For while the slave is
regarded
as property, how can he steal from his
master?
master?
Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Henry Bibb, an American Slave, Written
The
mob followed us that night to the house of Mr. Ore, and they were
yelling like tigers, until late that night, around the house, as if
they wanted to tear it down.
In the fall of 1844, S. B. Treadwell, of Jackson, and myself, spent two
or three months in lecturing through the State of Michigan, upon the
abolition of slavery, in a section of country where abolitionists
were few and far between. Our meetings were generally appointed in
small log cabins, school houses, among the farmers, which were some
times crowded full; and where they had no horse teams, it was often
the case that there would be four or five ox teams come, loaded down
with men, women and children, to attend our meetings.
But the people were generally poor, and in many places not able to
give us a decent night's lodging. We most generally carried with us a
few pounds of candles to light up the houses wherein we held our
meetings after night; for in many places, they had neither candles nor
candlesticks. After meeting was out, we have frequently gone from
three to eight miles to get lodging, through the dark forest, where
there was scarcely any road for a wagon to run on.
I have traveled for miles over swamps, where the roads were covered
with logs, without any dirt over them, which has sometimes shook and
jostled the wagon to pieces, where we could find no shop or any place
to mend it. We would have to tie it up with bark, or take the lines to
tie it with, and lead the horse by the bridle. At other times we were
in mud up to the hubs of the wheels. I recollect one evening, we
lectured in a little village where there happened to be a Southerner
present, who was a personal friend of Deacon Whitfield, who became
much offended at what I said about his "Bro. Whitfield," and
complained about it after the meeting was out.
He told the people not to believe a word that I said, that it was all
a humbug. They asked him how he knew? "Ah! " said he, "he has slandered
Bro. Whitfield. I am well acquainted with him, we both belonged to one
church; and Whitfield is one of the most respectable men in all that
region of country. " They asked if he (Whitfield) was a slaveholder?
The reply was "yes, but he treated his slaves well. "
"Well," said one, "that only proves that he has told us the truth; for
all we wish to know, is that there is such a man as Whitfield, as
represented by Bibb, and that he is a slave holder. "
On the 2d Sept. , 1847, I started from Toledo on board the canal packet
Erie, for Cincinnati, Ohio. But before going on board, I was waited on
by one of the boat's crew, who gave me a card of the boat, upon which
was printed, that no pains would be spared to render all passengers
comfortable who might favor them with their patronage to Cincinnati.
This card I slipped into my pocket, supposing it might be of some use
to me. There were several drunken loafers on board going through as
passengers, one of whom used the most vulgar language in the cabin,
where there were ladies, and even vomited! But he was called a white
man, and a southerner, which made it all right. I of course took my
place in the cabin with the rest, and there was nothing said against
it that night. When the passengers went forward to settle their fare I
paid as much as any other man, which entitled me to the same
privileges. The next morning at the ringing of the breakfast bell, the
proprietor of the packet line, Mr. Samuel Doyle, being on board,
invited the passengers to sit up to breakfast. He also invited me
personally to sit up to the table. But after we were all seated, and
some had began to eat, he came and ordered me up from the table, and
said I must wait until the rest were done.
I left the table without making any reply, and walked out on the deck
of the boat. After breakfast the passengers came up, and the cabin boy
was sent after me to come to breakfast, but I refused. Shortly after,
this man who had ordered me from the table, came up with the ladies. I
stepped up and asked him if he was the captain of the boat. His answer
was no, that he was one of the proprietors. I then informed him that I
was going to leave his boat at the first stopping place, but before
leaving I wanted to ask him a few questions: "Have I misbehaved to any
one on board of this boat? Have I disobeyed any law of this boat? "
"No," said he.
"Have I not paid you as much as any other passenger through to
Cincinnati? "
"Yes," said he.
"Then I am sure that I have been insulted and imposed upon, on board
of this boat, without any just cause whatever. "
"No one has misused you, for you ought to have known better than to
have come to the table where there were white people. "
"Sir, did you not ask me to come to the table? "
"Yes, but I did not know that you was a colored man, when I asked you;
and then it was better to insult one man than all the passengers on
board of the boat. "
"Sir, I do not believe that there is a gentleman or lady on board of
this boat who would have considered it an insult for me to have taken
my breakfast, and you have imposed upon me by taking my money and
promising to use me well, and then to insult me as you have. "
"I don't want any of your jaw," said he.
"Sir, with all due respect to your elevated station, you have imposed
upon me in a way which is unbecoming a gentleman. I have paid my
money, and behaved myself as well as any other man, and I am
determined that no man shall impose on me as you have, by deceiving
me, without my letting the world know it. I would rather a man should
rob me of my money at midnight, than to take it in that way. "
I left this boat at the first stopping place, and took the next boat
to Cincinnati. On the last boat I had no cause to complain of my
treatment. When I arrived at Cincinnati, I published a statement of
this affair in the Daily Herald.
The next day Mr. Doyle called on the editor in a great
passion. --"Here," said he, "what does this mean. "
"What, sir? " said the editor quietly.
"Why, the stuff here, read it and see. "
"Read it yourself," answered the editor.
"Well, I want to know if you sympathize with this nigger here. "
"Who, Mr. Bibb? Why yes, I think he is a gentleman, and should be used
as such. "
"Why this is all wrong--all of it. "
"Put your finger on the place, and I will right it. "
"Well, he says that we took his money, when we paid part back. And if
you take his part, why I'll have nothing to do with your paper. "
So ended his wrath.
In 1845, the anti-slavery friends of Michigan employed me to take the
field as an anti-slavery Lecturer, in that State, during the Spring,
Summer, and Fall, pledging themselves to restore to me my wife and
child, if they were living, and could be reached by human agency,
which may be seen by the following circular from the Signal of
Liberty:
TO LIBERTY FRIENDS:--In the Signal of the 28th inst. is a
report from the undersigned respecting Henry Bibb. His
narrative always excites deep sympathy for himself and
favorable bias for the cause, which seeks to abolish the
evils he so powerfully portrays. Friends and foes attest his
efficiency.
Mr. Bibb has labored much in lecturing, yet has collected
but a bare pittance. He has received from Ohio lucrative
offers, but we have prevailed on him to remain in this
State.
We think that a strong obligation rests on the friends in
this State to sustain Mr. Bibb, and restore to him his wife
and child. Under the expectation that Michigan will yield to
these claims: will support their laborer, and re-unite the
long severed ties of husband and wife, parent and child, Mr.
Bibb will lecture through the whole State.
Our object is to prepare friends for the visit of Mr. Bibb,
and to suggest an effective mode of operations for the whole
State.
Let friends in each vicinity appoint a collector--pay to him
all contributions for the freedom of Mrs. Bibb and child:
then transmit them to us. We will acknowledge them in the
Signal, and be responsible for them. We will see that the
proper measures for the freedom of Mrs. Bibb and child are
taken, and if it be within our means we will accomplish
it--nay we will accomplish it, if the objects be living and
the friends sustain us. But should we fail, the
contributions will be held subject to the order of the
donors, less however, by a proportionate deduction of
expenses from each.
The hope of this re-union will nerve the heart and body of
Mr. Bibb to re-doubled effort in a cause otherwise dear to
him. And as he will devote his whole time systematically to
the anti-slavery cause, he must also depend on friends for
the means of livelihood. We bespeak for him your
hospitality, and such pecuniary contributions as you can
afford, trusting that the latter may be sufficient to enable
him to keep the field.
A. L. PORTER,
C. H. STEWART,
SILAS M. HOLMES
DETROIT, APRIL 22, 1845.
I have every reason to believe that they acted faithfully in the
matter, but without success. They wrote letters in every quarter where
they would be likely to gain any information respecting her. There
were also two men sent from Michigan in the summer of 1845, down
South, to find her if possible, and report--and whether they found out
her condition, and refused to report, I am not able to say--but
suffice it to say that they never have reported. They were respectable
men and true friends of the cause, one of whom was a Methodist
minister, and the other a cabinet maker, and both white men.
The small spark of hope which had still lingered about my heart had
almost become extinct.
CHAPTER XVIII.
_My last effort to recover my family. --Sad tidings of my wife. --Her
degradation. --I am compelled to regard our relation as dissolved
forever. _
In view of the failure to hear any thing of my wife, many of my best
friends advised me to get married again, if I could find a suitable
person. They regarded my former wife as dead to me, and all had been
done that could be.
But I was not yet satisfied myself, to give up. I wanted to know
certainly what had become of her. So in the winter of 1845, I resolved
to go back to Kentucky, my native State, to see if I could hear
anything from my family. And against the advice of all my friends, I
went back to Cincinnati, where I took passage on board of a Southern
steamboat to Madison, in the State of Indiana, which was only ten
miles from where Wm. Gatewood lived, who was my former owner. No
sooner had I landed in Madison, than I learned, on inquiry, and from
good authority, that my wife was living in a state of adultery with
her master, and had been for the last three years. This message she
sent back to Kentucky, to her mother and friends. She also spoke of
the time and manner of our separation by Deacon Whitfield, my being
taken off by the Southern black-legs, to where she knew not; and that
she had finally given me up. The child she said was still with her.
Whitfield had sold her to this man for the above purposes at a high
price, and she was better used than ordinary slaves. This was a death
blow to all my hopes and pleasant plans. While I was in Madison I
hired a white man to go over to Bedford, in Kentucky, where my mother
was then living, and bring her over into a free State to see me. I
hailed her approach with unspeakable joy. She informed me too, on
inquiring whether my family had ever been heard from, that the report
which I had just heard in relation to Malinda was substantially true,
for it was the same message that she had sent to her mother and
friends. And my mother thought it was no use for me to run any more
risks, or to grieve myself any more about her.
From that time I gave her up into the hands of an all-wise
Providence. As she was then living with another man, I could no longer
regard her as my wife. After all the sacrifices, sufferings, and risks
which I had run, striving to rescue her from the grasp of slavery;
every prospect and hope was cut off. She has ever since been regarded
as theoretically and practically dead to me as a wife, for she was
living in a state of adultery, according to the law of God and man.
Poor unfortunate woman, I bring no charge of guilt against her, for I
know not all the circumstances connected with the case. It is
consistent with slavery, however, to suppose that she became
reconciled to it, from the fact of her sending word back to her
friends and relatives that she was much better treated than she had
ever been before, and that she had also given me up. It is also
reasonable to suppose that there might have been some kind of
attachment formed by living together in this way for years; and it is
quite probable that they have other children according to the law of
nature, which would have a tendency to unite them stronger together.
In view of all the facts and circumstances connected with this matter,
I deem further comments and explanations unnecessary on my part.
Finding myself thus isolated in this peculiarly unnatural state, I
resolved, in 1846, to spend my days in traveling, to advance the
anti-slavery cause. I spent the summer in Michigan, but in the
subsequent fall I took a trip to New England, where I spent the
winter. And there I found a kind reception wherever I traveled among
the friends of freedom.
While traveling about in this way among strangers, I was sometimes
sick, with no permanent home, or bosom friend to sympathise or take
that care of me which an affectionate wife would. So I conceived the
idea that it would be better for me to change my position, provided I
should find a suitable person.
In the month of May, 1847, I attended the anti-slavery anniversary in
the city of New York, where I had the good fortune to be introduced to
the favor of a Miss Mary E. Miles, of Boston; a lady whom I had
frequently heard very highly spoken of, for her activity and devotion
to the anti-slavery cause, as well as her talents and learning, and
benevolence in the cause of reforms, generally. I was very much
impressed with the personal appearance of Miss Miles, and was deeply
interested in our first interview, because I found that her principles
and my own were nearly one and the same. I soon found by a few visits,
as well as by letters, that she possessed moral principle, and
frankness of disposition, which is often sought for but seldom found.
These, in connection with other amiable qualities, soon won my entire
confidence and affection. But this secret I kept to myself until I was
fully satisfied that this feeling was reciprocal; that there was
indeed a congeniality of principles and feeling, which time nor
eternity could never change.
When I offered myself for matrimony, we mutually engaged ourselves to
each other, to marry in one year, with this condition, viz: that if
either party should see any reason to change their mind within that
time, the contract should not be considered binding. We kept up a
regular correspondence during the time, and in June, 1848, we had the
happiness to be joined in holy wedlock. Not in slaveholding style,
which is a mere farce, without the sanction of law or gospel; but in
accordance with the laws of God and our country. My beloved wife is a
bosom friend, a help-meet, a loving companion in all the social,
moral, and religious relations of life. She is to me what a poor
slave's wife can never be to her husband while in the condition of a
slave; for she can not be true to her husband contrary to the will of
her master. She can neither be pure nor virtuous, contrary to the will
of her master. She dare not refuse to be reduced to a state of
adultery at the will of her master; from the fact that the
slaveholding law, customs and teachings are all against the poor
slaves.
I presume there are no class of people in the United States who so
highly appreciate the legality of marriage as those persons who have
been held and treated as property. Yes, it is that fugitive who knows
from sad experience, what it is to have his wife tyrannically snatched
from his bosom by a slaveholding professor of religion, and finally
reduced to a state of adultery, that knows how to appreciate the law
that repels such high-handed villany. Such as that to which the writer
has been exposed. But thanks be to God, I am now free from the hand of
the cruel oppressor, no more to be plundered of my dearest rights; the
wife of my bosom, and my poor unoffending offspring. Of Malinda I
will only add a word in conclusion. The relation once subsisting
between us, to which I clung, hoping against hope, for years, after we
were torn assunder, not having been sanctioned by any loyal power,
cannot be cancelled by a legal process. Voluntarily assumed without
law mutually, it was by her relinquished years ago without my
knowledge, as before named; during which time I was making every
effort to secure her restoration. And it was not until after living
alone in the world for more than eight years without a companion known
in law or morals, that I changed my condition.
CHAPTER XIX.
_Comments on S. Gatewood's letter about slaves stealing. --Their
conduct vindicated. --Comments on W. Gatewood's letter. _
But it seems that I am not now beyond the reach of the foul slander of
slaveholders. They are not satisfied with selling and banishing me
from my native State. As soon as they got news of my being in the free
North, exposing their peculiar Institution, a libelous letter was
written by Silas Gatewood of Kentucky, a son of one of my former
owners, to a Northern Committee, for publication, which he thought
would destroy my influence and character. This letter will be found in
the introduction.
He has charged me with the awful crime of taking from my keeper and
oppressor, some of the fruits of my own labor for the benefit of
myself and family.
But while writing this letter he seems to have overlooked the
disgraceful fact that he was guilty himself of what would here be
regarded highway robbery, in his conduct to me as narrated on page 60
of this narrative.
A word in reply to Silas Gatewood's letter. I am willing to admit all
that is true, but shall deny that which is so basely false. In the
first place, he puts words in my mouth that I never used. He says that
I represented that "my mother belonged to James Bibb. " I deny ever
having said so in private or public. He says that I stated that Bibb's
daughter married a Sibley. I deny it. He also says that the first time
that I left Kentucky for my liberty, I was gone about two years,
before I went back to rescue my family. I deny it. I was gone from
Dec. 25th, 1837, to May, or June, 1838. He says that I went back the
second time for the purpose of taking off my family, and eight or ten
more slaves to Canada. This I will not pretend to deny. He says I was
guilty of disposing of articles from the farm for my own use, and
pocketing the money, and that his father caught me stealing a sack
full of wheat. I admit the fact. I acknowledge the wheat.
And who had a better right to eat of the fruits of my own hard
earnings than myself? Many a long summer's day have I toiled with my
wife and other slaves, cultivating his father's fields, and gathering
in his harvest, under the scorching rays of the sun, without half
enough to eat, or clothes to wear, and at the same time his meat-house
was filled with bacon and bread stuff; his dairy with butter and
cheese; his barn with grain, husbanded by the unrequited toil of the
slaves. And yet if a slave presumed to take a little from the
abundance which he had made by his own sweat and toil, to supply the
demands of nature, to quiet the craving appetite which is sometimes
almost irresistible, it is called stealing by slaveholders.
But I did not regard it as stealing then, I do not regard it as such
now. I hold that a slave has a moral right to eat drink and wear all
that he needs, and that it would be a sin on his part to suffer and
starve in a country where there is a plenty to eat and wear within his
reach. I consider that I had a just right to what I took, because it
was the labor of my own hands. Should I take from a neighbor as a
freeman, in a free country, I should consider myself guilty of doing
wrong before God and man. But was I the slave of Wm. Gatewood to-day,
or any other slaveholder, working without wages, and suffering with
hunger or for clothing, I should not stop to inquire whether my master
would approve of my helping myself to what I needed to eat or wear.
For while the slave is regarded as property, how can he steal from his
master? It is contrary to the very nature of the relation existing
between master and slave, from the fact that there is no law to punish
a slave for theft, but lynch law; and the way they avoid that is to
hide well. For illustration, a slave from the State of Virginia, for
cruel treatment left the State between daylight and dark, being borne
off by one of his master's finest horses, and finally landed in
Canada, where the British laws recognise no such thing as property in
a human being. He was pursued by his owners, who expected to take
advantage of the British law by claiming him as a fugitive from
justice, and as such he was arrested and brought before the court of
Queen's Bench. They swore that he was, at a certain time, the slave of
Mr. A. , and that he ran away at such a time and stole and brought off
a horse. They enquired who the horse belonged to, and it was
ascertained that the slave and horse both belonged to the same
person. The court therefore decided that the horse and the man were
both recognised, in the State of Virginia, alike, as articles of
property, belonging to the same person--therefore, if there was theft
committed on either side, the former must have stolen off the
latter--the horse brought away the man, and not the man the horse. So
the man was discharged and pronounced free according to the laws of
Canada. There are several other letters published in this work upon
the same subject, from slaveholders, which it is hardly necessary for
me to notice. However, I feel thankful to the writers for the
endorsement and confirmation which they have given to my story. No
matter what their motives were, they have done me and the anti-slavery
cause good service in writing those letters--but more especially the
Gatewood's. Silas Gatewood has done more for me than all the rest. He
has labored so hard in his long communication in trying to expose me,
that he has proved every thing that I could have asked of him; and for
which I intend to reward him by forwarding him one of my books, hoping
that it may be the means of converting him from a slaveholder to an
honest man, and an advocate of liberty for all mankind.
The reader will see in the introduction that Wm. Gatewood writes a
more cautious letter upon the subject than his son Silas. "It is not a
very easy matter to catch old birds with chaff," and I presume if
Silas had the writing of his letter over again, he would not be so
free in telling all he knew, and even more, for the sake of making out
a strong case. The object of his writing such a letter will doubtless
be understood by the reader. It was to destroy public confidence in
the victims of slavery, that the system might not be exposed--it was
to gag a poor fugitive who had undertaken to plead his own cause and
that of his enslaved brethren. It was a feeble attempt to suppress the
voice of universal freedom which is now thundering on every gale. But
thank God it is too late in the day.
Go stop the mighty thunder's roar,
Go hush the ocean's sound,
Or upward like the eagle soar
To skies' remotest bound.
And when thou hast the thunder stopped,
And hushed the ocean's waves,
Then, freedom's spirit bind in chains,
And ever hold us slaves.
And when the eagle's boldest fest,
Thou canst perform with skill,
Then, think to stop proud freedom's march,
And hold the bondman still.
CHAPTER XX.
_Review of my narrative. --Licentiousness a prop of slavery. --A case of
mild slavery given. --Its revolting features. --Times of my purchase and
sale by professed Christians. --Concluding remarks. _
I now conclude my narrative, by reviewing briefly what I have written.
This little work has been written without any personal aid or a
knowledge of the English grammer, which must in part be my apology for
many of its imperfections.
I find in several places, where I have spoken out the deep feelings of
my soul, in trying to describe the horrid treatment which I have so
often received at the hands of slaveholding professors of religion,
that I might possibly make a wrong impression on the minds of some
northern freemen, who are unacquainted theoretically or practically
with the customs and treatment of American slaveholders to their
slaves. I hope that it may not be supposed by any, that I have
exaggerated in the least, for the purpose of making out the system of
slavery worse than it really is, for, to exaggerate upon the cruelties
of this system, would be almost impossible; and to write herein the
most horrid features of it would not be in good taste for my book.
I have long thought from what has fallen under my own observation
while a slave, that the strongest reason why southerners stick with
such tenacity to their "peculiar institution," is because licentious
white men could not carry out their wicked purposes among the
defenceless colored population as they now do, without being exposed
and punished by law, if slavery was abolished. Female virtue could not
be trampled under foot with impunity, and marriage among the people of
color kept in utter obscurity.
On the other hand, lest it should be said by slaveholders and their
apologists, that I have not done them the justice to give a sketch of
the best side of slavery, if there can be any best side to it;
therefore in conclusion, they may have the benefit of the following
case, that fell under the observation of the writer. And I challenge
America to show a milder state of slavery than this. I once knew a
Methodist in the state of Ky. , by the name of Young, who was the owner
of a large number of slaves, many of whom belonged to the same church
with their master. They worshipped together in the same church.
Mr. Young never was known to flog one of his slaves or sell one. He
fed and clothed them well, and never over-worked them. He allowed each
family a small house to themselves with a little garden spot, whereon
to raise their own vegetables; and a part of the day on Saturdays was
allowed them to cultivate it.
In process of time he became deeply involved in debt by endorsing
notes, and his property was all advertised to be sold by the sheriff
at public auction. It consisted in slaves, many of whom were his
brothers and sisters in the church.
On the day of sale there were slave traders and speculators on the
ground to buy. The slaves were offered on the auction block one after
another, until they were all sold before their old master's face. The
first man offered on the block was an old gray-headed slave by the
name of Richard. His wife followed him up to the block, and when they
had bid him up to seventy or eighty dollars one of the bidders asked
Mr. Young what he could do, as he looked very old and infirm? Mr.
Young replied by saying, "he is not able to accomplish much manual
labor, from his extreme age and hard labor in early life. Yet I would
rather have him than many of those who are young and vigorous; who are
able to perform twice as much labor--because I know him to be faithful
and trustworthy, a Christian in good standing in my church. I can
trust him anywhere with confidence. He has toiled many long years on
my plantation and I have always found him faithful. "
This giving him a good Christian character caused them to run him up
to near two hundred dollars. His poor old companion stood by weeping
and pleading that they might not be separated. But the marriage
relation was soon dissolved by the sale, and they were separated never
to meet again.
Another man was called up whose wife followed him with her infant in
her arms, beseeching to be sold with her husband, which proved to be
all in vain. After the men were all sold they then sold the women and
children. They ordered the first woman to lay down her child and
mount the auction block; she refused to give up her little one and
clung to it as long as she could, while the cruel lash was applied to
her back for disobedience. She pleaded for mercy in the name of God.
But the child was torn from the arms of its mother amid the most
heart-rending shrieks from the mother and child on the one hand, and
bitter oaths and cruel lashes from the tyrants on the other. Finally
the poor little child was torn from the mother while she was
sacrificed to the highest bidder. In this way the sale was carried on
from beginning to end.
There was each speculator with his hand-cuffs to bind his victims
after the sale; and while they were doing their writings, the
Christian portion of the slaves asked permission to kneel in prayer on
the ground before they separated, which was granted. And while bathing
each other with tears of sorrow on the verge of their final
separation, their eloquent appeals in prayer to the Most High seemed
to cause an unpleasant sensation upon the ears of their tyrants, who
ordered them to rise and make ready their limbs for the caffles. And
as they happened not to bound at the first sound, they were soon
raised from their knees by the sound of the lash, and the rattle of
the chains, in which they were soon taken off by their respective
masters,--husbands from wives, and children from parents, never
expecting to meet until the judgment of the great day. Then Christ
shall say to the slaveholding professors of religion, "Inasmuch as ye
did it unto one of the least of these little ones, my brethren, ye did
it unto me. "
Having thus tried to show the best side of slavery that I can conceive
of, the reader can exercise his own judgment in deciding whether a man
can be a Bible Christian, and yet hold his Christian brethren as
property, so that they may be sold at any time in market, as sheep or
oxen, to pay his debts.
During my life in slavery I have been sold by professors of religion
several times. In 1836 "Bro. " Albert G. Sibley, of Bedford, Kentucky,
sold me for $850 to "Bro. " John Sibley; and in the same year he sold
me to "Bro. " Wm. Gatewood of Bedford, for $850. In 1839 "Bro. "
Gatewood sold me to Madison Garrison, a slave trader, of Louisville,
Kentucky, with my wife and child--at a depreciated price because I was
a runaway. In the same year he sold me with my family to "Bro. "
Whitfield, in the city of New Orleans, for $1200. In 1841 "Bro. "
Whitfield sold me from my family to Thomas Wilson and Co. , blacklegs.
In the same year they sold me to a "Bro. " in the Indian Territory. I
think he was a member of the Presbyterian Church. F. E. Whitfield was a
deacon in regular standing in the Baptist Church. A. Sibley was a
Methodist exhorter of the M. E. Church in good standing. J. Sibley was
a class-leader in the same church; and Wm. Gatewood was also an
acceptable member of the same church.
Is this Christianity? Is it honest or right? Is it doing as we would
be done by? Is it in accordance with the principles of humanity or
justice?
I believe slaveholding to be a sin against God and man under all
circumstances. I have no sympathy with the person or persons who
tolerate and support the system willingly and knowingly, morally,
religiously or politically.
Prayerfully and earnestly relying on the power of truth, and the aid
of the divine providence, I trust that this little volume will bear
some humble part in lighting up the path of freedom and
revolutionizing public opinion upon this great subject. And I here
pledge myself, God being my helper, ever to contend for the natural
equality of the human family, without regard to color, which is but
fading _matter_, while _mind_ makes the man.
NEW YORK CITY, _May 1, 1849_.
HENRY BIBB.
INDEX.
Introduction. 1
Author's Preface. 12
Chap. I. --
Sketch of my Parentage, 15.
Early separation from my Mother, 15.
Hard Fare, 16.
First Experiments at running away, 16.
Earnest longing for Freedom, 17.
Abhorrent nature of Slavery, 18.
Chap. II. --
A fruitless effort for education, 19.
The Sabbath among Slaves, 19.
Degrading amusements, 19.
Why religion is rejected, 20.
Condition of poor white people, 20.
Superstition among slaves, 21.
Education forbidden, 25.
Chap. III. --
My Courtship and Marriage, 26.
Change of owner, 31.
My first born, 32.
Its sufferings, 32.
My wife abused, 33.
My own anguish, 33.
Chap. IV. --
My first adventure for liberty, 34.
Parting Scene, 34.
Journey up the river, 35.
Safe arrival in Cincinnati, 36.
Journey to Canada, 37.
Suffering from cold and hunger, 38.
Denied food and shelter by some, 38.
One noble exception, 38.
Subsequent success, 39.
Arrival at Perrysburgh, 39.
Obtain employment through the winter, 39.
My return to Kentucky to get my family, 40.
Chap. V--
My safe arrival at Kentucky, 41.
Surprise and delight to find my family, 41.
Plan for their escape, projected, 42.
Return to Cincinnati, 43.
My betrayal by traitors, 43.
Imprisonment in Covington, Kentucky, 45.
Return to slavery, 46.
Infamous proposal of the slave catchers, 47.
My reply, 47.
Chap. VI. --
Arrival at Louisville, Kentucky, 50.
Efforts to sell me, 50.
Fortunate escape from the man-stealers in the public street, 51.
I return to Bedford, Ky. , 55.
The rescue of my family again attempted, 55.
I started alone expecting them to follow, 2.
After waiting some months I resolve to go back again to Kentucky, 57.
Chap. VII. --
My safe return to Kentucky, 58.
The perils I encountered there, 59.
Again betrayed, and taken by a mob, ironed and imprisoned, 60.
Narrow escape from death, 62.
Life in a slave prison, 63.
Chap. VIII. --
Character of my prison companions, 65.
Jail breaking contemplated, 66.
Defeat of our plan, 67.
My wife and child removed, 67.
Disgraceful proposal to her, and cruel punishment, 67.
Our departure in a coffle for New Orleans, 68.
Events of our journey, 69.
Chap. IX. --
Our arrival and examination at Vicksburg, 70.
An account of slave sales, 71.
Cruel punishment with the paddle, 71.
Attempts to sell myself by Garrison's direction, 72.
Amusing interview with a slave buyer, 73.
Deacon Whitfield's examination, 74.
He purchases the family, 75.
Character of the Deacon, 75.
Chap. X.
mob followed us that night to the house of Mr. Ore, and they were
yelling like tigers, until late that night, around the house, as if
they wanted to tear it down.
In the fall of 1844, S. B. Treadwell, of Jackson, and myself, spent two
or three months in lecturing through the State of Michigan, upon the
abolition of slavery, in a section of country where abolitionists
were few and far between. Our meetings were generally appointed in
small log cabins, school houses, among the farmers, which were some
times crowded full; and where they had no horse teams, it was often
the case that there would be four or five ox teams come, loaded down
with men, women and children, to attend our meetings.
But the people were generally poor, and in many places not able to
give us a decent night's lodging. We most generally carried with us a
few pounds of candles to light up the houses wherein we held our
meetings after night; for in many places, they had neither candles nor
candlesticks. After meeting was out, we have frequently gone from
three to eight miles to get lodging, through the dark forest, where
there was scarcely any road for a wagon to run on.
I have traveled for miles over swamps, where the roads were covered
with logs, without any dirt over them, which has sometimes shook and
jostled the wagon to pieces, where we could find no shop or any place
to mend it. We would have to tie it up with bark, or take the lines to
tie it with, and lead the horse by the bridle. At other times we were
in mud up to the hubs of the wheels. I recollect one evening, we
lectured in a little village where there happened to be a Southerner
present, who was a personal friend of Deacon Whitfield, who became
much offended at what I said about his "Bro. Whitfield," and
complained about it after the meeting was out.
He told the people not to believe a word that I said, that it was all
a humbug. They asked him how he knew? "Ah! " said he, "he has slandered
Bro. Whitfield. I am well acquainted with him, we both belonged to one
church; and Whitfield is one of the most respectable men in all that
region of country. " They asked if he (Whitfield) was a slaveholder?
The reply was "yes, but he treated his slaves well. "
"Well," said one, "that only proves that he has told us the truth; for
all we wish to know, is that there is such a man as Whitfield, as
represented by Bibb, and that he is a slave holder. "
On the 2d Sept. , 1847, I started from Toledo on board the canal packet
Erie, for Cincinnati, Ohio. But before going on board, I was waited on
by one of the boat's crew, who gave me a card of the boat, upon which
was printed, that no pains would be spared to render all passengers
comfortable who might favor them with their patronage to Cincinnati.
This card I slipped into my pocket, supposing it might be of some use
to me. There were several drunken loafers on board going through as
passengers, one of whom used the most vulgar language in the cabin,
where there were ladies, and even vomited! But he was called a white
man, and a southerner, which made it all right. I of course took my
place in the cabin with the rest, and there was nothing said against
it that night. When the passengers went forward to settle their fare I
paid as much as any other man, which entitled me to the same
privileges. The next morning at the ringing of the breakfast bell, the
proprietor of the packet line, Mr. Samuel Doyle, being on board,
invited the passengers to sit up to breakfast. He also invited me
personally to sit up to the table. But after we were all seated, and
some had began to eat, he came and ordered me up from the table, and
said I must wait until the rest were done.
I left the table without making any reply, and walked out on the deck
of the boat. After breakfast the passengers came up, and the cabin boy
was sent after me to come to breakfast, but I refused. Shortly after,
this man who had ordered me from the table, came up with the ladies. I
stepped up and asked him if he was the captain of the boat. His answer
was no, that he was one of the proprietors. I then informed him that I
was going to leave his boat at the first stopping place, but before
leaving I wanted to ask him a few questions: "Have I misbehaved to any
one on board of this boat? Have I disobeyed any law of this boat? "
"No," said he.
"Have I not paid you as much as any other passenger through to
Cincinnati? "
"Yes," said he.
"Then I am sure that I have been insulted and imposed upon, on board
of this boat, without any just cause whatever. "
"No one has misused you, for you ought to have known better than to
have come to the table where there were white people. "
"Sir, did you not ask me to come to the table? "
"Yes, but I did not know that you was a colored man, when I asked you;
and then it was better to insult one man than all the passengers on
board of the boat. "
"Sir, I do not believe that there is a gentleman or lady on board of
this boat who would have considered it an insult for me to have taken
my breakfast, and you have imposed upon me by taking my money and
promising to use me well, and then to insult me as you have. "
"I don't want any of your jaw," said he.
"Sir, with all due respect to your elevated station, you have imposed
upon me in a way which is unbecoming a gentleman. I have paid my
money, and behaved myself as well as any other man, and I am
determined that no man shall impose on me as you have, by deceiving
me, without my letting the world know it. I would rather a man should
rob me of my money at midnight, than to take it in that way. "
I left this boat at the first stopping place, and took the next boat
to Cincinnati. On the last boat I had no cause to complain of my
treatment. When I arrived at Cincinnati, I published a statement of
this affair in the Daily Herald.
The next day Mr. Doyle called on the editor in a great
passion. --"Here," said he, "what does this mean. "
"What, sir? " said the editor quietly.
"Why, the stuff here, read it and see. "
"Read it yourself," answered the editor.
"Well, I want to know if you sympathize with this nigger here. "
"Who, Mr. Bibb? Why yes, I think he is a gentleman, and should be used
as such. "
"Why this is all wrong--all of it. "
"Put your finger on the place, and I will right it. "
"Well, he says that we took his money, when we paid part back. And if
you take his part, why I'll have nothing to do with your paper. "
So ended his wrath.
In 1845, the anti-slavery friends of Michigan employed me to take the
field as an anti-slavery Lecturer, in that State, during the Spring,
Summer, and Fall, pledging themselves to restore to me my wife and
child, if they were living, and could be reached by human agency,
which may be seen by the following circular from the Signal of
Liberty:
TO LIBERTY FRIENDS:--In the Signal of the 28th inst. is a
report from the undersigned respecting Henry Bibb. His
narrative always excites deep sympathy for himself and
favorable bias for the cause, which seeks to abolish the
evils he so powerfully portrays. Friends and foes attest his
efficiency.
Mr. Bibb has labored much in lecturing, yet has collected
but a bare pittance. He has received from Ohio lucrative
offers, but we have prevailed on him to remain in this
State.
We think that a strong obligation rests on the friends in
this State to sustain Mr. Bibb, and restore to him his wife
and child. Under the expectation that Michigan will yield to
these claims: will support their laborer, and re-unite the
long severed ties of husband and wife, parent and child, Mr.
Bibb will lecture through the whole State.
Our object is to prepare friends for the visit of Mr. Bibb,
and to suggest an effective mode of operations for the whole
State.
Let friends in each vicinity appoint a collector--pay to him
all contributions for the freedom of Mrs. Bibb and child:
then transmit them to us. We will acknowledge them in the
Signal, and be responsible for them. We will see that the
proper measures for the freedom of Mrs. Bibb and child are
taken, and if it be within our means we will accomplish
it--nay we will accomplish it, if the objects be living and
the friends sustain us. But should we fail, the
contributions will be held subject to the order of the
donors, less however, by a proportionate deduction of
expenses from each.
The hope of this re-union will nerve the heart and body of
Mr. Bibb to re-doubled effort in a cause otherwise dear to
him. And as he will devote his whole time systematically to
the anti-slavery cause, he must also depend on friends for
the means of livelihood. We bespeak for him your
hospitality, and such pecuniary contributions as you can
afford, trusting that the latter may be sufficient to enable
him to keep the field.
A. L. PORTER,
C. H. STEWART,
SILAS M. HOLMES
DETROIT, APRIL 22, 1845.
I have every reason to believe that they acted faithfully in the
matter, but without success. They wrote letters in every quarter where
they would be likely to gain any information respecting her. There
were also two men sent from Michigan in the summer of 1845, down
South, to find her if possible, and report--and whether they found out
her condition, and refused to report, I am not able to say--but
suffice it to say that they never have reported. They were respectable
men and true friends of the cause, one of whom was a Methodist
minister, and the other a cabinet maker, and both white men.
The small spark of hope which had still lingered about my heart had
almost become extinct.
CHAPTER XVIII.
_My last effort to recover my family. --Sad tidings of my wife. --Her
degradation. --I am compelled to regard our relation as dissolved
forever. _
In view of the failure to hear any thing of my wife, many of my best
friends advised me to get married again, if I could find a suitable
person. They regarded my former wife as dead to me, and all had been
done that could be.
But I was not yet satisfied myself, to give up. I wanted to know
certainly what had become of her. So in the winter of 1845, I resolved
to go back to Kentucky, my native State, to see if I could hear
anything from my family. And against the advice of all my friends, I
went back to Cincinnati, where I took passage on board of a Southern
steamboat to Madison, in the State of Indiana, which was only ten
miles from where Wm. Gatewood lived, who was my former owner. No
sooner had I landed in Madison, than I learned, on inquiry, and from
good authority, that my wife was living in a state of adultery with
her master, and had been for the last three years. This message she
sent back to Kentucky, to her mother and friends. She also spoke of
the time and manner of our separation by Deacon Whitfield, my being
taken off by the Southern black-legs, to where she knew not; and that
she had finally given me up. The child she said was still with her.
Whitfield had sold her to this man for the above purposes at a high
price, and she was better used than ordinary slaves. This was a death
blow to all my hopes and pleasant plans. While I was in Madison I
hired a white man to go over to Bedford, in Kentucky, where my mother
was then living, and bring her over into a free State to see me. I
hailed her approach with unspeakable joy. She informed me too, on
inquiring whether my family had ever been heard from, that the report
which I had just heard in relation to Malinda was substantially true,
for it was the same message that she had sent to her mother and
friends. And my mother thought it was no use for me to run any more
risks, or to grieve myself any more about her.
From that time I gave her up into the hands of an all-wise
Providence. As she was then living with another man, I could no longer
regard her as my wife. After all the sacrifices, sufferings, and risks
which I had run, striving to rescue her from the grasp of slavery;
every prospect and hope was cut off. She has ever since been regarded
as theoretically and practically dead to me as a wife, for she was
living in a state of adultery, according to the law of God and man.
Poor unfortunate woman, I bring no charge of guilt against her, for I
know not all the circumstances connected with the case. It is
consistent with slavery, however, to suppose that she became
reconciled to it, from the fact of her sending word back to her
friends and relatives that she was much better treated than she had
ever been before, and that she had also given me up. It is also
reasonable to suppose that there might have been some kind of
attachment formed by living together in this way for years; and it is
quite probable that they have other children according to the law of
nature, which would have a tendency to unite them stronger together.
In view of all the facts and circumstances connected with this matter,
I deem further comments and explanations unnecessary on my part.
Finding myself thus isolated in this peculiarly unnatural state, I
resolved, in 1846, to spend my days in traveling, to advance the
anti-slavery cause. I spent the summer in Michigan, but in the
subsequent fall I took a trip to New England, where I spent the
winter. And there I found a kind reception wherever I traveled among
the friends of freedom.
While traveling about in this way among strangers, I was sometimes
sick, with no permanent home, or bosom friend to sympathise or take
that care of me which an affectionate wife would. So I conceived the
idea that it would be better for me to change my position, provided I
should find a suitable person.
In the month of May, 1847, I attended the anti-slavery anniversary in
the city of New York, where I had the good fortune to be introduced to
the favor of a Miss Mary E. Miles, of Boston; a lady whom I had
frequently heard very highly spoken of, for her activity and devotion
to the anti-slavery cause, as well as her talents and learning, and
benevolence in the cause of reforms, generally. I was very much
impressed with the personal appearance of Miss Miles, and was deeply
interested in our first interview, because I found that her principles
and my own were nearly one and the same. I soon found by a few visits,
as well as by letters, that she possessed moral principle, and
frankness of disposition, which is often sought for but seldom found.
These, in connection with other amiable qualities, soon won my entire
confidence and affection. But this secret I kept to myself until I was
fully satisfied that this feeling was reciprocal; that there was
indeed a congeniality of principles and feeling, which time nor
eternity could never change.
When I offered myself for matrimony, we mutually engaged ourselves to
each other, to marry in one year, with this condition, viz: that if
either party should see any reason to change their mind within that
time, the contract should not be considered binding. We kept up a
regular correspondence during the time, and in June, 1848, we had the
happiness to be joined in holy wedlock. Not in slaveholding style,
which is a mere farce, without the sanction of law or gospel; but in
accordance with the laws of God and our country. My beloved wife is a
bosom friend, a help-meet, a loving companion in all the social,
moral, and religious relations of life. She is to me what a poor
slave's wife can never be to her husband while in the condition of a
slave; for she can not be true to her husband contrary to the will of
her master. She can neither be pure nor virtuous, contrary to the will
of her master. She dare not refuse to be reduced to a state of
adultery at the will of her master; from the fact that the
slaveholding law, customs and teachings are all against the poor
slaves.
I presume there are no class of people in the United States who so
highly appreciate the legality of marriage as those persons who have
been held and treated as property. Yes, it is that fugitive who knows
from sad experience, what it is to have his wife tyrannically snatched
from his bosom by a slaveholding professor of religion, and finally
reduced to a state of adultery, that knows how to appreciate the law
that repels such high-handed villany. Such as that to which the writer
has been exposed. But thanks be to God, I am now free from the hand of
the cruel oppressor, no more to be plundered of my dearest rights; the
wife of my bosom, and my poor unoffending offspring. Of Malinda I
will only add a word in conclusion. The relation once subsisting
between us, to which I clung, hoping against hope, for years, after we
were torn assunder, not having been sanctioned by any loyal power,
cannot be cancelled by a legal process. Voluntarily assumed without
law mutually, it was by her relinquished years ago without my
knowledge, as before named; during which time I was making every
effort to secure her restoration. And it was not until after living
alone in the world for more than eight years without a companion known
in law or morals, that I changed my condition.
CHAPTER XIX.
_Comments on S. Gatewood's letter about slaves stealing. --Their
conduct vindicated. --Comments on W. Gatewood's letter. _
But it seems that I am not now beyond the reach of the foul slander of
slaveholders. They are not satisfied with selling and banishing me
from my native State. As soon as they got news of my being in the free
North, exposing their peculiar Institution, a libelous letter was
written by Silas Gatewood of Kentucky, a son of one of my former
owners, to a Northern Committee, for publication, which he thought
would destroy my influence and character. This letter will be found in
the introduction.
He has charged me with the awful crime of taking from my keeper and
oppressor, some of the fruits of my own labor for the benefit of
myself and family.
But while writing this letter he seems to have overlooked the
disgraceful fact that he was guilty himself of what would here be
regarded highway robbery, in his conduct to me as narrated on page 60
of this narrative.
A word in reply to Silas Gatewood's letter. I am willing to admit all
that is true, but shall deny that which is so basely false. In the
first place, he puts words in my mouth that I never used. He says that
I represented that "my mother belonged to James Bibb. " I deny ever
having said so in private or public. He says that I stated that Bibb's
daughter married a Sibley. I deny it. He also says that the first time
that I left Kentucky for my liberty, I was gone about two years,
before I went back to rescue my family. I deny it. I was gone from
Dec. 25th, 1837, to May, or June, 1838. He says that I went back the
second time for the purpose of taking off my family, and eight or ten
more slaves to Canada. This I will not pretend to deny. He says I was
guilty of disposing of articles from the farm for my own use, and
pocketing the money, and that his father caught me stealing a sack
full of wheat. I admit the fact. I acknowledge the wheat.
And who had a better right to eat of the fruits of my own hard
earnings than myself? Many a long summer's day have I toiled with my
wife and other slaves, cultivating his father's fields, and gathering
in his harvest, under the scorching rays of the sun, without half
enough to eat, or clothes to wear, and at the same time his meat-house
was filled with bacon and bread stuff; his dairy with butter and
cheese; his barn with grain, husbanded by the unrequited toil of the
slaves. And yet if a slave presumed to take a little from the
abundance which he had made by his own sweat and toil, to supply the
demands of nature, to quiet the craving appetite which is sometimes
almost irresistible, it is called stealing by slaveholders.
But I did not regard it as stealing then, I do not regard it as such
now. I hold that a slave has a moral right to eat drink and wear all
that he needs, and that it would be a sin on his part to suffer and
starve in a country where there is a plenty to eat and wear within his
reach. I consider that I had a just right to what I took, because it
was the labor of my own hands. Should I take from a neighbor as a
freeman, in a free country, I should consider myself guilty of doing
wrong before God and man. But was I the slave of Wm. Gatewood to-day,
or any other slaveholder, working without wages, and suffering with
hunger or for clothing, I should not stop to inquire whether my master
would approve of my helping myself to what I needed to eat or wear.
For while the slave is regarded as property, how can he steal from his
master? It is contrary to the very nature of the relation existing
between master and slave, from the fact that there is no law to punish
a slave for theft, but lynch law; and the way they avoid that is to
hide well. For illustration, a slave from the State of Virginia, for
cruel treatment left the State between daylight and dark, being borne
off by one of his master's finest horses, and finally landed in
Canada, where the British laws recognise no such thing as property in
a human being. He was pursued by his owners, who expected to take
advantage of the British law by claiming him as a fugitive from
justice, and as such he was arrested and brought before the court of
Queen's Bench. They swore that he was, at a certain time, the slave of
Mr. A. , and that he ran away at such a time and stole and brought off
a horse. They enquired who the horse belonged to, and it was
ascertained that the slave and horse both belonged to the same
person. The court therefore decided that the horse and the man were
both recognised, in the State of Virginia, alike, as articles of
property, belonging to the same person--therefore, if there was theft
committed on either side, the former must have stolen off the
latter--the horse brought away the man, and not the man the horse. So
the man was discharged and pronounced free according to the laws of
Canada. There are several other letters published in this work upon
the same subject, from slaveholders, which it is hardly necessary for
me to notice. However, I feel thankful to the writers for the
endorsement and confirmation which they have given to my story. No
matter what their motives were, they have done me and the anti-slavery
cause good service in writing those letters--but more especially the
Gatewood's. Silas Gatewood has done more for me than all the rest. He
has labored so hard in his long communication in trying to expose me,
that he has proved every thing that I could have asked of him; and for
which I intend to reward him by forwarding him one of my books, hoping
that it may be the means of converting him from a slaveholder to an
honest man, and an advocate of liberty for all mankind.
The reader will see in the introduction that Wm. Gatewood writes a
more cautious letter upon the subject than his son Silas. "It is not a
very easy matter to catch old birds with chaff," and I presume if
Silas had the writing of his letter over again, he would not be so
free in telling all he knew, and even more, for the sake of making out
a strong case. The object of his writing such a letter will doubtless
be understood by the reader. It was to destroy public confidence in
the victims of slavery, that the system might not be exposed--it was
to gag a poor fugitive who had undertaken to plead his own cause and
that of his enslaved brethren. It was a feeble attempt to suppress the
voice of universal freedom which is now thundering on every gale. But
thank God it is too late in the day.
Go stop the mighty thunder's roar,
Go hush the ocean's sound,
Or upward like the eagle soar
To skies' remotest bound.
And when thou hast the thunder stopped,
And hushed the ocean's waves,
Then, freedom's spirit bind in chains,
And ever hold us slaves.
And when the eagle's boldest fest,
Thou canst perform with skill,
Then, think to stop proud freedom's march,
And hold the bondman still.
CHAPTER XX.
_Review of my narrative. --Licentiousness a prop of slavery. --A case of
mild slavery given. --Its revolting features. --Times of my purchase and
sale by professed Christians. --Concluding remarks. _
I now conclude my narrative, by reviewing briefly what I have written.
This little work has been written without any personal aid or a
knowledge of the English grammer, which must in part be my apology for
many of its imperfections.
I find in several places, where I have spoken out the deep feelings of
my soul, in trying to describe the horrid treatment which I have so
often received at the hands of slaveholding professors of religion,
that I might possibly make a wrong impression on the minds of some
northern freemen, who are unacquainted theoretically or practically
with the customs and treatment of American slaveholders to their
slaves. I hope that it may not be supposed by any, that I have
exaggerated in the least, for the purpose of making out the system of
slavery worse than it really is, for, to exaggerate upon the cruelties
of this system, would be almost impossible; and to write herein the
most horrid features of it would not be in good taste for my book.
I have long thought from what has fallen under my own observation
while a slave, that the strongest reason why southerners stick with
such tenacity to their "peculiar institution," is because licentious
white men could not carry out their wicked purposes among the
defenceless colored population as they now do, without being exposed
and punished by law, if slavery was abolished. Female virtue could not
be trampled under foot with impunity, and marriage among the people of
color kept in utter obscurity.
On the other hand, lest it should be said by slaveholders and their
apologists, that I have not done them the justice to give a sketch of
the best side of slavery, if there can be any best side to it;
therefore in conclusion, they may have the benefit of the following
case, that fell under the observation of the writer. And I challenge
America to show a milder state of slavery than this. I once knew a
Methodist in the state of Ky. , by the name of Young, who was the owner
of a large number of slaves, many of whom belonged to the same church
with their master. They worshipped together in the same church.
Mr. Young never was known to flog one of his slaves or sell one. He
fed and clothed them well, and never over-worked them. He allowed each
family a small house to themselves with a little garden spot, whereon
to raise their own vegetables; and a part of the day on Saturdays was
allowed them to cultivate it.
In process of time he became deeply involved in debt by endorsing
notes, and his property was all advertised to be sold by the sheriff
at public auction. It consisted in slaves, many of whom were his
brothers and sisters in the church.
On the day of sale there were slave traders and speculators on the
ground to buy. The slaves were offered on the auction block one after
another, until they were all sold before their old master's face. The
first man offered on the block was an old gray-headed slave by the
name of Richard. His wife followed him up to the block, and when they
had bid him up to seventy or eighty dollars one of the bidders asked
Mr. Young what he could do, as he looked very old and infirm? Mr.
Young replied by saying, "he is not able to accomplish much manual
labor, from his extreme age and hard labor in early life. Yet I would
rather have him than many of those who are young and vigorous; who are
able to perform twice as much labor--because I know him to be faithful
and trustworthy, a Christian in good standing in my church. I can
trust him anywhere with confidence. He has toiled many long years on
my plantation and I have always found him faithful. "
This giving him a good Christian character caused them to run him up
to near two hundred dollars. His poor old companion stood by weeping
and pleading that they might not be separated. But the marriage
relation was soon dissolved by the sale, and they were separated never
to meet again.
Another man was called up whose wife followed him with her infant in
her arms, beseeching to be sold with her husband, which proved to be
all in vain. After the men were all sold they then sold the women and
children. They ordered the first woman to lay down her child and
mount the auction block; she refused to give up her little one and
clung to it as long as she could, while the cruel lash was applied to
her back for disobedience. She pleaded for mercy in the name of God.
But the child was torn from the arms of its mother amid the most
heart-rending shrieks from the mother and child on the one hand, and
bitter oaths and cruel lashes from the tyrants on the other. Finally
the poor little child was torn from the mother while she was
sacrificed to the highest bidder. In this way the sale was carried on
from beginning to end.
There was each speculator with his hand-cuffs to bind his victims
after the sale; and while they were doing their writings, the
Christian portion of the slaves asked permission to kneel in prayer on
the ground before they separated, which was granted. And while bathing
each other with tears of sorrow on the verge of their final
separation, their eloquent appeals in prayer to the Most High seemed
to cause an unpleasant sensation upon the ears of their tyrants, who
ordered them to rise and make ready their limbs for the caffles. And
as they happened not to bound at the first sound, they were soon
raised from their knees by the sound of the lash, and the rattle of
the chains, in which they were soon taken off by their respective
masters,--husbands from wives, and children from parents, never
expecting to meet until the judgment of the great day. Then Christ
shall say to the slaveholding professors of religion, "Inasmuch as ye
did it unto one of the least of these little ones, my brethren, ye did
it unto me. "
Having thus tried to show the best side of slavery that I can conceive
of, the reader can exercise his own judgment in deciding whether a man
can be a Bible Christian, and yet hold his Christian brethren as
property, so that they may be sold at any time in market, as sheep or
oxen, to pay his debts.
During my life in slavery I have been sold by professors of religion
several times. In 1836 "Bro. " Albert G. Sibley, of Bedford, Kentucky,
sold me for $850 to "Bro. " John Sibley; and in the same year he sold
me to "Bro. " Wm. Gatewood of Bedford, for $850. In 1839 "Bro. "
Gatewood sold me to Madison Garrison, a slave trader, of Louisville,
Kentucky, with my wife and child--at a depreciated price because I was
a runaway. In the same year he sold me with my family to "Bro. "
Whitfield, in the city of New Orleans, for $1200. In 1841 "Bro. "
Whitfield sold me from my family to Thomas Wilson and Co. , blacklegs.
In the same year they sold me to a "Bro. " in the Indian Territory. I
think he was a member of the Presbyterian Church. F. E. Whitfield was a
deacon in regular standing in the Baptist Church. A. Sibley was a
Methodist exhorter of the M. E. Church in good standing. J. Sibley was
a class-leader in the same church; and Wm. Gatewood was also an
acceptable member of the same church.
Is this Christianity? Is it honest or right? Is it doing as we would
be done by? Is it in accordance with the principles of humanity or
justice?
I believe slaveholding to be a sin against God and man under all
circumstances. I have no sympathy with the person or persons who
tolerate and support the system willingly and knowingly, morally,
religiously or politically.
Prayerfully and earnestly relying on the power of truth, and the aid
of the divine providence, I trust that this little volume will bear
some humble part in lighting up the path of freedom and
revolutionizing public opinion upon this great subject. And I here
pledge myself, God being my helper, ever to contend for the natural
equality of the human family, without regard to color, which is but
fading _matter_, while _mind_ makes the man.
NEW YORK CITY, _May 1, 1849_.
HENRY BIBB.
INDEX.
Introduction. 1
Author's Preface. 12
Chap. I. --
Sketch of my Parentage, 15.
Early separation from my Mother, 15.
Hard Fare, 16.
First Experiments at running away, 16.
Earnest longing for Freedom, 17.
Abhorrent nature of Slavery, 18.
Chap. II. --
A fruitless effort for education, 19.
The Sabbath among Slaves, 19.
Degrading amusements, 19.
Why religion is rejected, 20.
Condition of poor white people, 20.
Superstition among slaves, 21.
Education forbidden, 25.
Chap. III. --
My Courtship and Marriage, 26.
Change of owner, 31.
My first born, 32.
Its sufferings, 32.
My wife abused, 33.
My own anguish, 33.
Chap. IV. --
My first adventure for liberty, 34.
Parting Scene, 34.
Journey up the river, 35.
Safe arrival in Cincinnati, 36.
Journey to Canada, 37.
Suffering from cold and hunger, 38.
Denied food and shelter by some, 38.
One noble exception, 38.
Subsequent success, 39.
Arrival at Perrysburgh, 39.
Obtain employment through the winter, 39.
My return to Kentucky to get my family, 40.
Chap. V--
My safe arrival at Kentucky, 41.
Surprise and delight to find my family, 41.
Plan for their escape, projected, 42.
Return to Cincinnati, 43.
My betrayal by traitors, 43.
Imprisonment in Covington, Kentucky, 45.
Return to slavery, 46.
Infamous proposal of the slave catchers, 47.
My reply, 47.
Chap. VI. --
Arrival at Louisville, Kentucky, 50.
Efforts to sell me, 50.
Fortunate escape from the man-stealers in the public street, 51.
I return to Bedford, Ky. , 55.
The rescue of my family again attempted, 55.
I started alone expecting them to follow, 2.
After waiting some months I resolve to go back again to Kentucky, 57.
Chap. VII. --
My safe return to Kentucky, 58.
The perils I encountered there, 59.
Again betrayed, and taken by a mob, ironed and imprisoned, 60.
Narrow escape from death, 62.
Life in a slave prison, 63.
Chap. VIII. --
Character of my prison companions, 65.
Jail breaking contemplated, 66.
Defeat of our plan, 67.
My wife and child removed, 67.
Disgraceful proposal to her, and cruel punishment, 67.
Our departure in a coffle for New Orleans, 68.
Events of our journey, 69.
Chap. IX. --
Our arrival and examination at Vicksburg, 70.
An account of slave sales, 71.
Cruel punishment with the paddle, 71.
Attempts to sell myself by Garrison's direction, 72.
Amusing interview with a slave buyer, 73.
Deacon Whitfield's examination, 74.
He purchases the family, 75.
Character of the Deacon, 75.
Chap. X.
