asked for aid of the nobles, communes,
and cities of Vermandois towards the expenses of the war
with England, and says that they had of their good will
granted him this.
and cities of Vermandois towards the expenses of the war
with England, and says that they had of their good will
granted him this.
Thomas Carlyle
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? CHAP. VL]
95
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
This is important, but perhaps more significant still is the
fact that in the second half of the century we find the
Cortes demanding that there should be a certain number
of citizens on the King's Council. In 1367 the Cortes of
Burgos demanded that twelve good men of the cities should
be chosen to serve with the King's Council for the special
purpose of seeing that the customs and " fueros " of the cities
of the kingdom should be better kept and maintained. The
king, Henry II. , assented. 1 At the Cortes of Toro in 1371
Henry II. announced that he would appoint certain good men
of the cities to go through the provinces of the kingdom to
report on the administration of law; and the king assented
to the request of the same Cortes that he should appoint
some prudent men of the cities to serve on his council. 2
The same demand was put forward to Juan I. by the Cortes
of Burgos in 1379. 3 .
The Cortes of Castile and Leon was in the fourteenth century
not merely a body which the king might from time to time
consult, to whom he might turn for advice in legislation,
or for financial assistance in emergencies, but it repre-
sented the claim that the community as a whole should
exercise some control over every aspect of the national
affairs.
1 Id. , ii. 9, 6: "Otrossi nlo que
aoe dixieron que porque los usos e
lu eoetumbree e ffueroe deloe c? ibdades
e villas e logares de nuestros rregnos
puedan ser mejor guardados e manto-
nidos, quo nos pedien por merced que
mandasemos tomar doze omes bonos
que Suesen del nuestro consejo. (Two
from Castile, two from Leon, two from
Galicia, two from Toledo, two from
Estremadura, and two from Andalusia).
. . . A esto rospondemus que nos plaze
? lo tenemos por bien. "
1 Id. , ii. 13, 24: "Tenemos por
bien de ordonar, et ordonamos de dar
omes buenos do cibdades e villas e
tagares quantos e qualos la nuestra
merged1 fuere, para quo anden per las
provincias dolos nuostros rregnos e
per totos los logaros, a ver . . . commo
fazen complimiento de derecho alas
partes. "
Id. , ii. 14, 13: "Alo que pedieron
que fuese nuestra merced que tomare-
mos e excogiesemos delos cibdadanos
nuestros naturales delos cibdades e
villas e logaros delos nuestros rregnos,
omes buenos entendidos e pertines-
cientes que fuesen del nuestro con-
sejo. "
>> Id. id. , 22, 4: "Otrossi nos pedie-
ron por merced que quisiesemos tomar
omes bonos delos cibdades e villas e
logares delos nuestros rregnos, para
quo con los del nuestro consejo nos
consejasen lo que cunple a nuestro
servic? io. "
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? 96
[PART L.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
We must now examine the development of the States
General and of the Provincial Estates in France, and, while
this is not the same as that of the Castilian Cortes, it does
also illustrate very clearly the growth and development of
the representative element in government.
In the first place, the States General or analogous bodies
met frequently. The proceedings of these meetings have not
been preserved for us in the same form as those of Castile,
and it is not possible always to say whether all these meetings
can be described as technically meetings of the States General.
This, however, is a question which belongs to the detailed
constitutional history of France; for our purpose it is enough
to observe that they have a representative character. We
have in addition frequent references to the meetings of the
representatives of particular provinces (Provincial Estates),
and sometimes even of particular towns. It must be remem-
bered that the kingdom of France was not unified in
the same sense as that of Castile and Leon, or that of
England.
When we now attempt to consider the powers and functions
of the States General, we shall find that they were not unlike
those of the Cortes in Spain--that is, that they were manifold,
in some respects clear and determined, in others vague and
undetermined; but the history of the fourteenth century
shows very clearly that they were summoned not only to
deal with taxation, but rather that any question of general
national importance might and did come before them.
In the last volume we have dealt with the first meeting
of the States General, which was called together by Philip
the Fair in 1302 to deal with the situation produced by the
conflict with Boniface Vl. ll. ,1 and it is noticeable that their
second meeting was also called to deal with a great ecclesiastical
matter--that is, the question of the Templars.
It is important to observe the terms in which the summons
to the "communitates " is expressed. Philip the Fair calls
them to take part in what he calls the " sacred task," and bids
each of them to send two men who, in the name of the "com-
1 Cf. vol. v. p. 139 and p. 388.
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? CHAP. VI. ]
97
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
munities," axe to assist him in carrying out what was required. 1
At the end of the century again it was in the name and with
the advice and consent of an assembly which was taken to
represent the whole people, as well as of the Church of France,
that Charles VI. renounced the allegiance of France to Pope
Benedict Xffl. 2
We are not here concerned with the motives or the merits 1
of these actions with regard either to the Templars or to
Benedict XHL, but it is obviously highly significant that the
Crown should have felt it to be proper and desirable that the
whole community should, through its representatives, share
the responsibnity of the Crown. It is scarcely less significant
that on some occasions at least during the great war with
England the Crown summoned assemblies which had at least
the character of States General to deliberate upon questions
of war and peace. In 1359 the terms of peace demanded
by England were laid before the Estates; they are reported
as being indignant, as demanding the continuance of the
wax, and as offering a subsidy for the purpose. 3 In 1363
John I. issued an ordinance after a meeting of many prelates
and clergy, the princes of the blood, many other nobles, and
many of the good cities of the kingdom, assembled at Amiens,
at which he had taken counsel with them on the business
of the war. * And in 1385 it was with the advice of the
1 'Documents relatifs aux E"tats
Generaux et Assemblies sous Philippe
le Bel,' No. 660 (ed. G. Picot): "Cujus
opens sancti vos volumus esse par-
ticipes, qui participes estis et fidelis-
simi zelatoros fidei Christianae; vobis-
que preeipimus quatinus de singulis
villi s predict is insignibus duos viroe
fidei fervore vigentes, Turonis, ad
tres Septimanas instantis feste Pas-
ehaua, nobis mittere non tardetis, qui
nobis assistant in premissis, com-
munitatum veetrarum nomine, ad ea
quae sint diet is negotiis opportune. "
1 'Receuil General dee Anciens
Lois Francoises,' vol. vi. p. 809:
"Nos . . . convocavimus concilium
prelatorum, capitulorum, nobilium,
VOL. VI.
universitatum, plurium sacre paginae,
et utriusque iuris doctorum, religio-
sorumque devotorum, et aliorum pro-
cerum regni nostri . . . (p. 821). Nos
eoclesia, clerus, et populus regni nostri
ac Delphinatus, de prediotorum con-
silio et assensu rocedimus, nuncia-
musque auctoritate presencium reces-
sisse" (i. e. , from the obedience of
Benedict XIII. ).
* Id. , vol. v. p. 55.
1 Id. , vol. v. No. 353 (p. 156):
"Jehan, par la grace de Dieu, Roi de
France; scavoir faisons a tous pre? eens
et a venir, que sut plusieurs requestes a.
nous faites par plusieurs prelaz et
autres gens d'eglise, plusieurs nobles
tant de nostre sang come autres, et
G
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? 98
[PABT L
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
council, at which were present many princes of the blood,
prelates, nobles, and citizens, that it was decided to send an
army to Scotland. 1
Again it is not unimportant to observe that it was with
the counsel and advice of the cities that Charles IV. issued an
ordinance in 1322 for the reform of the currency,2 and Philip
of Valois did the same in 1329 and 1332, with the advice of
the prelates, barons, and cities. 3
It is time, however, that we should turn to the question of
taxation, for it is no doubt true that we find here one of the
best illustrations of the principle of the limitation of the royal
authority and of the development of the representative
system. It is clear that normally the Crown procured the
money which it required, over and above that which formed
its normal revenue, by grants, either from particular provinces
or towns or from assemblies which represented the whole
country. This is well illustrated in a letter of Philip V. in
1318, in which he recognised that a grant of a fifteenth made
to him by the nobles of Berri was made by their free will
and liberality, and that neither he nor his successors could
claim that it had conferred upon him any rights which they
plusieurs bonnes villes de notre
royaume, qui darrainement ont e? te? a`
Amiens a` notre mandement, pour
avoir avis et deliberation avec eux sur
le fait de la guerre et provision de
deffenco de notre royaume, nous par
la deliberation de notre grant conseil
avons ordonne? et ordonnons en la
matie`re qui s'ensuit. "
1 Id. , vol. vii. p. 59: "Charles . . .
comme par grand avis e meure deliber-
ation de Conseil, ou quels estoient
plusieurs do notre sang, pre? latz,
nobles, bourgeois et autres, ayons
nagueres ordonne? une arme? e . . . pour
passer et descendre au pays d'E? cosse
. . . nous avons de nouvel ordonne?
estre mis sus, cueillez e leve? outre ce
que dit est . . . certaines sommes
de deniers. "
? Id. , vol. iii. p. 296: "Nous
voulions sur ce pourvenir convenable-
ment, eu avis, et pleine de? libe? ration
avec nos bonnes villes, lesquelles nous
avons mande? s sur ce, avec notre grand
conseil, appeliez a` ce plusieurs sage
oonoissons e experts . . . avous or-
donne? et ordonnons en la manie`re qui
s'ensuit. "
* 'Ordonnances,' vol. ii. page 34:
"Philippus . . . ordinamus, habita
plenaria nostri magni concilii delibera-
tione, cum prelatis, baronibus et oom-
munitatibus regni nostri, de faciendo
bonam monetam. "
'Recueil,' vol. iv. page 404: ". . .
par deliberation de notre grand
Conseil, manda^mes e feismes assemblez
a` Orliens, plusieurs de nos prelaz,
barons, e bonnes villes, et autres
saiges et cognoisseurs au fait des dites
? ? mo noies. "
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? CHAP. VI. ]
99
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
did not possess before. 1 In 1349 Philip VI. says that he
had asked the inhabitants of Paris for an aid and subsidy
for the war with Edward III. , and that they had liberally
granted him for the period of one year an imposition on the
merchandise sold in the city. 2
In 1350 John I.
asked for aid of the nobles, communes,
and cities of Vermandois towards the expenses of the war
with England, and says that they had of their good will
granted him this. 3 In the case of a similar grant from Nor-
mandy in the same year there are some additional and impor-
tant details; the prelates, barons, and communities had met
in Paris, and had agreed in principle on the grant of an aid
to the king, but the representatives of the communities were
not clear that they had sufficient authority to grant the aid
in the name of the cities, and they were therefore sent back
to deliberate and consult with them, and to reoeive authority
to make this aid and subsidy. * It is worth observing how
i 'Ordonnancee,' vol. i. page 677:
"Nous, voulions que leur dictes
liberalite? s ne leur puisse, ne dois estre
a` euls, ne a` leurs hoirs, pre? judicials, ne
domaigeus en temps a` venir. Voulons,
ordonnons, et leur octroions, que nous,
ne nos successeurs, ne puisent dire que
par oette grace, et ce service quils
nous ont fait et donne? , aucun droit
nouvel, autre que nous n'avions avant
cette grace, nous soit acquis contre
euls, aux temps a` venir, ne que nous,
ne nos successeurs, pour raison de
cette grace, leur doiens demander
aucun service on aucune relevance,
auHquels ils n'e? taient tenus a` nous
avant la dite grace. "
> 'Recueil,' vol. iv. 154 (p. 559):
"Philippe . . . Sc? avoir faisons que
euls consideranz les choses dessusdites,
pour et en nom de subside, ont liberale-
ment voulu et accorde? pour toute leur
communite? , entant comme il leur
touche et appartient et puet toucher
et appartenir: eue sur ce premiere-
ment bonne delibe? ration et advis, que
pour l'espace d'un an entierement
accomply, soit leve? e, et a` nous paye? e,
une imposition ou assise sur toutes les
marchandises et denre? es qui serout
vendues en notre dite? ville de Paris. "
Cf. id. id. , p. 628, for Carcassonne
and Narbonne, and p. 654 for Amiens.
1 'Recueil,' vol. iv. 168 (p. 631):
"Lesquiex (i. e. , the burden of the
War) ne porriens souffrir, ne soustenir
sans l'aide de nos subgiez, ayons pour
ce, fait requie? rir par notre ame? et feal
conseiller l'evesque de Laon, nos bien
amez los nobles, communes, eschevin-
ages, et autres gens des villes do notre
bailliage de Vermandois, que a` ce
nous voulsissont faire aide convenable;
et de leur bonne volonte? , ils nous
ayent gratieusement octroie? et accorde?
en aide, pour le fait de nosdites guerres,
une imposition de six deniers pour
livre. "
? Id. id. (p. 635): "Mais pour ce
? ? que lesdites communautez n'estoient
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? 100
[pabt r.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
carefully guarded were the rights of the communities to tax
themselves.
We do not for the moment deal with the important con-
stitutional movements of the years from 1355 to 1358: these
are so important that they need a separate treatment. It
must not, however, be imagined that the victory of the Crown
meant that it had established any constitutional right to
impose taxation at its pleasure. In 1363 the estates of
Beaucaire and Nimes while continuing the gabelle on salt for
the year, and promising that, if this should prove insufficient,
they would with the king's authority impose other "imposi-
tions et gabelles," protest energetically that no royal justiciary,
whatever his rank or dignity, should interfere in any way
in raising these taxes, but only those who had been chosen
by the representatives or those deputed by them; that if
the king himself or his representative, or any of the royal
officials, were to do this, all the impositions should fall to the
ground, and the inhabitants should be free from them. 1
In 1364 the king, Charles V. , says that the burgesses of
Paris were disposed to make him aids and subsidies for the
conduct of the war. 2 In 1367 the prelates, barons,
ecclesiastics, and communities of Dauphine? , in return for
the confirmation of their liberties and franchises, made a
gens d'icellee, et pooir dudit aide et
subside accorder et octroyer. "
Cf. id. id. (p. 709) for Anjou and
Maine. "Que autrefoiz aide somblable
no puisse est re levee esdiz pais au temps
a venir, si ce n'estoit par l'accort et
de l'assentement expres dos dites
gens d'eglise, desdiz nobles et dee dites
communes. "
1 'Reoueil,' vol. v. 345, 40 (p. 142):
"Quod nullus justitiarius regius, cujus
cunque status seu dignitatis existat,
de dicta gabella et aliis impositiombus,
nec etiam do dictis pecuniis inde levan-
dis et exigendis, custodiendis seu
erogandis, et in stipendiariis et aliis
usibus necessariis convertendis, nec
etiam super compotis audiendis par-
ticularium receptorum, se ha be ant
aliqualiter intromittere, neo etiam
impodire; sed illi duntaxat qui per
ipsos seu deputatos aut deputandos ab
eis fuerint super hoc eleeti. . . . Quod
si dominus noeter Rex, seu ejus locum-
tenons, aut qui vis alius justitiarius et
officialis cujuscunque conditionis et
preeminentiae existat, contran um
face ret, extuno omnia impositio et
gabella ipso facto oessit, et quod ipsi
et omnes habit antes ot subditi in
dicta seneecallia, ad praemissorum
observantiam minimo teneantur, sed
ab omnibus et singulis supra dictis
oneribus sint quitti, liberi penitus et
immunes, et quod impune possint
desistore a predictis. "
1 'Recueil,' vol. v. 364 (p. 212),
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? CHaP. VI. ]
101
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
"gracious gift" of thirty thousand florins to the king and
dauphin. 1 In the same year the nobles and cities of
Artois, the " Boulenois," and S. Pol granted an aid to the
king, but with the express condition that this was not to
prejudice their liberties and freedom; and we find this par-
ticular grant constantly repeated to the end of the century. 2
In 1369 we find Charles V. promising the towns and other
"lieux" of Ponthieu that for the future no aid or subsidy
was to be imposed on them without their consent, and we
find the same promise made to the towns of Crotroy and
Rhodez. 3 The 'Grand Chronique' refers to a meeting
of estates in 1369, which voted a subsidy. * In 1372,
Charles V. gave authority to the Bishop of Limoges to impose
"tattles et subsides " in the diocese and viscounty of Limoges
"se la plus saine partie d'icelle pais s'y accorde. " 5
In 1381 we come to the very important ordinance by which
the regent, in the name of the king, Charles VI. , during his
minority, abolished the aids, &c. , imposed in the time of
his father and his predecessors since the time of Philip the
Fair. This ordinance was issued after an assembly, held at
Paris, of the ecclesiastics, nobles, and citizens of the towns of
Languedoyl. It has been disputed whether the meeting was
formally a States General or not,8 but the question is not of
much importance from our point of view. It cannot be doubted
that it had a representative character; and it was these repre-
sentatives who presented the complaints against the subsidies
and subventions as having been contrary to their immunities,
liberties, privileges, constitutions, and customs, and also
against the ancient royal ordinances. The king therefore
orders that all such aids, &c. , of whatever kind they were,
which had been imposed since the time of Philip the Fair,
should be annulled and abolished; and he adds that the fact
that they had been imposed should not be taken as having
1 'Recueil,' vol. v. 421 (p. 298). 'Grand Chronique,' vol. vi. p. 321.
1 'Ordonnances,' vol. v. p. 82. ? 'Ordonnances,' vol. v. p. 719.
''Ordonnances,' vol. v. pp. 82, 4 Cf. especially Picot: 'Histoire
176, 257, 410. des ? ~tats Generaux,' vol. i. p. 229,
4 Cf. Picot: 'Histoire des State &c.
Generaux,' vol. i. p. 194. From the
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? 102
[PART I.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
given either himself or his predecessors or his successors any
new rights, or as having in any way prejudiced the immunities,
liberties, customs, &c, of his people. He reserves only "noz
rentes, yssu^es, travers, et prouffiz des vivres et denre? es mene? es
hors de notre royaume" and the "redevances" of the
Genoese, Lombards, "Tresmontains," and other aliens. 1
It seems to us clear that this represents the admission by the
regent that such taxation had been and was illegal, and he
not only annulled it, but also emphatically assented to the
1 'Recueil,' vol. vi. 14 (p. 553):
"Savoir faisons a` tous pre? sens et a`
venir, que comme a` la la convocation
et assemble? e ge? ne? rale que nous avons
fait faire et tenir a` Paris, des gens
d'e? glise, nobles, bourgeois et habitants
des bonnes villes de notre royaume
de la Languedoyl, pour avoir advis
sur la deffence et provision d'icellui, ils
se fussent complains des aides, sub-
sides et subvencions que feu notre
tre`s chier seigneur et pe`re . . . faisait
et avoit fait imposer et lever sur eulz,
et aussi de plusieurs autres choses
qu'ils disoient avoir este? faiz en leur
pre? judice du temps de notre dit seig-
neur et pe`re et ses pre? decesseurs, par
leurs gens et officiers, contre leurs
immunitez, nobleces, franchises, liber-
tez, privile`ges, constitucions, usaiges et
coustumes des pays, et contre les or-
donnances anciennes; requerans leur
e^tre sut ce pourveu de remede conven-
able--nous voulons noz dictes gens et
subgiez en leur dictes immunitez,
nobleces, franchises, libertez, privileges,
constitucions, usaiges et coustumes
anciennes remettre, ressaisir, restituer,
maintenir et garder, et les relever a`
tout notre pouvoir, de tous griefs,
charges, et oppressions quelconques . . .
Voulons, ordonnons et octroyons de
notre pleine puissance, certaine science
et auctorite? royale.
Que les aides, subsides, imposicions,
et subvencions quelconques, de quelque
nom ou condicion qui soient, et par
quelque maniere ils aient este? imposez
sur nos dites gens et peuples, qui aient
eu cours en notre dicte royaume du
temps de notre dit seigneur et autres
nos pre? decesseurs, depuis le temps du
roi Philippe le Bel notre predecesseur,
soient casse? es, oste? os et abolies, et ycelle
ostons, cassons et abolissons, et mettons
au ne? ant du tout par la teneur de ces
pre? sentes;
Et voulons et decernons que par le
cours que ycelles imposicions, subsides,
et subvencions ont eu en notre dit
royaume, nous, nos predecesseurs,
successeurs, ou aucun de nous, ne en
puissions avoir acquis aucun droit, ne
aucun pre? judice e^tre engendrez a` noz
dictes gens et peuple, ne a` leurs im-
munite? z, nobleces, franchises, libertez,
privileges, constitucions, usaiges et
? ? coustumes dessus dictes, ne a` aucune
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? CHAP. VI. ] REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
103
principle that such illegal action should not be taken as a
precedent. It is true that there is no statement of how
such taxation could legally be imposed; but it is implied
that it could only be made legally by the consent of those
who were to pay the taxes, and that this implied some
system of representation, either local or general. .
It may be urged that this concession was only made in
view of the particular circumstances of the regency, and
there is probably some truth in this, but it must be observed
that from this time down to the end of the century the refer-
ences which we can find to taxation seem in almost all cases
to imply that the Crown was careful to pay at least a formal
deference to the principle of taxation by consent. In 1384
the "Universitates" of Briancon made of their free will a
grant of 12,000 florins to the Dauphin. 1 In 1384 a letter of
Charles VI. speaks of "certaines aides a nous accordees
par les gens d'lSglise, nobles, bourgeois et habitans " of the
province of Eouen. 2 In 1382, Juvenal des Ursins says that
an assembly which had the nature of a " States General" had
been called together at Compiegne, and had been asked to
sanction an aid, but the representatives of the cities said
that they had no power to act. 3 In 1383 the instructions to
the royal officers about the levy of a new aid speak of this as
having been imposed with the advice of several of the princes
of the blood, prelates, nobles, and others. * Another ordinance
of 1383 mentions that in the previous year the citizens of
Paris had granted various aids.
? CHAP. VL]
95
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
This is important, but perhaps more significant still is the
fact that in the second half of the century we find the
Cortes demanding that there should be a certain number
of citizens on the King's Council. In 1367 the Cortes of
Burgos demanded that twelve good men of the cities should
be chosen to serve with the King's Council for the special
purpose of seeing that the customs and " fueros " of the cities
of the kingdom should be better kept and maintained. The
king, Henry II. , assented. 1 At the Cortes of Toro in 1371
Henry II. announced that he would appoint certain good men
of the cities to go through the provinces of the kingdom to
report on the administration of law; and the king assented
to the request of the same Cortes that he should appoint
some prudent men of the cities to serve on his council. 2
The same demand was put forward to Juan I. by the Cortes
of Burgos in 1379. 3 .
The Cortes of Castile and Leon was in the fourteenth century
not merely a body which the king might from time to time
consult, to whom he might turn for advice in legislation,
or for financial assistance in emergencies, but it repre-
sented the claim that the community as a whole should
exercise some control over every aspect of the national
affairs.
1 Id. , ii. 9, 6: "Otrossi nlo que
aoe dixieron que porque los usos e
lu eoetumbree e ffueroe deloe c? ibdades
e villas e logares de nuestros rregnos
puedan ser mejor guardados e manto-
nidos, quo nos pedien por merced que
mandasemos tomar doze omes bonos
que Suesen del nuestro consejo. (Two
from Castile, two from Leon, two from
Galicia, two from Toledo, two from
Estremadura, and two from Andalusia).
. . . A esto rospondemus que nos plaze
? lo tenemos por bien. "
1 Id. , ii. 13, 24: "Tenemos por
bien de ordonar, et ordonamos de dar
omes buenos do cibdades e villas e
tagares quantos e qualos la nuestra
merged1 fuere, para quo anden per las
provincias dolos nuostros rregnos e
per totos los logaros, a ver . . . commo
fazen complimiento de derecho alas
partes. "
Id. , ii. 14, 13: "Alo que pedieron
que fuese nuestra merced que tomare-
mos e excogiesemos delos cibdadanos
nuestros naturales delos cibdades e
villas e logaros delos nuestros rregnos,
omes buenos entendidos e pertines-
cientes que fuesen del nuestro con-
sejo. "
>> Id. id. , 22, 4: "Otrossi nos pedie-
ron por merced que quisiesemos tomar
omes bonos delos cibdades e villas e
logares delos nuestros rregnos, para
quo con los del nuestro consejo nos
consejasen lo que cunple a nuestro
servic? io. "
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[PART L.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
We must now examine the development of the States
General and of the Provincial Estates in France, and, while
this is not the same as that of the Castilian Cortes, it does
also illustrate very clearly the growth and development of
the representative element in government.
In the first place, the States General or analogous bodies
met frequently. The proceedings of these meetings have not
been preserved for us in the same form as those of Castile,
and it is not possible always to say whether all these meetings
can be described as technically meetings of the States General.
This, however, is a question which belongs to the detailed
constitutional history of France; for our purpose it is enough
to observe that they have a representative character. We
have in addition frequent references to the meetings of the
representatives of particular provinces (Provincial Estates),
and sometimes even of particular towns. It must be remem-
bered that the kingdom of France was not unified in
the same sense as that of Castile and Leon, or that of
England.
When we now attempt to consider the powers and functions
of the States General, we shall find that they were not unlike
those of the Cortes in Spain--that is, that they were manifold,
in some respects clear and determined, in others vague and
undetermined; but the history of the fourteenth century
shows very clearly that they were summoned not only to
deal with taxation, but rather that any question of general
national importance might and did come before them.
In the last volume we have dealt with the first meeting
of the States General, which was called together by Philip
the Fair in 1302 to deal with the situation produced by the
conflict with Boniface Vl. ll. ,1 and it is noticeable that their
second meeting was also called to deal with a great ecclesiastical
matter--that is, the question of the Templars.
It is important to observe the terms in which the summons
to the "communitates " is expressed. Philip the Fair calls
them to take part in what he calls the " sacred task," and bids
each of them to send two men who, in the name of the "com-
1 Cf. vol. v. p. 139 and p. 388.
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? CHAP. VI. ]
97
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
munities," axe to assist him in carrying out what was required. 1
At the end of the century again it was in the name and with
the advice and consent of an assembly which was taken to
represent the whole people, as well as of the Church of France,
that Charles VI. renounced the allegiance of France to Pope
Benedict Xffl. 2
We are not here concerned with the motives or the merits 1
of these actions with regard either to the Templars or to
Benedict XHL, but it is obviously highly significant that the
Crown should have felt it to be proper and desirable that the
whole community should, through its representatives, share
the responsibnity of the Crown. It is scarcely less significant
that on some occasions at least during the great war with
England the Crown summoned assemblies which had at least
the character of States General to deliberate upon questions
of war and peace. In 1359 the terms of peace demanded
by England were laid before the Estates; they are reported
as being indignant, as demanding the continuance of the
wax, and as offering a subsidy for the purpose. 3 In 1363
John I. issued an ordinance after a meeting of many prelates
and clergy, the princes of the blood, many other nobles, and
many of the good cities of the kingdom, assembled at Amiens,
at which he had taken counsel with them on the business
of the war. * And in 1385 it was with the advice of the
1 'Documents relatifs aux E"tats
Generaux et Assemblies sous Philippe
le Bel,' No. 660 (ed. G. Picot): "Cujus
opens sancti vos volumus esse par-
ticipes, qui participes estis et fidelis-
simi zelatoros fidei Christianae; vobis-
que preeipimus quatinus de singulis
villi s predict is insignibus duos viroe
fidei fervore vigentes, Turonis, ad
tres Septimanas instantis feste Pas-
ehaua, nobis mittere non tardetis, qui
nobis assistant in premissis, com-
munitatum veetrarum nomine, ad ea
quae sint diet is negotiis opportune. "
1 'Receuil General dee Anciens
Lois Francoises,' vol. vi. p. 809:
"Nos . . . convocavimus concilium
prelatorum, capitulorum, nobilium,
VOL. VI.
universitatum, plurium sacre paginae,
et utriusque iuris doctorum, religio-
sorumque devotorum, et aliorum pro-
cerum regni nostri . . . (p. 821). Nos
eoclesia, clerus, et populus regni nostri
ac Delphinatus, de prediotorum con-
silio et assensu rocedimus, nuncia-
musque auctoritate presencium reces-
sisse" (i. e. , from the obedience of
Benedict XIII. ).
* Id. , vol. v. p. 55.
1 Id. , vol. v. No. 353 (p. 156):
"Jehan, par la grace de Dieu, Roi de
France; scavoir faisons a tous pre? eens
et a venir, que sut plusieurs requestes a.
nous faites par plusieurs prelaz et
autres gens d'eglise, plusieurs nobles
tant de nostre sang come autres, et
G
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? 98
[PABT L
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
council, at which were present many princes of the blood,
prelates, nobles, and citizens, that it was decided to send an
army to Scotland. 1
Again it is not unimportant to observe that it was with
the counsel and advice of the cities that Charles IV. issued an
ordinance in 1322 for the reform of the currency,2 and Philip
of Valois did the same in 1329 and 1332, with the advice of
the prelates, barons, and cities. 3
It is time, however, that we should turn to the question of
taxation, for it is no doubt true that we find here one of the
best illustrations of the principle of the limitation of the royal
authority and of the development of the representative
system. It is clear that normally the Crown procured the
money which it required, over and above that which formed
its normal revenue, by grants, either from particular provinces
or towns or from assemblies which represented the whole
country. This is well illustrated in a letter of Philip V. in
1318, in which he recognised that a grant of a fifteenth made
to him by the nobles of Berri was made by their free will
and liberality, and that neither he nor his successors could
claim that it had conferred upon him any rights which they
plusieurs bonnes villes de notre
royaume, qui darrainement ont e? te? a`
Amiens a` notre mandement, pour
avoir avis et deliberation avec eux sur
le fait de la guerre et provision de
deffenco de notre royaume, nous par
la deliberation de notre grant conseil
avons ordonne? et ordonnons en la
matie`re qui s'ensuit. "
1 Id. , vol. vii. p. 59: "Charles . . .
comme par grand avis e meure deliber-
ation de Conseil, ou quels estoient
plusieurs do notre sang, pre? latz,
nobles, bourgeois et autres, ayons
nagueres ordonne? une arme? e . . . pour
passer et descendre au pays d'E? cosse
. . . nous avons de nouvel ordonne?
estre mis sus, cueillez e leve? outre ce
que dit est . . . certaines sommes
de deniers. "
? Id. , vol. iii. p. 296: "Nous
voulions sur ce pourvenir convenable-
ment, eu avis, et pleine de? libe? ration
avec nos bonnes villes, lesquelles nous
avons mande? s sur ce, avec notre grand
conseil, appeliez a` ce plusieurs sage
oonoissons e experts . . . avous or-
donne? et ordonnons en la manie`re qui
s'ensuit. "
* 'Ordonnances,' vol. ii. page 34:
"Philippus . . . ordinamus, habita
plenaria nostri magni concilii delibera-
tione, cum prelatis, baronibus et oom-
munitatibus regni nostri, de faciendo
bonam monetam. "
'Recueil,' vol. iv. page 404: ". . .
par deliberation de notre grand
Conseil, manda^mes e feismes assemblez
a` Orliens, plusieurs de nos prelaz,
barons, e bonnes villes, et autres
saiges et cognoisseurs au fait des dites
? ? mo noies. "
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? CHAP. VI. ]
99
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
did not possess before. 1 In 1349 Philip VI. says that he
had asked the inhabitants of Paris for an aid and subsidy
for the war with Edward III. , and that they had liberally
granted him for the period of one year an imposition on the
merchandise sold in the city. 2
In 1350 John I.
asked for aid of the nobles, communes,
and cities of Vermandois towards the expenses of the war
with England, and says that they had of their good will
granted him this. 3 In the case of a similar grant from Nor-
mandy in the same year there are some additional and impor-
tant details; the prelates, barons, and communities had met
in Paris, and had agreed in principle on the grant of an aid
to the king, but the representatives of the communities were
not clear that they had sufficient authority to grant the aid
in the name of the cities, and they were therefore sent back
to deliberate and consult with them, and to reoeive authority
to make this aid and subsidy. * It is worth observing how
i 'Ordonnancee,' vol. i. page 677:
"Nous, voulions que leur dictes
liberalite? s ne leur puisse, ne dois estre
a` euls, ne a` leurs hoirs, pre? judicials, ne
domaigeus en temps a` venir. Voulons,
ordonnons, et leur octroions, que nous,
ne nos successeurs, ne puisent dire que
par oette grace, et ce service quils
nous ont fait et donne? , aucun droit
nouvel, autre que nous n'avions avant
cette grace, nous soit acquis contre
euls, aux temps a` venir, ne que nous,
ne nos successeurs, pour raison de
cette grace, leur doiens demander
aucun service on aucune relevance,
auHquels ils n'e? taient tenus a` nous
avant la dite grace. "
> 'Recueil,' vol. iv. 154 (p. 559):
"Philippe . . . Sc? avoir faisons que
euls consideranz les choses dessusdites,
pour et en nom de subside, ont liberale-
ment voulu et accorde? pour toute leur
communite? , entant comme il leur
touche et appartient et puet toucher
et appartenir: eue sur ce premiere-
ment bonne delibe? ration et advis, que
pour l'espace d'un an entierement
accomply, soit leve? e, et a` nous paye? e,
une imposition ou assise sur toutes les
marchandises et denre? es qui serout
vendues en notre dite? ville de Paris. "
Cf. id. id. , p. 628, for Carcassonne
and Narbonne, and p. 654 for Amiens.
1 'Recueil,' vol. iv. 168 (p. 631):
"Lesquiex (i. e. , the burden of the
War) ne porriens souffrir, ne soustenir
sans l'aide de nos subgiez, ayons pour
ce, fait requie? rir par notre ame? et feal
conseiller l'evesque de Laon, nos bien
amez los nobles, communes, eschevin-
ages, et autres gens des villes do notre
bailliage de Vermandois, que a` ce
nous voulsissont faire aide convenable;
et de leur bonne volonte? , ils nous
ayent gratieusement octroie? et accorde?
en aide, pour le fait de nosdites guerres,
une imposition de six deniers pour
livre. "
? Id. id. (p. 635): "Mais pour ce
? ? que lesdites communautez n'estoient
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? 100
[pabt r.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
carefully guarded were the rights of the communities to tax
themselves.
We do not for the moment deal with the important con-
stitutional movements of the years from 1355 to 1358: these
are so important that they need a separate treatment. It
must not, however, be imagined that the victory of the Crown
meant that it had established any constitutional right to
impose taxation at its pleasure. In 1363 the estates of
Beaucaire and Nimes while continuing the gabelle on salt for
the year, and promising that, if this should prove insufficient,
they would with the king's authority impose other "imposi-
tions et gabelles," protest energetically that no royal justiciary,
whatever his rank or dignity, should interfere in any way
in raising these taxes, but only those who had been chosen
by the representatives or those deputed by them; that if
the king himself or his representative, or any of the royal
officials, were to do this, all the impositions should fall to the
ground, and the inhabitants should be free from them. 1
In 1364 the king, Charles V. , says that the burgesses of
Paris were disposed to make him aids and subsidies for the
conduct of the war. 2 In 1367 the prelates, barons,
ecclesiastics, and communities of Dauphine? , in return for
the confirmation of their liberties and franchises, made a
gens d'icellee, et pooir dudit aide et
subside accorder et octroyer. "
Cf. id. id. (p. 709) for Anjou and
Maine. "Que autrefoiz aide somblable
no puisse est re levee esdiz pais au temps
a venir, si ce n'estoit par l'accort et
de l'assentement expres dos dites
gens d'eglise, desdiz nobles et dee dites
communes. "
1 'Reoueil,' vol. v. 345, 40 (p. 142):
"Quod nullus justitiarius regius, cujus
cunque status seu dignitatis existat,
de dicta gabella et aliis impositiombus,
nec etiam do dictis pecuniis inde levan-
dis et exigendis, custodiendis seu
erogandis, et in stipendiariis et aliis
usibus necessariis convertendis, nec
etiam super compotis audiendis par-
ticularium receptorum, se ha be ant
aliqualiter intromittere, neo etiam
impodire; sed illi duntaxat qui per
ipsos seu deputatos aut deputandos ab
eis fuerint super hoc eleeti. . . . Quod
si dominus noeter Rex, seu ejus locum-
tenons, aut qui vis alius justitiarius et
officialis cujuscunque conditionis et
preeminentiae existat, contran um
face ret, extuno omnia impositio et
gabella ipso facto oessit, et quod ipsi
et omnes habit antes ot subditi in
dicta seneecallia, ad praemissorum
observantiam minimo teneantur, sed
ab omnibus et singulis supra dictis
oneribus sint quitti, liberi penitus et
immunes, et quod impune possint
desistore a predictis. "
1 'Recueil,' vol. v. 364 (p. 212),
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? CHaP. VI. ]
101
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
"gracious gift" of thirty thousand florins to the king and
dauphin. 1 In the same year the nobles and cities of
Artois, the " Boulenois," and S. Pol granted an aid to the
king, but with the express condition that this was not to
prejudice their liberties and freedom; and we find this par-
ticular grant constantly repeated to the end of the century. 2
In 1369 we find Charles V. promising the towns and other
"lieux" of Ponthieu that for the future no aid or subsidy
was to be imposed on them without their consent, and we
find the same promise made to the towns of Crotroy and
Rhodez. 3 The 'Grand Chronique' refers to a meeting
of estates in 1369, which voted a subsidy. * In 1372,
Charles V. gave authority to the Bishop of Limoges to impose
"tattles et subsides " in the diocese and viscounty of Limoges
"se la plus saine partie d'icelle pais s'y accorde. " 5
In 1381 we come to the very important ordinance by which
the regent, in the name of the king, Charles VI. , during his
minority, abolished the aids, &c. , imposed in the time of
his father and his predecessors since the time of Philip the
Fair. This ordinance was issued after an assembly, held at
Paris, of the ecclesiastics, nobles, and citizens of the towns of
Languedoyl. It has been disputed whether the meeting was
formally a States General or not,8 but the question is not of
much importance from our point of view. It cannot be doubted
that it had a representative character; and it was these repre-
sentatives who presented the complaints against the subsidies
and subventions as having been contrary to their immunities,
liberties, privileges, constitutions, and customs, and also
against the ancient royal ordinances. The king therefore
orders that all such aids, &c. , of whatever kind they were,
which had been imposed since the time of Philip the Fair,
should be annulled and abolished; and he adds that the fact
that they had been imposed should not be taken as having
1 'Recueil,' vol. v. 421 (p. 298). 'Grand Chronique,' vol. vi. p. 321.
1 'Ordonnances,' vol. v. p. 82. ? 'Ordonnances,' vol. v. p. 719.
''Ordonnances,' vol. v. pp. 82, 4 Cf. especially Picot: 'Histoire
176, 257, 410. des ? ~tats Generaux,' vol. i. p. 229,
4 Cf. Picot: 'Histoire des State &c.
Generaux,' vol. i. p. 194. From the
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? 102
[PART I.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
given either himself or his predecessors or his successors any
new rights, or as having in any way prejudiced the immunities,
liberties, customs, &c, of his people. He reserves only "noz
rentes, yssu^es, travers, et prouffiz des vivres et denre? es mene? es
hors de notre royaume" and the "redevances" of the
Genoese, Lombards, "Tresmontains," and other aliens. 1
It seems to us clear that this represents the admission by the
regent that such taxation had been and was illegal, and he
not only annulled it, but also emphatically assented to the
1 'Recueil,' vol. vi. 14 (p. 553):
"Savoir faisons a` tous pre? sens et a`
venir, que comme a` la la convocation
et assemble? e ge? ne? rale que nous avons
fait faire et tenir a` Paris, des gens
d'e? glise, nobles, bourgeois et habitants
des bonnes villes de notre royaume
de la Languedoyl, pour avoir advis
sur la deffence et provision d'icellui, ils
se fussent complains des aides, sub-
sides et subvencions que feu notre
tre`s chier seigneur et pe`re . . . faisait
et avoit fait imposer et lever sur eulz,
et aussi de plusieurs autres choses
qu'ils disoient avoir este? faiz en leur
pre? judice du temps de notre dit seig-
neur et pe`re et ses pre? decesseurs, par
leurs gens et officiers, contre leurs
immunitez, nobleces, franchises, liber-
tez, privile`ges, constitucions, usaiges et
coustumes des pays, et contre les or-
donnances anciennes; requerans leur
e^tre sut ce pourveu de remede conven-
able--nous voulons noz dictes gens et
subgiez en leur dictes immunitez,
nobleces, franchises, libertez, privileges,
constitucions, usaiges et coustumes
anciennes remettre, ressaisir, restituer,
maintenir et garder, et les relever a`
tout notre pouvoir, de tous griefs,
charges, et oppressions quelconques . . .
Voulons, ordonnons et octroyons de
notre pleine puissance, certaine science
et auctorite? royale.
Que les aides, subsides, imposicions,
et subvencions quelconques, de quelque
nom ou condicion qui soient, et par
quelque maniere ils aient este? imposez
sur nos dites gens et peuples, qui aient
eu cours en notre dicte royaume du
temps de notre dit seigneur et autres
nos pre? decesseurs, depuis le temps du
roi Philippe le Bel notre predecesseur,
soient casse? es, oste? os et abolies, et ycelle
ostons, cassons et abolissons, et mettons
au ne? ant du tout par la teneur de ces
pre? sentes;
Et voulons et decernons que par le
cours que ycelles imposicions, subsides,
et subvencions ont eu en notre dit
royaume, nous, nos predecesseurs,
successeurs, ou aucun de nous, ne en
puissions avoir acquis aucun droit, ne
aucun pre? judice e^tre engendrez a` noz
dictes gens et peuple, ne a` leurs im-
munite? z, nobleces, franchises, libertez,
privileges, constitucions, usaiges et
? ? coustumes dessus dictes, ne a` aucune
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? CHAP. VI. ] REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
103
principle that such illegal action should not be taken as a
precedent. It is true that there is no statement of how
such taxation could legally be imposed; but it is implied
that it could only be made legally by the consent of those
who were to pay the taxes, and that this implied some
system of representation, either local or general. .
It may be urged that this concession was only made in
view of the particular circumstances of the regency, and
there is probably some truth in this, but it must be observed
that from this time down to the end of the century the refer-
ences which we can find to taxation seem in almost all cases
to imply that the Crown was careful to pay at least a formal
deference to the principle of taxation by consent. In 1384
the "Universitates" of Briancon made of their free will a
grant of 12,000 florins to the Dauphin. 1 In 1384 a letter of
Charles VI. speaks of "certaines aides a nous accordees
par les gens d'lSglise, nobles, bourgeois et habitans " of the
province of Eouen. 2 In 1382, Juvenal des Ursins says that
an assembly which had the nature of a " States General" had
been called together at Compiegne, and had been asked to
sanction an aid, but the representatives of the cities said
that they had no power to act. 3 In 1383 the instructions to
the royal officers about the levy of a new aid speak of this as
having been imposed with the advice of several of the princes
of the blood, prelates, nobles, and others. * Another ordinance
of 1383 mentions that in the previous year the citizens of
Paris had granted various aids.
