No More Learning

The New Human Being is a great not-yet for itself, even if it is brought near by the most feverish anticipations. Entrance into the revolution- ary process, therefore, is initially merely the beginning of a protracted self-renunciation. Whoever opts for the revolution as a new form of belonging must first admit that they are still human through and through - infused with the hereditary injustice of the entire history of mankind, filled with the inner sediments of class society, spoiled by the mis-conditioning of all previous generations, perverted and dis- torted even in the most intimate elements of their sexuality, their taste and their forms of everyday communication. They also remain the old human being in their continuing inability to be brotherly - most of all because they still exist as the victim of a distorted life instinct or, as Trotsky wrote, 'a pinched, morbid, hysterical fear of death',119 the deepest source of non-solidarity among mortals. The only difference between the revolutionary and the old human being is that the former has realized the nature of themselves and others, while the rest either suffer mutely or succumb to one of the countless self-delusions that historical humanity developed in order to accommodate itself to its situation.
The choice of an existence in revolution rules out both muteness and accommodation. Because it prefers the arduous path, it is comparable to an adept's flight to the Dharma path or a novice's entrance into a Christian order. Perhaps the elite of Lenin's professional revolution- aries proves the validity of this analogy, at least in ideal-typical terms; the difference, however, is a significant one: for the latter activists, there was never a binding monastic rule, unless one counts the abstract imperative of total self-instrumentalization. An even greater
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or
course of to univer-
sally valid criteria were disabled within their respective jurisdictions. The actually occurring revolution claimed ethical sovereignty, thus immunizing itself to all verdicts from without. If the party was always right, this was because the revolution is always right; consequently, those who actually carried out the revolution were right. Hence even their perversions were meant to be subject only to their own interpre- tations. No one who was not themselves at the forefront of the revo- lution was entitled to a judgement about the means it should choose. It alone could know how much killing was necessary for its success; it alone could decide how much terror would guarantee the triumph of its principles. It was Georg Lukacs who, amidst the war between white and red terrorists, coined the phrase 'Second Ethics' for the free choice of means by the bearers of the revolution.
This resulted in a situation where the revolution taking place could only be understood by its current leaders. The statement 'I am the revolution' was only true in theoretical and practical terms of Lenin and Stalin, who lived in the hot spot of the event, while none of the others, even seasoned fighters, could be sure of understand- ing the revolution. They all lived with the constant risk of suddenly being exposed as counter-revolutionaries. It was no longer enough to be orthodox in one's adherence to revolutionary principles; now one also had to be an orthodox believer in the incomprehensibility of the daily manoeuvres of one's leaders. Even when it arrested, tortured and shot dead its most faithful followers, the revolution still claimed to be right. The believers who allowed themselves to be subjected to such things were not witnesses whose memories were collected in a Moscow martyrology; they resembled mystics who undertook that most demanding of spiritual exercises, the resignatio ad infernum - the attempt to want nothing except what God or Stalin wants, even if it is my damnation. l2D
Communist Production of Humans
In our context, there is no need to address the 'religious' or religion- parodying dimensions of the Russian Revolution. l2l It is sufficient to hint at how the revolutionary complex of events took up the motif of human production, which had been virulent since the Enlightenment, and pushed it to its (provisionally) greatest heights. It was character- istic of the communist experiment that from the outset, it fought on
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both anthropotechnic fronts simultaneously in order to connect the spiritual-ascetic and biotechnical components as directly as possible. One must keep this strategy in mind whenever the frequently invoked formula of the New Human Being is used.
This production took place firstly in the elite cadres of the 'party', the training centres of revolutionary morals: these were the collecting places for individuals who, after an initial act of radical metanoia, were working on the eradication of the old human in themselves. It is hardly necessary to show in detail how the dispositions of orthodox spirituality still in effect here, with their thousand-year culture of de- selfing, became important. Anyone who postulated the New Human Being after 1917 only had to cover a small part of the moral evidence for this demand with the modern arguments that had circulated in Russia since 1863, the year in which Chernyshevsky's epoch-defining light novel What Is to Be Done? was published - Rakhmetov, one of the book's heroes, was a modern ascetic who slept on a bed of nails, trained his muscles and strictly monitored his diet. How many repli- cas of Rakhmetov were at work in the Russia of Lenin and Stalin is a question to which we will never find a clear answer. The only certainty is that whoever demanded the utmost of themselves in the face of the revolutionary upheavals stood in a tradition that extended back from The Philokalia - the belated Russian counterpart of The Imitation of Christ - to the Desert Fathers and the monasteries of Athos, and still had a virulent reservoir available for metanoetic procedures.
Secondly, the call for the New Human Being is formulated in socio- technical and biotechnical language. Because the productive powers invoked by Marxism are, according to their moral potency, powers of world improvement, the revolution states that they can and must be applied to human material. If one wants to establish socialism accord- ing to plan, its architects must themselves be produced according to plan. Bukharin's well-known claim in 1922 that the true aim of the revolution must be 'to alter people's actual psychology'122 clarifies the dimensional leap in revolutionary anthropotechnics: with the pro- duction of the producer, the producing collective reaches the stage of reflexiveness. What was once transcendent morality becomes part of a circuit: the eternally unchanging group of asceticisms is replaced by a cybernetic optimization system. 123
Many authors, including Trotsky, did not content themselves with the call to rebuild the psyche, and also held out the prospect of the genetic reconstruction of humans, even their cosmic reform: the foremost revolutionary demand was the physical optimization of humans through an elimination of sick and inferior variants - much
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was to in the improvement mental qualities - the parallels with the breeding speculations of 'scientific racism' during the Nazi dictatorship in Germany are par- ticularly clear. 124 The final perfection of the great reform, however, was presented in ideas of which no mere 'eugenicist' of either leftist or rightist persuasion could have dreamed: the emancipation of humans from space and time, from gravity, from the transience of the body and from conventional procreation. Ultimately, then, revolution
means disabling the second law of thermodynamics.
Even in the most utopian of concepts, one can easily see how the
figure of action in the auto-operatively curved space affects the level of great politics to produce a revolutionary passivity along with the revolutionary culture of activity: whoever has grand plans must also endure a great deal. In truth, everyday life after 1917 already forced the masses to be prepared for having-themselves-operated-on by the functionaries of the revolutionary state. The New Human Being could only be forced into existence if the current ones were willing to undergo major operations. The role of surgical metaphors in the language of the revolutionary leaders would merit a study of its own. They clarify the price of every political holism: whoever conceives of 'societies' as organisms will sooner or later be confronted with the question of where to apply the amputation instruments.
It is only in this context that the role of the aesthetic avant-garde in the Russian Revolution should be acknowledged: it committed itself to the titanic task of raising the passivity competence of the impoverished masses within a few years to the historically necessary level. The principal agitative quality of revolutionary art stemmed from the intoxicating project of proclaiming, for the first time in history, the passion for all. This is the meaning of the didactic turn evident in the manifold varieties of committed revolutionary art: peak performances of suffering were now offered by the 'commissars' to the many, who had previously known only vulgar suffering. No one was to be denied the right to crucifixion, though the technical matters of burial and resurrection were not settled in every detail. To convey what was on offer on a sufficiently broad scale, the fiction was spread that every single national comrade had entered a contract of treat- ment with the revolution, stating that they were ready and willing to endure and affirm whatever they were subjected to for their own good by the agencies of the great change. Only in the light of this hypoth- esis can one grasp the unfathomable passivity with which countless people bore the hardships of the 'transitional time' between the leg-
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most important was undoubtedly
of enduring the revolution and furthering it in the mode of suffering under it. No one can deny the great achievements of the Russians and the peoples associated with them in this field.
Even if the theory of the 'religious' nature of revolutionary ideol- ogy has been repeated ad nauseam in the relevant literature, it must nonetheless be emphasized that by its design, the Russian Revolution was not a political event but an anthropotechnic movement in a socio-political guise, based on the total externalization of the absolute imperative. Its contribution to making the nature of 'religion' explicit is of lasting significance - placing it in the group of synthetic illusion- practising organizations in modernity of which I showed above, using the example of the Church of Scientology, how they go about the production of auto-hypnotically closed counter-worlds. In both cases, the individually effective psychotechnic aspect was combined with mass-psychological effects based on leader cults and group narcis- sism. In undertaking a large-scale attempt to seize power over condi- tions, the communist experiment demonstrated what activists should believe in - and what they must allow to be done to themselves for the old human to be remoulded into the new one.
De facto, the communist upheaval triggered the second emergency of extensive biopolitics in the Modern Age - we discussed the first above in our recollections of the early modern state's demographic policy. The latter had failed spectacularly in the fine tuning of its methods, with consequences whose darkness requires no further elaboration here. The biopolitics of the Russian Revolution could likewise not be sure of its results, albeit for entirely different reasons. While the early modern state sought to produce the greatest number of subjects and took on board an enormous surplus of unusable ones, the revolutionary state strove for an organic collective of convinced individuals - and accepted the risk of losing all others. The first biopolitics sought the solution to its problems in the mass export of humans and extensive internment, while the second found the solu- tion in mass internment and even more massive extermination of humans. 125
The Biopolitics of the Miracle and the Art of the Possible
We have thus articulated the anthropotechnic secret of the 1917 revolution, and numerous authors have revealed it in different
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course the idea
morphosis that moved it towards depoliticization and remoulded it into a radical-metanoetic experiment. One must almost call it a subversion of politics through orientalization - but not only for the sake of portraying the Soviet state power as an 'oriental tyranny'. 'East' in this case refers to the tendency towards the supremacy of the spiritual factor. It seems that a revolution on Russian soil could only take place without becoming analogous to a conversion. The result was the enormous spectacle of a conversion from without.
Conversion means spiritually resetting one's life; revolution implies the gesture of redesigning the world from zero. It transforms histori- cally congealed reality into a mass without qualities that could liter- ally turn into anything in the reconstructive phase. In the chemical flask of revolution, the matter frozen into qualities is transformed into a totipotent potential that can be used by new engineers for free projects. Where world improvement is the priority, the New Human Being must be imagined as a function of a New Society. The New World comes about as the production of revolution and technology. The call for the technical repetition of the miracle is the most inti- mate agent of great change. For an enterprise on this scale, the reas- signment of faith from the miracle to the miraculous is not enough. While the Christian and Yogic traditions reserved the impossible for the few in their cuIts of saints and living-saved figures, the spiritually subverted revolution reclaims the impossible for all.
The definition of politics as the art of the possible - thus my premise - passed its historical test grosso modo. The German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, to whom we owe this formula, was presumably unaware that he had coined a phrase that momentarily put him on a level with the classics of political theory. He knew exactly what he was talking about, however, as he witnessed the opposing position- the politicization of the impossible and the remoulding of daydreams into party programmes - on a daily basis in all varieties from left to right, in the Berlin Reichstag as well as contemporary German and European journalism. From the second half of the nineteenth century on, equations of the desirable with the realizable constituted the pre- ferred procedure of the 'zeitgeist' for disseminating its slogans. At the same time, the mass press had recognized its most important task in the transport of illusions to its customers - in the era of mass circula- tion, the media are in fact not so much organs of enlightenment for
an audience of learners as service providers in the auto-operatively curved space of mass having-oneself-deceived.
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Only in contrast to the laconic thesis of the last German realpoli- tiker can one understand what happened in Russia in the wake of the October Revolution: it created a platform for politics as the art of the impossible. In full awareness, it abandoned the standard model of rational realism in favour of an unabashedly surrealistic praxis, even when it donned the bloodstained mantle of a 'realpolitik of revolution'. Though it presented itself as gruesomely realist in order to secure its initial victory, it knew that it could only survive as long as there was a light shining on it from far above: it could only gain its justification in the steepest vertical. 'Verticalists' were no longer simply the utopian poets around Svyatogor, who had published his Verses on the Vertical already in 1914 - the entire revolutionary elite was inspired by verticalist commitments.
The Era of Abolition
After the victorious civil war against the leftovers of the old 'society', the ascension of the revolution could truly begin. It rushed from one abolition to the next, from one securing measure to the next - the era of abolition was inevitably also a heyday for measures of all kinds. As far as abolitions were concerned, the elan of the intellectuals naturally exceeded that of the new lords of the Kremlin, though these too did what was necessary to earn their stripes as abolitionists. Not long after seizing power, they declared the abolition of private prop- erty; in their understanding of communism, this change in the legal system laid the foundation for all further resolutions. The abolition of bourgeois liberties ensued, and this was to be followed by that of the bourgeoisie themselves. The functionaries had understood why state overthrow could only be stabilized through a cultural revolution, meaning the liquidation of the bourgeois individual and its curricula. For them, the bourgeois was not only the class enemy who monopo- lized the means of world improvement and perverted de jure shared property into de facto private property; he was the embodiment of gradualness who unified all the errors of conventional realism and all the vices of self-centred rationalism.
The first preliminary stage of the New Human Being was the non- bourgeois moulded in political revolution, who had left behind the purportedly natural egocentricity of the old human being. Along with it, the 'preform' of the future human being also discarded the ethics of historical advanced civilizations concerned with the prohibition on human sacrifice - or more generally the prohibition on taking
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a
ity. What from was no less than the figure saint devoid of conscience - the most original contribution of the Bolshevik revolution to universal moral history.
Being and Time - the Soviet Version
In his book Soviet Civilization,126 Andrei Sinyavsky illustrates the prototype of the New Human Being using the figure of Felix Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky (1878-1926), chief of the notorious Cheka, the early Soviet secret police. He describes the feared model functionary - who had spent eleven years in banishment and Tsarist prisons, those training camps for those determined to stop at nothing, between 1897 and 1917 - as a man of steel 'with a soul as clear as crystal'. He assumed the role of the Soviet Union's chief executioner not because of cruel inclinations, but rather because he was prepared to sacrifice not only his own life but also his conscience on the altar of the revolution. As a consummate Leninist, he had internalized his teacher's doctrine that the revolutionary knowingly gets his hands dirty: only by sullying himself morally could he express his loyalty to the great cause. Like many historically aroused contemporaries in the 1920s, including those from the camp of non-Bolshevik 'revolutions', Dzerzhinsky had learned to interpret being as time. As a result, he wanted to do only what time wanted to do through him. With the obedience of the 'calm' person he listened out for its signals, which could seemingly be received unencrypted at the time: 'And if He orders you, "Lie! " - do so. 1And if He orders you, "Kill! " - obey. '127
In this context, it almost seems to follow a legendary template that this man, who was responsible for the liquidation of hundreds of thousands, had wanted to be a monk or a priest in his youth. It may be a tendentious fabrication that, as a crypto-Catholic, he secretly prayed to the Virgin Mary between cruel interrogations, or perhaps even after days full of executions. His wife stated plausibly that Dzerzhinsky, the selfless activist who worked around the clock, who slept in a narrow iron bed in his office and died of exhaustion at the age of forty-eight, had spoken of one day resigning from his office as Chief Executioner of the revolution, and, as People's Commissar for Education, devoting himself to the education of children and young people for the coming 'society'. Sinyavsky comments: 'Isn't that a wonderful prospect - in the spirit of communist morality - the chief
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tion the extermination of unusable
to the breeding of usable and convinced ones seems far less absurd if one takes into account the logic of acting from zero underlying both of these functions. What distinguishes the Soviet executioner from de Maistre's executioner is that one cannot possibility imagine him secretly saying to himself: 'No one liquidates better than I. '
Immortalism: The liquidation of Finitude
In the eyes of the philosophically radical among the representatives of the revolutionary intelligentsia, such phenomena as those described above were reduced to surface effects of the kind that had to be accepted nolens volens in a time of fundamental transformations. This group of ontological utopianists included, next to the aforemen- tioned Alexander Svyatogor, Konstantin Tsiolkovsky (1857-1935), an esoteric and rocket scientist who became famous as the father of Russian space travel; Alexander Yaroslavsky (c. 1891-1930), an exponent of a 'cosmic maximalism'; Valerian Muraviev (1885- 1931), who postulated the overcoming of time and a technology of resurrection (anastatics); and Alexander Bogdanov (1873-1928), an advocate of 'physiological collectivism' and the founder of a move- ment for the 'struggle for vitality'. 129 For them, the metaphysical revo- lutionaries, almost all of whom were followers of Nikolai Fedorov (though some, like Svyatogor, negated his influence), who had laid the foundation for a politics of immortality with The Philosophy of the Common Task, the Bolshevik beginnings of the cultural revolu- tion were scarcely more than a crude, albeit limitedly useful prelude to the true 'world revolution' whose premises, prospects and methods these authors explored in their writings of the 1920s.
If the revolution made it possible to climb up the ladder of the abo- lition of traditional social problems, the abolition of 'private property of production means' and the bourgeois personality were productive, albeit provisional - not to say inferior - stages in a programme of ascent whose heights none of those caught in the turbulences of the great change could imagine. Yet these two operations, as momentous as they seemed to both the perpetrators and the victims of change, merely constituted the continuation of the bourgeois revolution of 1879, which had barely achieved more than the abolition of aristo- cratic privileges, the release of bourgeois ambitions and double-edged human rights rhetoric. From the Russian perspective, they continued
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were at most an entirely different scope.
After the era of preliminary attempts, the time was ripe for an opus hominis on a larger scale. The rule of humans over humans had become offensive, but was only the epiphenomenon of a far older and more comprehensive enslavement. Had mortal man not lived under the tyranny of outer and inner nature since time immemorial? Was not nature itself the biopower that wilfully created life on the one hand while letting it die equally wilfully on the other? Did its uni- versal domination not provide the matrix for all secondary forms of domination? Was it not necessary, then, to put the abolition of death on the agenda of a metaphysical revolution - and simultaneously an end to the fatalism of birth? What was the use of doing away with the absolutist state as long as one continued to pay tribute to the divine right of nature? Why liquidate the Tsar and his family if one did nothing to overturn the immemorial crowning of death as the lord of finitude?
Ending the Epoch of Death and Bagatelles
The speculative avant-garde of the Russian Revolution thought it had understood that one must begin directly at the highest rung on the abolition ladder if one wants to make the decisive difference. Otherwise the elimination of abuses and inequalities among people, even the abolition of the state and all repressive structures, would be provisional and in vain. If anything, they only sharpen the awareness of the absurdity that afflicts egalitarian 'society' as long as it fails to abolish death - including all forms of physical imperfection. Whoever wishes to eliminate the final cause of harmful privacy in human exist- ence must do away with the enclosure of each individual in their own little piece of lifetime. This is where the renewed 'common task' must begin. The true commune can only be formed by immortals; among mortals, the panic of self-preservation will always dominate. The equality of humans before death only satisfies that international of reactionary egalitarians who enjoy seeing the rich and powerful perish 'like cattle'. People of this kind have always sympathized with death in the role of the grand leveller - as presented annually at the Salzburg Jedermann production since 1920, dressed in the kitsch of the time. What none of these friends of the just end for all want to admit is the simple fact that death is the ultimate reactionary principle.
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nature.
by tirelessly inculcating it with the formula 'death is inevitable'. They provide the fuel for individualism, which encourages greed - in so far as one can apply this term to the striving to maximize experiences and advantages of being within the narrow window of existential time.
There could only be such a thing as a 'being-unto-death', which Heidegger emphasized as a structural feature of existence in his prin- cipal work of 1927, because even the most radical thinkers of the 'agonizing bourgeoisie' had not participated in the furthest-reaching revolution of the present day. In 1921, Alexander Svyatogor postu- lated a new agenda, beginning with the contention:
The question of the realization of personal immortality now belongs on the agenda in its full scope. It is time to do away with the inevitability of natural death. 130
In these words, we once again hear the tempus est with which Christian apocalypticism turns into the project of history: time itself has reached the point of supplying the password for the final histori- cal enterprise: do away with time! Whoever has understood the spirit of the age must ensure that there will soon be no more talk of finitude. The 'epoch of death and bagatelles' was coming to an end - what was beginning was 'the era of immortality and infinity'. 131 'Biocosmism alone can define and regulate society as a whole. '132 One year later, Alexander Yaroslavsky announced the birth of Cosmic Maximalism, which incorporated immortalism, interplanetarism and the suspen- sion of time, while Alexander Bogdanov simultaneously published his ideas on a 'Tectology of the Struggle Against Old Age'. He enthused over the notion that one could realize socialism physically by turning entire populations into artificial kinship circles and immune alliances through extensive reciprocal blood transfusions. With this physicali- zation of brotherliness, 'blood' - usually the domain of the right - transpires as the medium of an actual communist circulation. 133
,Anthropotechnics'
Among the authors of the metaphysical revolution in the 1920s, if I am not mistaken, it was Valerian Muraviev who examined the ques- tion of producing the New Human Being most extensively, thinking through its technological aspects from the widest possible perspec- tive. Naturally the contemporary thought form of the 'production of
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. ~ not least in the
H U . U U V U presented itself most nakedly. It the mass
production of socialist proletarians as the most pressing planned task; if they did not exist before, the supposed carriers of the revolution should at least be brought into being after the event. The language game of human production was equally firmly established in Soviet pedagogy. As far as we know, however, it was Muraviev - whose writings of the early 1920s contain the first use of the term 'anthro- potechnics', largely synonymous with the word 'anthropurgy', coined at the same time - who aimed more for the production of a higher form of human. 134 Owing to his study of Eastern and Western spir- itual traditions, Muraviev saw the connection between the ascetic and the technical revolt against nature more clearly than other authors with biocosmist-immortalist tendencies. In his view, the achievements stemming from conventional forms of 'asceticism and the Yogi move- ment' inevitably reached their limit because, through the age-old idealistic contempt for the material sphere, they remained defined by 'neglect of the bodily aspect'. The 'remoulding of human beings', however, 'was not conceivable merely in mental and moral terms'. Bs It now had be built on entirely new foundations - that is, on techni- cal, serial and collectively guided procedures. Among these, Muraviev states, eugenics would only have a secondary function on account of its clumsiness. Certainly, he writes, the eugenic procedures of the present go far beyond the primitiveness of Paracelsus' attempts to breed homunculi in calves' stomachs or pumpkins; nonetheless, they remain tied to the awkwardness of sexual reproduction and the ugly excesses of natural birth, which can only be viewed as an 'extraor- dinarily complicated, painful and imperfect process'. 136 Eugenics through breeding, which produces favourable results with plants and animals, can only be transferred to humans to a limited degree.
Consequently, Muraviev continues, one must think about new procedures in which the division of humanity into men and women becomes meaningless. The abolition of birth and the production of humans in the laboratory must lead to a 'fourth method for recasting the human being' - the other three being ascetic-didactic, therapeutic- medical and eugenic-breeding measures. Here the idea of what would later be called cloning momentarily appears ('budding'), which, according to Muraviev, should by no means only be considered the domain of lower life forms. If such a procedure were applied to more advanced creatures too, and ultimately to Homo sapiens, humans would no longer be the result of a sexual relationship between two
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more ill a community to the highest When this com- munity devotes itself to the production of humans, it celebrates a
technical sacrament - in free synthesis outside of the old nature.
The appearance of New Human Beings would mean that of new bodies which could subsist on light and would no longer be subject to gravitation. At the same time, the new technology for creating humans would bring an unheard-of level of individualization within reach. In time, the template human of today would disappear, and the basis for vulgarity would be eliminated not only socially and aes- thetically, but also biologically. Then artists of Shakespeare's and Goethe's calibre would no longer create dramas, but humans and groups of humans - anthropic singularities and social sculptures that would make the works of earlier art history look like lifeless prelimi-
nary exercises. 137
The principal operation of biopolitical utopianism in Russia can
be expressed in a simple formula: what had previously seemed pos- sible only in the imagination would now be realized in technical procedures. Where there were man-made works, there would now be man-made life. Modern technology tears down the boundary between being and phantasm, and transforms impossibilities into schemata of the actually possible - empty sets that would now begin to be filled with actually existing entities. The term 'anticipation', which forms a common thread running through Marxist commentar- ies on the 'achievements' of earlier cultural periods, would now refer to planned phantasms. This same transgression of limits, incidentally, forms the basis of the American mass culture flourishing at the same time, which, especially since the flooding of the Hollywood 'dream factory' with European emigres, had been producing one variation after another on the motif of dreams come true. 138 Aron Zalkind (1889-1936), a Soviet psychologist who sought to combine Freudian and Pavlovian approaches in his 'pedology' of the 1920s (in order to reclaim the field of education for the widely used theory of 'condi- tioned reflexes', and to annex cultural theory as a field of application for higher reflexology), calls this 'scientifically based fantasizing'. 139 It provides the foundation for the art of socialist prognostics. 140 This is the concrete utopian counterpart of Oswald Spengler's equally pretentious attempt to place the narratability of the future on a sci- entific footing through insight into the processuallaws of 'cultures'. In his report on the psychosocial future of socialist humans, Zalkind predicted that they would be transformed through revolutionary treatment into ever more stable, more productive, more vital and
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immune system in
a function of communal preservation - unlike in Western society, where individualist disintegration proceeds inexorably. The blurring of boundaries between didactics, therapy and politics is characteristic of Zalkind's opportunistic-optimistic argumentation: it conceives of communist humans as unlimitedly flexible patients of change who can only win if they allow unlimited operations on themselves. What Zalkind does not reveal are the methods of communist anaesthesia. Lenin knew: state terror is the functional equivalent of general anaes- thetic in difficult operations on large collectives.
Post-Communist Postlude: Revenge of the Gradual
I shall refrain from commenting on the empirical fate of the immor- talist and biocosmist impulses in the early phase of the Russian Revolution; no one should be surprised if the gulf between the pro- grammatic and the pragmatic is dramatic in such projects. If there were a pantheon of Icarian phenomena, the Russian bio-utopians would have a claim to a chapel of their own. Almost all of these protagonists of the highest abolition perished in the turbulences of the revolution they had so vigorously affirmed: except for Konstantin Tsiolkovsky, who, co-opted and honoured by Soviet officials 'as a brilliant son of the people', died at an advanced age in 1935, all other protagonists of the biopolitical revolt met an end more typical of the time. Svyatogor disappeared in a 'corrective labour camp' in 1937, at the age of forty-eight. Muraviev's trail ends around 1930, when he was roughly forty-five, in a detention camp - probably on the infamous Solovetzky Islands in the White Sea. Yaroslavsky was shot dead while trying to escape from said camp in December 1930, aged around thirty-five. Bogdanov died in 1928 at the age of fifty-five after performing a blood transfusion experiment on himself. Zalkind died of a heart attack at forty-eight, in 1936, upon receiving the news that the Central Committee of the Communist Party had condemned and banned his 'pedology' as 'anti-Marxist pseudo-science'.
It seems equally superfluous to explain at length why, after the end of the Second World War - and all the more after the implosion of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc around 1990 - virtually no one in the East or the West had the slightest interest in a revolt against the human condition, the old Adam, the unconscious and the entire syndrome of finitudes - except in the simulation rooms of the unre-
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,n,v""-,, museum, is a curator every It would be a error, however, to conclude from global anti- utopianism 1945, which was only broken up by the third youth movement of the twentieth century - the international student revolt - that the system of modern 'societies' had lost its 'forward' orienta- tion and its quality as a universal training camp for ever-growing virtuosities, or 'qualifications' and 'competencies'.
In reality, the global system after 1945 simply carried out the neces- sary course correction. It eliminated the mode of revolution from its catalogue of operative options, instead deciding entirely on that of evolution. The appearance of neo-revolutionary discourses around 1968 was merely an expanded romanticism that appropriated such historical figures as Lenin, Stalin, Mao, Brecht and Wilhelm Reich as ready-mades. In the principal current of the time, the gradualness party came to power once more - led by an elite of determined professional evolutionaries. Behind the exterior of the general anti-revolutionary mood, which articulated itself discursively as anti-totalitarianism or anti-fascism, lay a return to the progressive traditions of the Baroque and the Enlightenment, whose pragmatic core is the relatively con- stant, rationally supervised expansion of human options. In order to take part in these optimization movements, it was no more necessary for progress to be writ large than to feign belief in the goddess of history.
The development of the Western civilizatory complex after 1945 seems to provide almost complete confirmation for the moderate. It led to the saturation of one's surroundings with easily accessible means of world improvement for most. Their distribution occurred partly through free markets, partly through services of the redistribu- tive state and the overgrown insurance system - the two apolitical operationalizations of the solidarity principle, which do more for the practical implantation of leftist motifs than any political ideology could.
The most important intellectual-historical realignment, however, lay in the fact that metanoia changed its direction yet again: after an era of bloody slogans and malign abstractions, the commonplace seemed like something one could 'bring back' once more. Countless people realized that the here and now was a remote island on which they had never set foot. This supplied one of the preconditions for the rediscovery of the ethical distinction in its original form - the distinction between concern for oneself and attention to everything else. Nothing was more helpful for the disenchanted revolutionaries than the re-actualization of this distinction.
In Jean-Luc Godard's film
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utters time: 'One not save by saving a
militant youth movements, a creature that had been absent from the scene for a long time resurfaced: the adult. Its reappearance gave life to offensive pragmatisms that filled empty word-shells like 'democ- racy', 'civil society' or 'human rights' with actual content. Thus the awareness of what had been achieved was accompanied by a broad agenda outlining the next optimization steps for countless targets of progressive praxis. Today, this is the real working form of a decen- tralized international that articulates itself in tens of thousands of projects in the traditions of world improvement elan - without any central committee that would have to, or even could, tell the active what their next operations should be. 141
The all-pervasive pragmatism of the post-war years must not, therefore, be dismissed as restoration, as the eternal Jacobins would like. Nor does it express any return to modesty. In reality, the complex of Western 'societies' under the leadership of the USA has constantly raised the level of economic and technical evolution since the 1960s - to the point where the ability of populations to keep up with their fleeting financial and media system became problematic. This became manifest primarily after the neo-liberal coup against the semi-socialism of the 'mixed economy' that dominated the West after 1945 until the Thatcherist-Reaganist caesura of the late 1970s. 142 Through this aggravation of the climate, global capitalism transpired as the agency of 'permanent revolution' demanded in vain by the ideologues of the communist command-based economy. The mixed economy was popular as long as a capitalism domesticated by the welfare state could present itself as the power that more or less kept the promises of declared socialism. In the meantime, the accelerated permanent revolution known for the last twenty years as 'globalism' is compelling countless people to work once more on the expansion of their passivity competence - much to the displeasure of the last devotees of 'permanent revolution' in Europe, who dream incessantly of the lost comfort of Rhine Capitalism. 143 Exposed to the cruelties of the expanded world market, they feel the compulsion to have an operation again - this time to improve their competing fitness on the now unpredictable world markets. In the great financial crisis of 2008, however, the necessity of having operations also caught up with the operators.
The supra-epochal tendency of modernity towards a de-verticali- zation of existence continued under the present conditions. At the
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! N THE AUTO-OPERA TIVEL Y
immune systems through some of
larism. This is the origin of the widespread new interest 'religious' and spiritual traditions - and the discreetly reawakening awareness of vertical imperatives. In fact, a resolute anti-verticalism established itself in the dominant forms of the zeitgeist after 1945: in existen- tialism as the cult of finitude, in vitalism as the cult of overexertion, in consumerism as the cult of metabolism, and in tourism as the cult of changing location. In this de-spirited time, top athletes took over the role of guarding the holy fire of exaggeration. They are the Dbermenschen of the modern world, beheaded Dbermenschen who strive to reach heights where the old human being cannot follow them - not even within themselves. It is the inner androids that now constantly exceed themselves. All that the old human being inside the athletes themselves can offer is a dull commentary on the perform- ances of the Dber-androids they embody.
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The Critique o f Repetition
Damned to Distinguish Between Repetitions
The ethical distinction took effect from the moment in which repeti- tion lost its innocence. The appearance of ascetics and asceticisms in the twilight of the advanced civilizations revealed a difference that had not been open to explicit development in earlier stages of civili- zation: in choosing to withdraw, the early practising ethicists broke with the conventional forms and attitudes of life. They abandoned the established repetition sequences and replaced them with different sequences, different attitudes - not arbitrarily different, but rather redemptively different ones. Where the original distinction between high and beneficial life forms on the one hand and hopelessly ordi- nary ones on the other hand makes its cut, it does so in the mode of a neuro-ethical programming that turns the entire old system against itself. Here there are initially no intermediate forms. Body and soul reach the other shore together - or not at all. 'The whole man must move at once. '
The radical separation of ascetics, saints, sages, practising philoso- phers, and later also artists and virtuosos from the mode of existence of those who continue in the average, approximate and unqualified, shows that the human being is a creature damned to distinguish between repetitions. What later philosophers called freedom first manifests itself in the act with which dissidents rebel against the domination by inner and outer mechanisms. By distancing themselves from the entire realm of deep-seated passions, acquired habits and adopted or sedimented opinions, they make space for a comprehen- sive transformation. No part of the human can stay as it was: the feelings are reformed, the habitus remodelled, the world of thoughts
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EXERCISES AND
up,
rises up as a new construction on
favourable repetition.
A first enlightenment came about when the spiritual teachers
showed that humans are not so much possessed by demons as con- trolled by automatisms. They are not assailed by evil spirits, but by routines and inertias that force them to the ground and deform them. What impair their reason are not chance errors and occasional errors of perception - it is the eternal recurrence of the cliches that render true thought and free perception impossible. Next to Gautama Buddha, Plato was the first epidemiologist of the spirit: he recognized everyday opinion, the doxa, the pestilence that does not kill, but does occasionally poison entire communities. Empty phrases that have sunk down into the body produce 'characters'. They mould humans into living caricatures of averageness and turn them into incarnated platitudes. Because existence in the ethical distinction begins with the annihilation of empty phrases, it inevitably leads to the nega- tion of characters. Part of the charm of free humans is that one can see in them the caricature they might have become. Whoever sought to eradicate it would be the human without qualities, free for an absence of judgement, character and taste. Such a person would, like Monsieur Teste, state: 'La betise n'est pas mon fort. ' [Stupidity is not my strong suit. ] They would be the human who had killed the mari- onette inside them. The transformation occurs through mental de- automatization and mental decontamination. Hence the use of silence in many spiritual schools to empty the cliche depot - a procedure that usually takes longer than a major psychoanalysis. Pythagoras sup- posedly demanded a five-year silence of his pupils at the beginning of their studies. Nietzsche was still acting in this tradition: 'Every char- acteristic absence of spirituality, every piece of common vulgarity, is due to an inability to resist a stimulus - you have to react, you follow every impulse. '144 The spiritual exercise is the one that disables such compulsion.
This de-automatization, this liberation from infection by the blindly reproducing unexamined, must be accompanied by the methodical erection of a new spiritual structure. Nothing could be more alien to the pioneers of the ethical distinction than modern spontaneism, which cultivates shock, confusion and the interruption of the habitual as aesthetic values per se, without asking what should replace the interrupted. The original ethical life is reformatory. It always seeks to exchange harmful for favourable repetition. It wants to replace corrupt life forms with upright ones. It strives to avoid the
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THE EXERCISES OF THE MODERNS
lmmerse
costly is, now, point.
matters is that in this framework, individualized freedom emerges in its oldest and most intense form. It results from an awkward discov- ery: there is a choice that changes all the factors influencing human behaviour. The first ethicists faced the decision between a life in the usually unnoticed iron chains of involuntarily acquired habits and an existence on the ethereal chain of freely accepted discipline. The most erroneous possible conclusion one could draw from this is that the appearance of genuine practising awareness concerned purely the active. Let the sadhus torture themselves in their lonely forests with complicated breathing exercises; let the Stylites feel closer to heaven on their absurd pillars, and let the philosophers sell their second coats and sleep on the ground - the average mortals will cling nonethe- less to the opinion that these extravagant distortions of the ordinary are meaningless for them, the business of a sacred-perverse private meeting between the incomprehensible God and his artiste followers. Whoever is unable to participate can continue in their old habitus, which, though not perfect, seems good enough for everyday life.
The Creature that Cannot Practise
In reality, the secession of the practising places the entire ecosystem of human behaviour on an altered foundation. Like all acts of ren- dering things explicit, the appearance of the early practice systems brought about a radical modification of the respective area - that is, of the whole field of psychophysically conditioned actions. Explicit exercises, whether the asanas of the Indian yogis, the Stoics' experi- ments with letting go of the non-own, or the exercitationes spiritu- ales of Christian climbers on the heavenly ladder, cast a shadow on everything that lies opposite them on the implicit side: this is no less than the world of old Adam, the gigantic universe of unilluminated conventionalities. The shadow zone encompasses the area dominated by repetitions of an undeclared practice character. We can leave open the question of whether the psychoanalytical insult to humans claimed by Freud - triggered by the purportedly unwelcome discovery that the ego is not the master of its own house - ever really existed. There is certainly no doubt about the reality of the behaviouristic insult to humans, which could equally be called the ascetological one. It follows from the observation that 99. 9 per cent of our existence comprises repetitions, mostly of a strictly mechanical nature. The
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EXERCISES AND MlSEXERClSES
IS to one IS original plenty others. If one to more
self-examination, one finds oneself in the psychosomatic engine room of one's own existence, where there is nothing to be gained from the usual flattery of spontaneity; and freedom theorists would do better to stay upstairs.
In this investigation, one advances into a non-psychoanalytical unconscious encompassing everything belonging to normally athe- matic rhythms, rules and rituals - regardless of whether it stems from collective patterns or idiosyncratic specializations. In this area, everything is higher mechanics, including intimate illusions of non- mechanics and unconditioned being-for-oneself. The sum of these mechanics produces the surprise space of personality, in which surprising events are actually very rare. Humans live in habits, not territories. Radical changes of location first of all attack the human rooting in habits, and only then the places in which those habits are rooted.
Since the few have been explicitly practising, it has become evident that all people practise implicitly, and beyond this that humans are beings that cannot practise - if practising means repeating a pattern of action in such a way that its execution improves the being's dispo- sition towards the next repetition. Just as Mr K. is always preparing his next mistake, humans as a whole are constantly taking the neces- sary steps to ensure that they will remain as they have been up until this minute. Whatever is not repeated sufficiently often atrophies - this is familiar from everyday observations, for example when the musculature of static limbs begins to degenerate after a few days, as if concluding from its temporary disuse that it has become superflu- ous. In truth, one should probably also keep the non-use of organs, programmes and competencies for exercises in steady decline. Just as there are implicit fitness programmes, there are also implicit unfitness programmes. That is why Seneca warns his pupil: 'A single winter relaxed Hannibal's fibre. '145 Other states of weakening may follow years of neglecting-work. 146
From this it follows that even a simple maintenance of bodily - or rather neurophysical - form can only be comprehended as an effect of undeclared training. This comprises routines whereby the stand- ard movements of an organ complex are, through inconspicuous procedures, employed often enough to stabilize the complex at its current fitness status. The self-activations of organisms in sequences of undeclared practice programmes, sequences that constantly have to be run through anew, culminate in a mute autopoiesis: the element
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THE EXERCISES OF THE MODERNS
training programmes. The nocturnal actlVltleS of the brain, part of which one experiences as dreams, are probably first and foremost back-up processes for the self-programme in its state prior to the last waking
phase. The self is a storm of repetition sequences beneath the roof of the skull.
Personal identity, then, offers no indication of a mental essence or inert form; it rather shows the active overcoming of a probability of decline. Whoever remains identical to themselves thus confirms themselves as a functioning expert system specializing in constant self-renewal. For surprise-friendly creatures of the Homo sapiens type, even triviality is not futile. It can only be attained through a con- stant cultivation of identity whose most important aid is inward and outward self-re-trivialization. Re-trivialization is the operation that enables organisms capable of learning to treat something new as if they had never encountered it - whether by equating it mechanically with something familiar or by openly denying its didactic value. Thus the new, initially and mostly, has no chance of integration into the apparatus of operating gestures and ideas because it is assigned either to the familiar or to the insignificant. 147
If, in turn, the neolatric culture of modernity posits meaning in the new per se, this causes a brightening of the global learning climate; the price of this is a historically unprecedented will to be dazzled that gives unlimited credit to illusions of the new. Even manifest stupid- ity, incidentally, cannot be taken as a simple datum: it is acquired through long training in learning-avoidance operations. Only after a persistent series of self-knockouts by the intelligence can a habitus of reliable mindlessness become stable - and even this can be undone at any time through a relapse into non-stupidity. Conversely, every learning-theoretical romanticism should be viewed sceptically, even if it appears under classical names. Aristotle was speaking as a roman- tic when he stated in the first line of his Metaphysics: 'All humans strive for knowledge by nature. ' In fact, every striving for knowledge - understood by Aristotle above all as primary visual enjoyment - encounters its limits as soon as something new appears that one does not want to see. Such things are usually sights that are irreconcilable with the imperative of preserving identity. Then the much-lauded thirst for knowledge among humans turns in a flash into the art of not having seen or heard anything.
The ethical distinction not only uncovers the hidden practice char- acter of ordinary life; it also reveals the gulf between the previous
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EXERCISES AND MISEXERCISES
existence in the accustomed and the metanoetic life forms that must be newly chosen. This distinction demands cruelty towards oneself and others; it leads to overload in its most naked state. We hear its original voice when Jesus says: 'Anyone who loves his father and mother more than me is not worthy of me. '148 'Any of you who does not give up everything he has cannot be my disciple. '149 'I did not come to bring peace, but a sword. '150 The blade of distinction is the apocalypse that takes place now or never.
The Re·Exercising of All Exercises
Just as a person's unexpected suicide calls their entire social environ- ment into question, an individual's conversion to philosophy or their entrance into an ethical group problematizes the modus vivendi of all those with whom they had previously lived under the same roof - bound by the same customs, impregnated with the same habits, entangled in the same stories. Every conversion implies the speech act: 'I herewith leave the shared reality', or at least the statement of intent, 'I wish to leave the continuum of the false and harmful. ' To do this, the adept does not need to board the ship that would take them to the island of Utopia. The destinations are often only a few hours' travel from the hopeless villages or a day's walk from the agitated city. Whoever seeks out these heterotopias knows that once they arrive there, they will have to undertake far longer inner than outer journeys.
If an applicant is taken up into a community of the practising, their further life consists in the systematic revaluation of values. The Cynics called this procedure 'defacing the coin' (paracharattein to nom;sma), which also means 'changing one's customs'. Thus a counterfeiter's metaphor provides the keyword in the history of higher morals. The ethical mints are training camps for the ethos in need of remoulding. For the cynics of the fourth century Be, this meant renouncing all forms of behaviour based on arbitrary human rules and henceforth listening only to the physis. These unabashed dissidents were prob- ably the only wise men to believe that one could do such a thing in the middle of the city - provided one could find a vacant barrel. The other adepts of ethical difference knew very well that it is best to turn one's back on one's usual abode. As ethos and topos belong together, a different ethos calls for a different residence - one can only return to the origin if one is so deeply rooted in the new place and the changed habitus that there is no risk of relapsing into the old one. Until one
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THE EXERCISES OF THE MODERNS
llH,aUH a spacein
many - ton pollan 151 - bounce
the better knowledge of few. Among the early Greek Christians, one openly named a remote training centre after the activities that went on there: asketeria, or sometimes hesychasteria, a place for exercises in silence. The Indian word ashram, still in frequent use today, refers to the 'place of exertion'. Sannyasin, on the other hand, the Indian name for the world-abstinent, literally means 'one who has cast off all things' - including the ties to a profane abode. It is said that the Indian wise man Tota Puri (c. 1815-75), Ramakrishna's teacher, who bore the epithet 'the naked' (nagka), never wore clothes, never slept under a roof and never stayed in one place for more than three days in his entire life. For Nietzsche, only a generation younger than the evasive Indian, the other place was Sils Maria, at the foot of mountains that are mirrored in the severe smoothness of Lake Silvaplana, 'six thousand feet beyond man and time'.
The ethical distinction brings about the catastrophe of habits. It exposes humans as beings that grow accustomed to anything. 'Virtue' is one possibility of habituation among others. Humans are equally able, however, to make the worst their own until it seems incontest- ably self-evident. Any inhabitant of a somewhat freer country today who looks at conditions in overt dictatorships will find ample evi- dence of this, whether in the daily news or in the archives. One has to have seen a Nuremberg Rally, a Moscow parade on 1 Mayor a mass gymnastic performance in Pyongyang to have an idea of how far an attachment to the abhorrent can extend. From the perspective of the Greek asketeria, the Indian ashram or the Upper Egyptian hermitage, however, the entire empirical world of humans was already nothing but a corrupt training camp early on, one in which comprehensive wrongness exercises were performed day and night - under the guid- ance of semi-lucid kings with the rank of gods, pseudo-knowledgeable elders and gloomily severe priests who only knew how to pass on conventional rules and idle rituals: they translated external necessi- ties into holy customs, which they then defended like holy necessities. The rest is 'culture' - in so far as this means the copier that guarantees the self-preservation of the convention complex (in newer jargon: a memeplex) through the transference of prevailing patterns from one generation to the next and the one after that.
All moral philosophy is superficial, then, if it is not based on a distinction between habits. Even a Critique of Practical Reason relies on unguaranteed conditions as long as the most important
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EXERCISES AND MISEXERCISE<,
not can
even out of bad habits, under what circumstances do they succeed in finding a new rooting in good ones? Kant's well- known argument from the text on peace, that even 'a race of devils', if it has a modicum of sense, must find a passable modus vivendi by establishing a legal order uncannily similar to a civil constitution, is flawed because he fails to understand anti-moral gravitation: 'being a devil' - whether poor or evil is unclear - is only a metaphor for an actor's trapped state within an ignorant habitus, and it is precisely the undoing of this that Kant makes too easy for himself in his appeal. 152 The Kantian devils are merchants who know how much they can go too far, well-behaved egotists who have attended their rational choice seminars. A true race of devils embodies a collective of fatal- ists where de-disciplining has reached the fundamentalist level. They do not merely live in the squalid cellars of St Petersburg; they are at home in every dead-end banlieue and every chronic battle zone. In such circumstances, individuals are convinced that nothing is more normal than the hell they have provided for one another as long as anyone can remember. No devil without its circle, and no hell without the circle made of circles. Whoever grows accustomed to hell becomes immune to the call to change their life - even if it is in their own interests. The meaning of own interests is already trapped by running in the harmful circle. Under such conditions, it is almost irrelevant what instructions one gives the inmates of these personal circuli vitiosi to bring them to their senses, for failure is certain what- ever one does: one should neither hope for any results from the inner 'moral improvement of man', which Kant too wisely abandoned, nor from the external 'mechanism of nature working through the self- seeking propensities of man',153 whose reciprocal neutralization the philosopher considered a way to achieve at least an enforced peace. Experience shows that peace between inhabitants of infernal circles comes not from a mutual tempering of 'self-seeking propensities', but from concrete asymmetries. These can result from one-sided exhaus- tion or a resounding victory by one party. That is why systemicists
say that the one of the tools of evil is the inability to win.
The Source of Bad Habits: On the Metaphysics of the Iron Age
Before we settle the matter of whether humans can be uprooted from bad habits, and if so, by what method, we should recapitulate
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THE EXERCISES OF THE MODERNS
how they were able to take root in them in the first place. Instead of unde malum? we now ask: unde mala habitudo? The classical moral- theological answers exist as catalogues of vices, of which the seven- part list by Gregory the Great from the late sixth century enjoyed the greatest success. 154
These state that bad habitus is the consequence of an evil decision, born of leisure and encouraged by arrogance. Some mythical answers go deeper, looking beyond the individual and relating bad habits to the necessity of inhabiting a barren world. If this were a culture- historical investigation, a passage on the natural history of need and its translation into the human sphere would have to follow here. In our context, it is sufficient to note that the earliest articulations of the difficulty of being a human date from the era of Mesopotamian and Mediterranean empires. One finds anonymous authors speaking for the first time of an unease in the world that points beyond any unease in culture. Hs
Instructive statements about the genesis of negative habitualiza- tions are provided by the two great myths about the human condition that mark the beginnings of the ancient Western civilizatory complex: on the Judaeo-Christian side the biblical tale of the expulsion of the first human couple from Paradise, and on the Graeco-Roman side the doctrine of the Golden Age - which, owing to a dark causality of deterioration, had led to the present Iron Age via the intermediate stages of the Silver and Bronze Ages. Both narratives share the inten- tion of explaining the normality of the bad; what sets them clearly apart from each other is the means they use to achieve this. The former explains the stay of post-Paradise humanity in a chronically unsatisfying reality using a moral catastrophe model known as the Fall of Man; the latter attributes the difficulties of the human race to a law of destiny that defines the present as the third stage of decay in a providential worsening process. While the moralistic model explains the unfavourable status quo as a consequence of overstepping a single boundary, the myth of the Ages of Man needs three descending steps to interpret mankind's unbalanced state as a result of the adverse conditions of the Iron Age.
I will not linger on the conclusion that the fatalistic interpretation far exceeds the moralistic one in terms of contemplative breath and historico-philosophical substance, whereas the moralistic version has a stronger personal effect on addressees due to its invasive tendency. From a systemic perspective, the biblical account contains a signifi- cant element of 'moral insanity', as it twists the knife even deeper into
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EXERCISES AND MISEXERCISES
the chronically burdened humans in order to read their situation as an inherited debt and well~deserved punishment. At the same time, there is a certain psychagogical prudence in the culpabilistic arrangement, for humans, as empirical findings show, become substantially more resistant to suffering when they are presented with a clear sense of 'what for' - or, failing that, at least a 'why' and a 'from where'. The Christian reception of the tale describing the expulsion from Paradise produced a civilization whose members cannot experience hardship without thinking they deserve it. We regularly display our willingness to take the blame for our suffering, as if making a contribution to a semantic health insurance - in fact, what was viewed as a commit~ ment to the Christian 'religion' was often no more than our manda~ tory contribution to this guilt system.
In the present context, however, what concerns us is the shared dedication of the Jewish and Graeco~Roman narratives to interpret- ing the situation of humans in the world as a permanent stay in a malign milieu. The point of departure for both is the evidence that human existence in its present manifestation is fundamentally a being-in-need - including the necessity of adapting to need. Together they support the complementary evidence that the current state of affairs can only be understood as a fall from an originally completely different state. The chronic misery only appears as a consequence of epochal deteriorations, whether gradual and repetition~based or singular and catastrophic. In both cases, habitualized misery is experienced differentially: in the real domain it contrasts with the modus vivendi of happy individuals, who are still better off than most others, and in the imaginary domain with the notions of times in which things were better for everyone. This difference provides the matrix for the search for the other condition. 'Where life itself is a withdrawal treatment, it provides fertile ground for addiction. '156 The connection between addiction and search is explained by etymolo~ gists and psychologists. 1s7
Realism, Scarcity, Alienation
According to the oldest behavioural theories, adaptation to a chroni~ cally inappropriate climate creates a habitus that could, in a non~ philosophical sense, be termed realism; it is best described as a reinforced perseverance under chronic pressure. In the biblical account the emphasis is placed on holding out in a bowed state - 'by the sweat of your brow' under the constraints of agriculture - while
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THE EXERCISES OF THE MODERNS
to lead an existence in
and corrupt neighbours. The most important results of banishment, according to the Book of Genesis, are the curse of work and the hardship of birth, and in Hesiod's version the chronically unreliable nature of social relationships and the perversion of neighbour-ethical norms. ISS
Both models contain rudimentary social philosophies and elemen- tary hermeneutics of need that can be mapped onto modern theories of alienation: according to the former, the fall from the paradisaic non-working world to the sphere of forced work through the trau- matic advent of scarcity. The necessity of living in a milieu of scarcity results from humanity's primal guilt: no one who has sinned will ever get enough. Because of an unforgivable transgression, the primal habitus of enduring in the face of constant lack is burned into the notion of the world entertained by man, the supposedly 'deficient being'. 159 It constitutes a primary disciplining elevated to a prevailing mood. From this follow primal resignation, which leads to realism as an inner regulator of hardness, and primal escapism, which postulates the establishment of imaginary wealth enclaves.
This places the stranger in the role of the one who dramatizes scar- city by threatening to consume that on which my survival and the self-assertion of my group depend. The first stranger is the master on whom I have become dependent and who keeps me alive, but takes away every surplus that would improve my lot if I could keep it; he is my exploiter and my rescuer at once. The second stranger is the enemy, who takes until there is nothing left. One is alienated, then, if one has a master and an enemy - regardless of whether, as in psy- chopolitical set pieces, one joins forces with the master against the enemy in an emergency or with the enemy against the master - as can be observed in the dissolution of loyalties in palace revolts, rebellions and revolutionary wars.
What Sartre writes in his investigations of alienated 'praxis' on the 'man of scarcity' (l'homme de la rarete)160 is, in essence, merely an exegesis of the biblical expulsion myth, read through a Hegelian conceptual grid. Scarcity imposes the impossibility of coexistence on the collective. Sartre locates this infernal existential one dimension too deep to reconcile it with the Marxist concept of exploitation; likewise, he places competition and mutual reification through the evil 'gaze' in such depths that no reconciliation or befriending could ever overcome them, either inside or outside the sphere of scarcity. Thus he not only fails to see the possible productivity of competi-
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EXERCISES MISEXERcrSES
through modern property economy. project recuperating Marxism by enriching it with existentialist motifs was thus doomed to miss the mark from the outset. The deepest source of Sartre's failure, however, is not his pandering to the internally flawed critique of political economy; it is rather his philosophical equation of the human being with the epicentre of nothingness. It is where he draws most resolutely on metaphysical jargon that he becomes most remote from the present state of human knowledge. The human being is not negativity, but rather the point of difference between repetitions.
Hesiod emphasizes the disintegration of social cohesion in his state- ments on the Iron Age. What strikes him most is that the habitus of disloyalty predominates in the current race of humans, even among relatives and apparent friends. The 'natural' parameters of good and bad, honour and dishonour etc.