted a horse, and later an elephant, as if to go hunting. Trusted
Rajputs were placed in the howdah with him, and he was taken to
Mahabat Khan's tents. The rebel had acted on sudden impulse and
in his distracted haste forgot to secure the empress also. He had
managed the abduction of the emperor so rapidly that Nur Jahan
crossed the river to the main camp believing that Jahangir had gone
hunting as usual. There she discovered what had happened and
reproached her brother Asaf Khan and the other nobles. They
decided to attack the traitor and release the emperor next day, though
a message was received from him that they should not attempt
it. Mahabat Khan, though he had missed seizing the empress,
secured Shahryar, burned the bridge and posted his Rajputs along
the bank. Next day, when the attack was launched it failed com-
pletely owing to the absence of leadership among the members of
the queen's faction.
One small party did indeed succeed in crossing and reached the
tents of Shahryar, where their arrows actually fell in the courtyard
near the apartments of the emperor himself, but this was an isolated
effort. Nur Jahan crossed a branch of the river, urging on the lag-
gards. Her elephant was wounded and an arrow pierced the arm
of either Shahryar's infant daughter or the nurse who was with her
in the howdah, and she was forced to withdraw. Asaf Khan filed
to his fort at Attock on the Indus and the other high oficials either
followed his example or made their peace with Mahabat Khan, who
now became dictator. A short siege of Attock and the promise of his
life effected the submission of Asaf Khan, who became nominally
reconciled, though many of his followers were executed.
In May, 1626, Kabul was reached, and Mahabat Khan's influence
soon began to wane. His ability was that of a soldier rather than
that of a statesman, and even during the excitement of his coup
d'état he had shown weaknesses and lapses of judgement. None of
the other officers of state really sided with him and he had neither
friend nor counsellor at court.