No More Learning

Politically the sept recedes as well, but
in matters of right it is only gradually superseded by the State. Rothari's
legislation endeavours to restrain the feud-right to the sept; high
penalties are fixed for the purpose of making the injured choose these
instead of feud; guiltless acts are not to lead to feud. The members of
the sept intervene as assistants at an oath, as combatants for a woman's
right at an ordeal; and the mundium of an unmarried woman is due to
the members of the sept if she has no nearer family relations. In contrast
to these poor remnants of the sept's power, which once had been so great,
family-connexion is very powerful, so that even by a disposal a last will
was allowed only very late and quite exceptionally. The national
assembly, that is the assembly of arimanni, still existed, and this as
well as the kingship expressed the Lombard unity; but this assembly
also was naturally entirely changed by the territorial State, having lost
its organic foundations in the septs, and as an assembly comprising all
or nearly all warriors was quite impossible considering the territorial
extension of the State. In reality it consisted only in the army that was
just ready for military operations, the king's attendants and the dukes
and nobles present, and, whereas the nobles were actually often sum-
moned to the preparatory council, the assembly of warriors had no
possibility of influencing current state affairs and only served to
heighten solemnities at a king's election or law-giving. The other
element of unity, which had probably been born only in the time of
wanderings—the kingship—predominated more and more in comparison;
it seems to have been attached to one family at a very early period,
and up to the eighth century connexion with the Lethingians was kept up
at least by the feminine line; but besides this inherited right, general
German custom demanded election, raising upon the buckler, and a solemn
act of fealty from the fideles. On the other hand, the territorial State and
Roman influence soon decided the extent of the king's power, though he
called himself rex gentis Langobardorum. This influence expresses itself
not only in the addition of the Roman name of Flavius and the Roman
name of honour, vir exceUentissimus, but also in the assertion of the
king's nearly unlimited power, which is already expressed in Rothari's
Edict: "we believe that the hearts of the kings are in the hands of
God. " The king has not only the arriere-ban, and all rights in connexion
with it. As supreme justice and protector of peace, he has his own
peace secured by a high penalty, intercedes wherever all other forces
give way, is the Lombard State's supreme guardian in a certain sense,
and being the State's only representative, no difference is made between
his own rights and those of the State. His alone is the right of coinage,
since the Lombards—before Rothari even—had learnt the art and use
of coining from the Romans; and that the duke of Benevento coined as
well as the king only shews how independent he kept himself of the
Lombard State.


## p. 209 (#241) ############################################

671-712]
Government
209
Opposed to the centralising kingdom is the particular power of the
dukes, their different positions varying of course from the mmmus dux
gentis Langobardorum down to the duke of a small provincial town in
North Italy. But on the whole the dukes endeavoured to found their
power on inherited rights, and to exercise in their own territory the
same authority which belonged to the king in the whole State, whereas
the king claimed for himself the right of nominating the dukes and treated
them as his officials. But the foundation of the king's royal domain
was especially intended to counterbalance the power of the dukes; the
larger this royal domain, the greater was the power of the State.
Except those duchies which were in the hands of the royal family, this
royal domain is said to have been partly formed by the half of all ducal
property, which was given up to Cleph—though this cession can only
relate to the dukes of a part of northern Italy—and partly by the
conquest of new land, which was not left to the dukes. The whole
royal domain has its own royal administration, lying in the hands of
the gastcUdi who are partly royal stewards, partly the king's repre-
sentatives with competence in matters of arriere-ban and judgment, but
being only the king's officials they have, in contrast to the dukes, no
independent jurisdiction. In Benevento and Spoleto, where immediate
royal power does not reach, the gastaldi are officials of the duke in the
district of a civitas. Subordinated to these indices, that is the dukes
and gastaldi who generally reside in walled towns and whose office
consists in a whole iudiciaria, stand the adores (sculdahis, centenarius,
locopositus) out of town, and these are assisted by saltarii, decani, etc.
Change of social structure caused a change of power in the Lombard
State. Although differences in distribution of the land had always
been made in correspondence with a family's rank, and although the
wergeld was not uniform but varied by habit and secundum qualitatem
personae, every Lombard was not only warrior but also landlord and lord
of the manor. This ruling nation stood in contrast only to those who
had no political rights, the coloni and aldii and massarii (unfree farmers
on holdings), as well as the likewise unfree ministeriales of the Sal-land
and the unfree agricultural assistant labourers; the Lombards only were
taken into account politically as well as economically. But this distribu-
tion having been made but once, gave no security whatever for a lasting
condition; the natural increase of population and the accidental im-
poverishment of Lombard families, as well as manumissions to complete
freedom, created a class of Lombards without land. Part of them
worked as tenants, that is small tenants, who took holdings on lease for
29 years, remaining legally free, but losing in social standard (libellarii);
another part may have become merchants, trade developing on account
of the definite peace, and so commercial capital stood alongside of land
rent. This new state of economic affairs expressed itself also in military
service which was varied according to property as early as the eighth
C. MED. H. VOL. II. CH. VII.
14



## p. 210 (#242) ############################################

210 Society [671-712
century, commercial capital being placed on a par with landed property.
A law of 750 dictates cavalry service with coat of mail and horse and com-
plete equipment to all who possess at least seven casae massariae; the
landlord of at least 40 iugera has to follow with one horse, lance and
shield; those who possess still less, with shield and bow; a part of the
poor was obliged to do socage service in the fields at home. This economic
development rendered it possible for the king to form for himself a
power independent of its former limitations within the State, creating a
central organisation of power by investing the free poor with landed
property out of his royal domain. The king, that is the State, at this
time of natural economy owed his income to landed property and
payments in kind, for instance the different munera (augariae and operae)
to preserve public streets and buildings, and different duties, market
duties, port duties, which were raised by royal adores and were of
entirely Roman origin. The royal property was naturally increased by
every new conquest, and the coloni and slaves paying duties were used
as if they were private property; or the king took possession of the
land which had been public before the conquest, and let it to the neigh-
bouring hordes for pasture.
The royal court lived on the income from the landed property,
but this court was composed of followers who stood in a special
relation of fealty to the king, the Gasindi, who on that account were
greatly honoured, and had a higher wergeld than the other free Lombards.
The king entrusted them with all sorts of commissions and delegations,
chose all court officers from them, especially to the royal marshal
(marpahis), the majordomus (stolesaz), the treasurer (vesterarius), the
sword-bearer (spatharius), the chancellor (referendarius). In this manner
a special court-nobility developed itself through the king's favour, stand-
ing in contrast and competition with the Lombaid nobility. But it was
also the custom that such Gasindi were endowed with land by the king,
so that the king's landed estate provided for this new nobility not only
indirectly by keeping up the royal household, but also directly. This
new institution was only rendered possible by the fact that a considerable
part of the population, when the original conditions of the Lombard
settlement were changed, was obliged to seek a new existence, and
found it by the king's favour. On the other hand the king's possessions
diminished continually by these donations, so that for him and his
adherents it was necessary periodically to gain new land; and this was
generally only possible through new conquests, and so the peaceful period
of the Bavarian dynasty was followed by a belligerent period.
After Cunincpert's death (700), his young son Liutpert reigned under
the wise Ansprand's guardianship. Raginpert, duke of Turin, son of
Godepert and nephew of Perctarit, claimed the throne and defeated
Ansprand near Novara, eight months after Cunincpert's death. When
he died, shortly afterwards, his son and co-regent Aripert (II), after a



## p. 211 (#243) ############################################


700-738] The Fall of the Bavarian Dynasty
211
second battle, took prisoner Liutpert, who had again advanced against
Pavia, and sent the duke Rothari of Bergamo, who aspired to the throne,
into exile to Turin, where he was killed after a few days. Now Ansprand
was also obliged to leave his refuge on Lake Como and fly to the duke
Teutpert of Bavaria. Liutpert was killed, Ansprand's eldest son blinded,
his wife and daughter mutilated, and only his youngest son Liutprand
spared. So the family of Godepert ruined the race of Perctarit.
But no change of policy took place. King Aripert II was peaceable and
friendly towards the Romans, and even gave back to the pope the
patrimony in the Cottian Alps. He was dethroned in winter 712,
when Ansprand came back to Italy, after nine years of exile, with a
Bavarian army. Aripert fled to Pavia and was drowned when trying to
swim through the Ticino, burdened with all his treasures. Ansprand
was acknowledged as king but only reigned for three months; but on his
death-bed he was told that the Lombards had raised his son Liutprand
upon the buckler and thereby legitimated his own usurpation as well.
He died 13 June 712.
Though Liutprand did not reverse the Lombard State's development
during the last hundred and fifty years, he favoured Roman influence with-
in his realm in every way. He left no doubt concerning his orthodoxy and
attachment to the Roman faith, while nobody surpassed his generosity
towards churches and monasteries, but he still followed the glorious
traditions of the victorious kings which had been interrupted after
Grimoald, and strictly kept in view his aim of uniting Italy under the
Lombard kingdom, although he chose various ways of approaching
it in the course of his reign. For this reason he was opposed by the
Roman Empire and the dukes of Spoleto and Benevento, who had been
nearly independent during the Bavarian dynasty's reign. Mixed up in
quarrels about the Bavarian throne through his affinity with the dukes
of Bavaria, he advanced the Lombard boundaries to Mais near Meran;
for the rest the northern frontier was well defended by his friendship
with the Frankish Charles Martel, whose son Pepin he had adopted by
shaving of the hair according to an old custom, and to whom he had
even brought help against the Saracens in Provence (737-738). In
domestic politics be continued his predecessor's legislation, endeavoured
to protect his subjects against denial of legal help, and intervened with
great energy in administration and jurisdiction by the royal court of
justice in Pavia and by special missi. His aim was naturally to replace
the loose structure of the Lombard State by a series of officials ruled by
the king, and one of his most efficient means was to give the preference
to the Gamndi, and another was to instal relations and other Jideles in
all duchies and bishoprics. His ideal of kingship, which is evident
in his laws, already shews a great difference from that of the former
Lombard kings and is strongly influenced by Roman and ecclesiastical
interpretations.
oh. vii. 14—2


## p. 212 (#244) ############################################


212
Liutprand
[727-732

The time was favourable for an aggressive policy, because Roman
Italy, led by the pope, rose in rebellion against the Emperor. Common
hostility against the Emperor formed a link between Liutprand and
Pope Gregory II for a while, but the pope soon came to see clearly that
the king near him was more dangerous than the distant Emperor. As a
token of friendship Liutprand, following the pope's admonition, restored
to him his confiscated patrimony in the Cottian Alps. For the moment
peace was only endangered by the duke Romuald II of Benevento, who
attacked the castle of Cumae by surprise; but after the duke of Naples,
aided by the pope's militia, had regained the place and killed the garrison,
the pope even paid Romuald the indemnification which he had offered for
a peaceable evacuation, and thereby won his friendship. Meanwhile the
duke Faroald of Spoleto began to move as well; Narni was taken,
Liutprand occupied Classis, the port of Ravenna, and carried booty and
prisoners away. He gained other successes at the cost of the respublica;
the frontier castles surrendered to him and so he was able to extend the
Lombard boundary to Bologna; Osimo in Pentapolis went over to him as
well. Then he turned southwards, and attacked the castle of Sutri by
surprise (728); this was too much for the pope; the king approached too
nearly his own sphere of action. After Liutprand had been in possession
of the castle for one hundred and seventy days, the pope insisted on his
"restoring and donating" it to the apostles Peter and Paul. Meanwhile
the dukes of Spoleto and Benevento had entered into a league with the
pope and defended the frontier of the ducatus Romae against the troops
of the Emperor. The new exarch Eutychius, who had landed at Naples,
did not succeed in making the two dukes desert the league with the
pope; his entreaties had no effect on Liutprand till he offered a very
important service to the king, placing his own troops at the king's
disposal against the independent dukes, so as to take them in the rear
and force them to render homage to the king and send hostages in token
of their fidelity. The king repaid this service by leading the exarch to
Rome, and as the pope could not think of resistance, he again submitted
to the Emperor. But the Lombard troops did not enter the imperial
town and Liutprand paid homage to the graves of the Principes apo-
stolorum whom he had never intended to combat (729). So the Italian
revolution brought double success to Liutprand: territorial acquisition
of land in the north and the two dukes' formal submission in the south;
and at the same time he had appeared as principal arbiter in these
differences on Italian soil.
Liutprand's next care was to make the two duchies' formal dependency
real and effective. When difficulties arose after the death of Romuald II
of Benevento (731-782), on account of the succession, he marched on
Benevento, carried away the young duke Gisulf for education, and
installed his own nephew Gregorius, relying upon his own sovereign
power. Nearly at the same time, after a breach of the league with the


## p. 213 (#245) ############################################

732-740]
Liutprand
213
exarch, a plot of the Roman dtix of Perusia against Bologna miscarried,
and a Lombard army led by Hildeprand, another nephew of Liutprand,
occupied the impregnable town of Ravenna, the centre of the imperial
administration. But the exarch succeeded in regaining the capital by
a sudden attack and making Hildeprand prisoner, with help of the navy
of the lagoons, against which the Lombards were helpless. Soon after
this misfortune Liutprand seems to have concluded an armistice, on
account of which Hildeprand was sent back. Then Liutprand fell ill at
Pavia (735), Hildeprand was proclaimed king by the Lombards, and
Liutprand acknowledged him as co-regent after his recovery. New
difficulties arose in Friuli, where the duke Pemmo had covered the
Lombard name with fame in different combats with the Slavs and
displayed great splendour in his princely court at Cividale; he got
entangled in a quarrel with the king's favourite Calistus, whom Liut-
prand had made patriarch of Aquileia, because the latter wanted to
remove his residence from the small town of Cormons to Cividale, and
had taken by force the bishop's palace, which the dukes had resigned to
the fugitive bishop of Julia Carnica. Liutprand interceded in the
patriarch's favour, dismissed the duke Pemmo and set up in his place his
son Ratchis, who proved himself the king's faithful subject. No king
had ever reigned so powerfully.
But now the time had come when Liutprand thought it necessary
to deal the death-blow to the Roman Empire in Italy, as soon as the
independence of the duke in middle Italy was broken. This duke,
Transamund of Spoleto, had taken the Roman castle Gallese and might
have been of great use to the king in barring the communication between
Ravenna and Rome, but he preferred to deliver up the castle to the pope
Gregory III, engaging himself never to carry arms against him any more.
But Liutprand, crossing the Pentapolis, arrived at Spoleto in June 739,
and appointed a new duke Hilderich, while Transamund fled to Rome.
The king demanded in vain the rebel's delivery before the walls of Rome,
took away the castles of Ameria, Horta, Polimartium, and Bleda from
the ducatus Romae, but then returned to North Italy. Meanwhile a
Roman party in Benevento set up one Godescalc in the duchy in place
of the deceased duke Gregorius, without regard to the king's claims. In
the following year (740) Liutprand and Hildeprand attacked Ravenna
and laid the exarchate under contribution, and at the same time Lom-
bard hordes breaking out of the castles devastated the Campagna. The
pope sent an embassy, praying the king to give back these border forts, and
also claimed the help of the Lombard bishops by a circular letter. At
the same time the army of the ducatus Romae, aided by Benevento,
reinstated in Spoleto the duke Transamund, who was accepted with open
arms by his own people (Dec. 740). But even now Transamund did not
dare to attack the king and win back to the Romans the four castles, as
the pope had wished. Pope Zachary, who had followed Gregory at the



## p. 214 (#246) ############################################

214
Liutprand
[741-744

end of 741, gave up his predecessor's Spoletan policy in consequence,
and offered to the king the help of the Roman army against Spoleto,
on condition of his promise to restore the four castles. Attacked on
two sides (742) Transamund surrendered to the king; then the latter
advanced against Benevento, and as Godescalc abandoned his own
country and was surrendered before he reached the ship destined to
bring him to Constantinople, the king gave back his ancestral duchy to
Gisulf who had by now grown up and was faithfully devoted to him.
But after he had brought all difficulties in South Italy to an end the
pope himself overtook him on his way back in his camp at Terni,
reminding him of his promise. The Catholic king received the pope
with all customary marks of reverence, and gave him the desired charter
concerning the restoration of the four towns. After this several nobles
escorted the pope on his return journey, and handed over to him the
keys of the surrendered towns, and the parts of the patrimony which had
been conquered were also restored to him. In exchange for this the
pope concluded an armistice with the king for twenty years in the name
of the ducatus Romae. In this way the king meant to eliminate one
enemy, in order to concentrate all his forces against the other part of
the Roman dominion. After having appointed his nephew Agiprand
duke of Spoleto, he crossed the Apennines and sent his army against
Ravenna at the beginning of the following year (743). The exarch
and the archbishop of Ravenna in their desperation begged for the
pope's intervention, and the latter actually came to meet the king at
Pavia, by way of Ravenna. The king condescended to conclude an
armistice, occupying the castles of Caesena and part of the territory of
Ravenna meanwhile as a pledge, until the embassy he sent to Constanti-
nople should have concluded a definite peace. We do not know Liut-
prand's real motives for giving up the attack; but it seems possible
that changes of foreign politics, especially with the Franks, as well as
sympathy with the Romans within the Lombard realm, nourished by
the bishops, joined with personal motives to cause his compliance.
Though he had not attained his aim when he died at the beginning of
the year 744, he had brought the Lombard State's power to a height
which it had never before attained.
Liutprand's former co-regent Hildeprand followed him on the throne,
but was not acknowledged everywhere. Transamund returned to Spoleto.
Ratchis of Friuli was proclaimed king and Hildeprand dethroned after
eight months' monarchy. The imperialists greeted the elevation of
Ratchis with joy, and the new king actually concluded peace with Rome
for twenty years. In Spoleto he asserted his authority, and Transamund
was replaced by a new duke, Lupus. We may judge by the severity of
his orders concerning passports, and by his rules against riot that Ratchis
was prepared to meet dangers from within and without, and so he tried
to increase his party by ample distributions of land to the Church, and
N


## p. 215 (#247) ############################################

749-753 J Ratc/tis. Aistulf 215
to the Romans, the countrymen of his wife Tassia. He evidently strove
to lessen the disparity between Romans and Lombards. Nevertheless
he saw himself compelled to invade the imperial Pentapolis and besiege
Perusia. But when he desisted from this blockade upon the pope's
personal intervention, the Lombards gave vent to their indignation over
their king's romanising policy. The nobles raised Aistulf, the king's
brave and fierce brother, upon the buckler at Milan (June 749); Ratchis
was forced to abdicate, went to St Peter's on pilgrimage, was accepted as
a monk by the pope, and retired to Monte Cassino.
Aistulf immediately took up again with the greatest energy Ljut-
prand's conquering policy. The donations which Ratchis had made
before Aistulfs elevation were annulled, intercourse with Romans was
forbidden, commerce with a foreign country keenly watched, the frontier
well guarded, and military duty regulated on the basis of the new social
structure. The important towns of Comacchio and Ferrara were occupied
and the Lombard king gave forth a charter as early as 7 July 751 in the
palace of Ravenna, which the last exarch, Eutychius, was said to have
surrendered. The north of Italy was now entirely in the hands of the
Lombards, except the district of the Lagoons and the towns of Istria.
Aistulf turned to central Italy, where Duke Lupus had died, and took
into his own hands the government of Spoleto, the key-city of Rome.
His next assault was of course directed to Rome. He stood before the
walls of Rome in June 752 and received a papal embassy; it is alleged
that he promised peace for forty years but broke the armistice after
four months. His conditions were very hard: tribute paid by the
inhabitants of the ducatus Rornae and acknowledgment of his sovereignty.
He ordered the abbots of Monte Cassino and St Vincenzo, who had
appeared as the pope's envoys before him, to follow his commands as
Lombard subjects, and return to their monasteries without entering
Rome. The Emperor's embassy, which was conducted to Ravenna by
the pope's brother, only so far succeeded that Aistulf sent an envoy to
Constantinople with proposals that seemed unacceptable, at least to the
pope. But the two envoys returned to Italy without having effected
their object, while the Lombards had taken the castle of Ceccano, which
belonged to the Church. Now Pope Stephen obtained a safe conduct
and at the Emperor's command marched himself to Aistulfs court at
Pavia (autumn 753). The king sent to meet him with orders not
to venture a word about restoring the conquered territory. But the
pope was not to be deterred, and fervently entreated the king to fulfil
the conditions contained in a letter which an imperial envoy had
brought. But it was in vain. Then the Frankish ambassadors, who
had accompanied the pope, intervened and required Aistulf to let the
pope go to Gaul. When the pope, at his next audience, declared
that it was actually his intention to cross the Alps, Aistulf, it is said,
roared with rage like a wild beast. But after vain endeavours to change


## p. 216 (#248) ############################################

216 The Frankish Intervention [753-756
the pope's resolution, he was obliged to dismiss him, not daring to detain
him by force and expose himself to immediate conflict with the Franks.
The pope left Pavia on 5 November. The new Frankish king Pepin was
clearly resolved upon interfering in Italy, and Aistulf saw himself face
to face with a new situation immediately before reaching the aim he had
longed for so fervently.
But all links had not yet been broken off. Pepin sent embassies
over the Alps three times in order to induce Aistulf to yield, but in
vain. The public feeling among the Frankish nobles was by no means
favourable to war, and Aistulf, wishing to profit thereby, sent to Gaul
Pepin's brother and former co-regent Carloman, who was now monk in
Monte Cassino. While the Frankish army was already advancing, the
pope once more sent a letter full of entreaties to Aistulf, and Pepin
offered 12,000 solidi as recompense for the disputed territories; Aistulf
refused with threats and brought the whole of his forces, and the military
material he had stored up for his enterprise against Rome, to Susa at
the foot of Mont Cenis, awaiting the Franks' attack. He was too
impatient however to hold out behind the fortified clusae, and attacked
the Frankish vanguard by surprise; but not being able to deploy his
superior forces in the narrow vale, he was thrown back and was himself
very nearly killed; then he concentrated the rest of his army in the
fortified city of Pavia, where the main army of the Franks appeared
after a few days. But as the Franks shrank from a long siege and the
Frankish nobles, who had kept up friendly relations with the Lombards
dating perhaps from the time of Charles Martel, tried to mediate,
peace was made, Aistulf confirmed the treaty by oath, promising to
surrender those territories of Italy he had occupied illegally and to
acknowledge formally the Frankish king's sovereignty. He sent forty
hostages and made lavish presents to the king and the nobles as recom-
pense for the expenses of war (autumn 754). The pope returned to
Rome, accompanied by the Frankish ambassador Fulrad, and Pepin
retired over the Alps. But Aistulf did not think of keeping his oath.
Of all the towns he only surrendered Narni, and seeing that Pepin did
not interfere again, he resolved to put an end to the quarrel by a master
stroke. On 1 Jan. 756 a Lombard army again encamped before Rome
on the right bank of the Tiber, Aistulf rapidly approached from Spoleto
and the Beneventans from the south. With terrible threats, he re-
quired the pope's surrender while his bands plundered the Campagna.
Pepin's envoy, the abbot Warnehar, fought against the Lombards in
full harness and then informed his prince of what he had seen. But
Rome's strong walls saved her again; Aistulf gave up the siege after
five months and returned to Pavia (5 April) to await a new attack
from Pepin when winter was over and the melting snow rendered the
passage possible.
The Lombards were once more dispersed by the Franks near the


## p. 217 (#249) ############################################

756-763] Desiderius 217
clusae of Mont Cenis, and Aistulf again took refuge behind the walls
of Pavia. Shut up in this fortress, he again entreated forgiveness
and peace of Pepin by the nobles1 intervention. The latter granted
the rebel life and realm, which he had forfeited. Following the Frankish
verdict to which he had appealed, he was obliged to pay as indemnity
a third of the great royal hoard and costlier presents than two years before
to guarantee his further submission, and engage himself to pay a yearly
tribute of 12,000 solidi, as the I^ombards had once done in the time of
Agilulf. He actually now yielded up the towns whose surrender had
been stipulated two years earlier and Comacchio besides, and so the same
boundaries were re-established which had parted the two territories
before Aistulfs accession to the throne. Liutprand's conquests however
remained to the Lombard dominion, so that to the great disappoint-
ment of pope and emperor the status of the peace made in 680 was
not restored. Nevertheless this was the greatest humiliation the
Lombard realm had ever suffered for more than a century and a half,
since that first league between the Byzantine Emperor and the Franks
had been broken. Aistulfs eager policy of attack was crossed by a
new factor which had not entered into his predecessor's calculations.
The proud king did not long survive his fall. He died in consequence
of an accident while hunting (December 756).
After Aistulfs death a grave crisis broke out in the Lombard State.
The monk Ratchis left Monte Cassino and was acknowledged as ruler,
"servant of Christ and prince of the Lombard people," especially in the
north of the Apennines. But Spoleto as well as Benevento detached
itself from the kingdom and set up Alboin as duke of Spoleto, who
swore an oath of allegiance to the pope and the Frankish king. The
duke Desiderius was raised upon the buckler in Tuscany, and as he
engaged himself by document and by oath to surrender the towns
belonging to the Empire, and to live in peace and friendship with the
pope and the Frankish king, the Frankish plenipotentiary in Rome
supported him with great energy and the pope prepared the Roman
army for his defence. Ratchis then abdicated for the second time. On
the pope's demand, Desiderius actually ceded Faenza and Ferrara, but
as soon as he felt himself sure on the throne, he entered Spoleto by
force without consideration of the pope's wishes, made Duke Alboin
prisoner as a rebel, drove away the duke Liutprand of Benevento, who
was obliged to take refuge behind the walls of Otranto, and set up
Arichis as duke in his place, and gave him his daughter Adelperga to
wife. He made a proposal of co-operation against the pope and the
duke of Benevento to an imperial embassy which passed by: at the
same time he tried to render the pope's connexion with his former
allies as difficult as possible, appeared at St Peter's grave in Rome,
pretending friendly intentions, and forced the pope to write a letter to
Pepin, interceding for the surrender of the Lombard hostages. To be


## p. 218 (#250) ############################################


218
Desiderius
[763-771
i
sure the pope recalled this letter by means of the very messenger who
brought it, but still Desiderius succeeded in averting a new Frankish
intervention, greatly desired by the pope, by making certain concessions,
especially in relation to the patrimonies. At his next visit to Rome,
Desiderius framed a compact on the Frankish embassies'1 advice about
763 on the basis of mutual acknowledgment of the status quo; and
Desiderius promised to come to the pope's aid with all his forces in
case of an attack from the Emperor. It was only after Pope Paul's
death (767) that new difficulties with Rome arose when a party, hostile
to the late government, had raised Constantine to the papal throne, and
the defeated party's leader, the primiceriiis Christophorus, claimed the
Lombards' help. The defeated party entered Rome by force, led by
I-ombard troops and the Lombard priest Waldipert, but the Lombard
candidate Philip was not able to maintain himself on the papal throne
in place of Constantine; Stephen III was elected and Waldipert himself
slain by his former adherents (768). Shortly after this failure Desiderius
tried to procure the archbishopric of Ravenna for Michael, one of his
confidants (769); but Frankish commissioners dismissed him at the
pope's wish.
A new combination in foreign politics seemed to change the present
situation to the disadvantage of the pope and in favour of Desiderius.
Desiderius and Tassilo of Bavaria, both menaced by the Frankish pre-
ponderance, had entered into friendly relations, and Tassilo had married
Liutperga, daughter of Desiderius. Pepin's widow Bertrada conceived
the plan of securing peace by bringing one of her sons into relationship
with the Lombard royal family. Notwithstanding the pope's amaze-
ment, she crossed the Alps and asked one of Desiderius' daughters in
marriage for her son Charles. The betrothal took place under the
guarantee of the Frankish nobles and the marriage was accomplished.
Meanwhile Bertrada had endeavoured to reassure the pope about her
transactions with Desiderius. The latter had evidently renewed his
promise to respect the territorial status quo and restore the patrimonies
which were the private property of the Roman Church. Of course the
next consequence was the fall of the anti-Lombard party prevailing in
Rome. This was approved of by the pope, who wanted to escape his
minister's predominant influence. Desiderius appeared before Rome
with military forces, but under pretence of praying at the Apostle's
grave and arranging disputed questions. The pope came out to him
and received his promise by oath. But a papal chamberlain named
Paulus Afiarta, the leader of the Lombard party, raised up within the
town a revolt against Christophorus, whereupon the pope maintained
that Christophorus and his party conspired against his life. The accused
offered resistance within the town, but were betrayed by the Romans,
abandoned by the pope, and cruelly killed by Paulus Afiarta and his
accomplices. Desiderius did not now want to hear anything more


## p. 219 (#251) ############################################

759-772] End of the Lombard Kingdom 219
about transactions with the pope.
But the Frankish kings seem to have
taken offence at his way of acting. Car Ionian died in Dec. 771,
but Charles, who laid claim to the whole Frankish realm without
considering Carloman's children, resolved to depart from the last year's
policy. He repudiated Desiderius, daughter, well knowing that he made
an enemy of the Lombard king by this insult. Carloman's widow
Gerberga with her children and followers fled to the Lombard king,
who was ready to use them as weapons against Charles. The new pope
Hadrian was naturally on the side of Charles, and so the political com-
bination of the time before Bertrada's intervention was re-established.
Embassies between the pope and Desiderius had no effect, because the
pope did not trust the king's promises, and for fear of losing his hold
upon the Frankish king firmly refused to anoint as kings Carloman's
children at the wish of Desiderius. Paulus Afiarta and his followers
(the Lombard party) were removed and punished, so that the Frankish
influence again decided the papal policy.
Meanwhile Desiderius had again occupied Faenza, Ferrara, Comacchio
(spring 772), and threatened Ravenna on every side; then he took
Sinigaglia, Jesi, Urbino, Gubbio, commanded his troops to attack Bieda
and Otricoli, in order to frighten the pope, and marched against Rome
with Carloman's children, after having vainly entreated the pope to
come to him. The latter made all preparations for defence and raised
his forces in Rome, but sent three bishops to the royal camp at Viterbo
with a bull, threatening with excommunication the king and all who
dared to step upon Roman soil. Desiderius actually broke up his camp
and retired; but the answer he made to the Frankish embassies, which
appeared in Italy at the pope's wish, in order to become acquainted with
the state of things, shews clearly enough that he expected to meet
a decisive stroke. He had prepared himself for this moment during the
whole time of his reign, trying to ensure the dynasty by the nomination
of his son Adalgis as co-regent (759), and to restrain the independence
of the dukes, though still attaching them to his person. He had made
costly presents to the great monasteries, and endowed them with
privileges, and had strengthened his party by new donations of landed
property. But nevertheless the Lombard kingdom did not offer united
resistance to the Franks. A number of emigrants had already fled to
the Franks even before the beginning of the war, and many nobles now
left Spoleto and went to Rome. Benevento did not take any part in
the war, and after the first failure not only the Spoletan contingents but
also a number of towns submitted to the pope voluntarily. Charles only
found resistance from the towns where the Lombard kings defended
themselves. Treason played a great part in the fall of the Lombard
realm, a fact which can be traced even in the sagas. After having
refused Charles' last offer, to pay 17,000 solidi if he fulfilled the pope's
demand, Desiderius put his trust in the strong position near the clusae
CB. VII.


## p. 220 (#252) ############################################

220 End of the Lombard Kingdom [773-774
of Susa, which he had fortified. Here, at the Porta d' Italia, he expected
Charles, who marched over Mont Cenis, while another corps took its
way over the Great St Bernard. But, owing to this circuit, no battle
seems to have taken place. Desiderius was obliged to retire to Pavia
(Sept. 773) with the warriors who were still faithful to him, while
Adalgis sought refuge with Carloman's children behind the fortified walls
of Verona, but fled from here also after a time and went into exile
at Constantinople. But except at Pavia and Verona Charles found no
resistance whatever in the Lombard realm. Verona with Carloman's
children surrendered even before Christmas to a detached troop under
Charles himself, whereas the siege of Pavia was prolonged to the
beginning of June 774, though famine and epidemics raged within the
town.
After the capitulation Charles brought Desiderius and his wife to
Gaul with the royal treasure, having received homage of the Lombards
who had gathered at Pavia, leaving there a Frankish garrison.
This was the end of the independent Lombard realm, and Charles
dated his succession in this realm from the fall of the royal town of
Pavia.
To be sure, the duchy of Benevento in the south had succeeded in
keeping its independence throughout all these disasters, and the prince
Arichis, Desiderius1 son-in-law, considered himself the Lombard king's
successor; but, important as this fact has proved for Italian history,
the Lombard kingdom had always been rooted in the north. The
occasion for its fall was given by the renewal of that combination
between the remnants of the respublica, now represented by the pope,
and the Franks, who had developed into a consolidated power; and
the Lombard State had never been equal to these combined forces.
A deeper reason lay in the structure of the Lombard State, which
had not been able, even in the intervals of peace, to attain any organic
unity. The small number of the Lombard people in connexion with
their form of settlement, conditioned as it was by the state of affairs
in the Roman Empire, had given too great importance from the first
to the single local groups and their dukes. Kingship, which had
been re-established in the distress of those times, exerted its uniting
and centralising power very slowly, and a perfect union had never
been accomplished. For the kingdom was founded on its royal domain,
and the latter on new conquests of land, with which the king's followers
had to be furnished. As was always the case in the medieval State
in which agriculture was practised, the warriors who were rewarded
in this way did not permanently attach themselves to the king, and
thus formed a continual danger to the kingship. The king was con-
tinually forced to new conquests and then obliged to give them up
again voluntarily, so that even the mightiest rulers made little lasting
impression on the State, especially when the possibilities of donations


## p. 221 (#253) ############################################


Causes of its Fall
221
diminished as the Lombard element drew nearer to the Roman. On
the other hand, the assimilation with the inhabitants of Italy in race
and culture had been rapidly carried out just on account of the smallness
of the conquering tribe and the necessary adaptations resulting; and it
was not the cultural and racial difference, but rather a difference of
organisation, resulting from the land's history and settlement, which
separated the three parts of Italy—the kingdom, the ecclesiastical State
and Benevento—through more than a thousand years.
r


## p. 222 (#254) ############################################

222
CHAPTER VIII.
(A)
IMPERIAL ITALY AND AFRICA: ADMINISTRATION.
When in the year 534 Justinian organised the imperial administration
in Africa, and after the year 540 in Italy, it was not so much his intention
to create a new civil code as to restore in the main the conditions which had
existed before the break in the Roman rule. In Africa this break had been
complete owing to the constitution of the Vandal kingdom. In Italy the
Roman civil administration had remained unaltered, even at the time
when the rule of the Gothic king had superseded the direct imperial
government, and therefore, after the expulsion of the Gothic army
quartered on the land, only the military administration had to be created
completely anew. Maintenance of the continuity, which from an im-
perial point of view had legally never been broken, and equal rights with
those provinces which had never bowed to the yoke of the barbarians,
are therefore the natural principles upon which Justinian founded his
reorganisation of the West. It was, however, impossible in practice to
ignore altogether the development of the last century. Africa and Italy
had for so many years lived in political independence of each other, that
it was no longer possible to look upon them as a united whole; in
consequence of this, their administration remained entirely separate, as
before. Whereas the dioecesis of Africa had been under the rule of the
praefectus praetorio per Italian, until its occupation by the Vandals, it
now received its own praefectus praetorio, who took the place of the
former, henceforth superfluous vicarius AJHcae, so that the praefectus
Italiae was limited to Italy. Sardinia and Corsica, however, which had
been in the possession of the Vandals and were now won back by
Justinian together with the Vandal kingdom, remained united with
Africa. It was further of decisive importance for Italy that it was no
longer, as before the so-called fall of the West-Roman Empire, ruled by
two emperors with a local division of power, but by one only, and that he
resided in the East. For the consequence was, that the court offices and
central offices proper, such as the magister officiorum, the quaestor, the
comites sacrarum largitionum, rerum privatarum and patrimonii, which
as the highest administrative offices in Italy had been maintained within



## p. 223 (#255) ############################################


Foundation of Imperial Administration
223
the Gothic kingdom parallel with the court offices and central offices
at Constantinople, now disappeared in Italy and were amalgamated with
the central offices at Constantinople. The same applies to the Senate,
which likewise was not a local but an imperial governing body. There was
no need to dissolve it; it disappeared from Rome in the natural course of
events, for the officials, of whom it was composed at that time, henceforth
only existed at Constantinople, the residence of the single emperor.
The principle underlying the bureaucratic administration by which
the Empire had been governed since Diocletian, and the details of which
had only been developed during the centuries following his reign, remained
unchanged: all autonomy was supplanted by a body of imperial func-
tionaries grouped hierarchically, according to their local and practical
powers, subject only to the absolute will of the Emperor and appointed
by him, chosen from the ranks of the landowners, the only persons
who had the right to migrate from their place of origin. They had at
their disposal as an auxiliary force a body of officials (officium), arranged
likewise hierarchically, but drawn from another class of the people.
Opposed, however, to the ruling class, which carried out the will of the
State by means of the bureaucratic organisation, stood, as the working
members of the State, all the rest of the population, tied hereditarily
to their class and its organisation, which as far as it existed had only
the one object of making its members jointly responsible for the expenses
of the State. The principle also of separating the civil from the military
power, which had first been completely carried into force by Constantine
the Great, though sometimes abandoned by Justinian in the East, was
intended by the Emperor to come into full force in the West, as soon as
an end had been put to the state of war1.
While the details of the Italian administration have to be gathered
partly from the so-called Pragmatica sanctio pro petitione Vigilii, and
partly from the remaining sources, chiefly the letters of Pope Gregory,
which unfortunately nowhere present a complete picture, the Codex
Justinianus (i. 27) contains the statutes of the organisation for the civil
and military adjustment within the African dioecesis, issued by Justinian
in the year 534. These statutes provided that the praefectus praetorio
Africne, who as a functionary of the highest class and receiving a salary
of 100 pounds gold (about £4500), stood at the head of the civil ad-
ministration, should have (besides his private cabinet, the consiliarii and
cancellarii, the grammatici and medici) an official staff* of 396 persons,
divided into ten scrinia and nine scholae. Four of the former, who were
also the best paid, were entrusted with the financial administration, and
one with the exchequer. Beside these there were the scrinium of the
primiscriniu. i or subadiuva, and one each of the commentariensis and of
the ab act it, who conducted the business of the chancery and the
1 To avoid repetition a knowledge of the administration of the Roman Empire is
here assumed. It has been described in Vol. i. Ch. n.
in. rm. (a)


## p. 224 (#256) ############################################

224
Administrative Division
k
archives, and lastly the scrinium operum for the Public Works and the
scrinium libellorum for the Jurisdiction. The cohortales, probably
assistant clerks, were divided into the scholae of exceptores, singularii,
mittendarii, cursored, rwmenculatores, stratores, praecones, draconarii and
chartularii. The sum total of the salaries paid to the staff" amounted
to 6575 gold solidi (a little over £4000), which had to be raised, like
the praefect's salary, by the dioecesis. Subordinate to the praefect were
seven governors, three of whom had the rank of a consularis and four
that of a praeses. It seems that the former—the text is not quite clear
—were the governors of the old provincia proconmdaris (Zeugitana,
Carthage), of Byzacena and of Tripolis, whilst the latter, who were of
inferior rank, appear to have governed Sardinia, Numidia and the two
Mauretanias (Sitifensis and Caesariensis); a staff' of 50 clerks was
attached to each of them.
For the protection of the dioecesis, after peace had eventually been so
completely restored that the conquering army and the moveable field-
army of the comitate uses could be withdrawn, a frontier-army was to be
newly enrolled, garrisoned and settled, and to be entrusted to the military
commanders of the separate frontier-provinces (limites). These were
under the duces of Tripolitana (in Leptis Magna), of Byzacena (in
Capsa or Thelepte, the command of which was afterwards shared with a
second dux at Hadrumetum), of Numidia (in Constantina), of Mauretania
(in Caesarea), and of Sardinia. Whilst these duces were to take up a
temporary residence in the capitals until the reoccupation of the old
frontiers should be complete, a few of the larger forts along the frontier
were given into the charge of tribunes. One of these, who was subor-
dinate to the dux of Mauretania, was also stationed at Septum to watch
the Straits of Gibraltar and to command the battleships there. Each
of these duces had, besides an assessor, a staff of 40 clerks with a
number of gentlemen-at-arms, the latter of whom he paid out of his own
sufficiently high stipend, handed over to him by the praefect. The
duces, viri spectabUes, i. e. officials of the second class, were subordinate
in military rank to the commanding magister militum of the moment.
It is true that this arrangement was quite provisional, for the limites were
not to be definitely adjusted till the old frontiers had been won back by
the Roman arms.
In Italy Justinian's division of provinces can hardly have differed
essentially from the old Roman one, which had been accepted by the
Ostrogoths. The jurisdiction of the praefect was curtailed not only by
the separation of Sardinia and Corsica and by the loss of the two
Rhaetias on the northern frontier, but furthermore by the enactment
of Justinian, which put Sicily under a special praetor of the second
class, from whom an appeal passed directly to the quaestor of the court
at Constantinople. It is doubtful whether the intermediate court of the
two vicarii (Italiae and urbis Rornae) was maintained under the praefect



## p. 225 (#257) ############################################


Defence of the Positions
225
With regard to the provincial governors the Pragmatica sanctio ordains
that they should be chosen from the inhabitants by the bishops and most
distinguished men in each province, but must obtain the sanction of the
praefect—a very peculiar regulation, which does not agree with the
general bureaucratic principles of the Byzantine administration, and
which seems to prove that as early as the middle of the sixth century
the position of the provincial governors, like that of the town councils in
Italy, was brought very low and considered more of an onus than an
honor. Not long afterwards this regulation was extended to the whole
Empire. The special position of the municipal officials of Borne under
the praefectus urbi together with other privileges of the old imperial capital
was maintained, though from the outset this administrative department
hardly fitted any better here than elsewhere into the frame of the general
administration, and had to be relieved of a number of its former duties.
The defence of the frontiers, temporarily established by Belisarius in
Africa, was organised in Italy by Narses, who had restored the natural
frontiers of Italy in the north to nearly the dimensions which had
been recognised by the Lombards in Gothic times after the cession of
Noricum and Pannonia to them. It is probable that the location
of the frontier troops was also influenced by the distribution of the
garrisons during the Gothic rule. In the east, Forum Julii (Friuli)
was the centre of a chain of small fortresses on the southern slope of the
Alps, which were connected with the fort of Aguntum (Innichen) by the
pass over the Kreuzberg. From this point the valley of the Bienz
probably became the frontier. The bishopric of Seben (Brixen) also
belonged to the Empire, and further south a chain of forts from Verruca
(near Trent) as far as Anagni (Nand) can be traced. Further west,
the Alpine passes were secured by forts at their southern end; thus
mention is made of one situated on an island in the Lake of Como, and
of another at the outlet of the pass over Mont Cenis at Susa. It is not
clear in what manner these limites, which had replaced the old ducatus
Rhaetiarum and the tractus Italiae circa Alpes of the Notitia Dignitatum,
were separated from each other. It appears, however, that some of the
troops which had come to Italy under Narses were garrisoned and settled
in them, and that certain generals who had served under Narses were
placed at the head of these ducatus. This would be the easiest explana-
tion for the fact that at a very early date the command over the
garrisoned legions in Italy was not held by ordinary duces, but by men
holding the higher rank of magister militum.
Justinian's dispositions had all been made on the assumption that
peace would be completely restored throughout the two new sections of
the Empire. During the wars of conquest, the Emperor's authorised
generals were, in Africa Belisarius, who was magister militum per
orientem, and in Italy latterly Narses, who, as patricius and holder
of high court offices, belonged to the highest rank. These had acted
C. MED. H. VOL. II. CH. VIII. (a)
16


## p. 226 (#258) ############################################


226
The Exarch
A
without restriction, both in their military and in their civil capacity,
subject only to the instructions they received from the Emperor.
Procopius calls each alike avroicpartop tov TroXe/tov.
Circumstances, however, allowed neither country any lasting peace;
martial law continued as a consequence of the state of war, and neither
Africa nor Italy could safely be left without an active army. It became
necessary to create and to uphold a supreme authority, to which the civil
administration had to be subordinated for military purposes. In Africa
a passing attempt was made by Justinian to equip the praefectw
praetorio with the power of a magister militum, but this was an
exceptional case. In Africa, as also in Italy, when the Lombards
invaded it after the recall of Narses, the rule was to appoint extra-
ordinary military commanders, who held a high rank and were superior
to the praefectus. But when the state of war proved to be chronic, the
extraordinary office developed into a regular one. In the year 584 an
exarch is mentioned in Italy for the first time, and here as in Africa the
title exarch is henceforth commonly applied to the head of the military
and civil administration. In this combination of military and civil
functions the exarch reminds us of certain exalted provincial governors,
whom Justinian, deviating from the general principles of the Roman
administration, had already installed in the East. But the exarch is far
more than these. Holding, as he does, the highest office in his division
of the Empire, he not only belongs to the highest class with the title
exceUentissimus, but he owns also the full title of patricius, a distinction
not usually shared by the praefect. If the patrician holds a court
office it is usual, in official language, to substitute this for the title
patricius, as for instance cubicularius et exarchus, or occasionally patricius
et exarchus. In ordinary life, when speaking of the exarch in Italy and
Africa, only the title patricius was used.
The power of the exarch was practically unlimited. Like the Gothic
kings, he was the emperor's representative; and as such, like his pre-
decessors, e. g. Belisarius and Narses, he held absolute command over
the active troops temporarily stationed in that part of the Empire, as
well as over the frontier legions. At the same time he took a hand,
whenever it pleased him, in the civil administration, decided ecclesiastical
matters, negotiated with foreign countries and concluded armistices.
His power was only limited in time, inasmuch as he might at any
moment be recalled by the emperor, and in extent inasmuch as his
mandate applied only to a definite part of the Empire. He could there-
fore issue decrees, but could neither make laws nor conclude a peace
valid for the whole of the Empire. The command of the exarch of Italy
extended beyond Italy to the rest of the old dioecesis of West Illyricum,
and to Dalmatia, which also, since Odovacar's time, had been added to
the Italian kingdom. The military system of Sicily, on the other hand,
was allowed, at least in later years, to develop independently.


## p. 227 (#259) ############################################


The Militarising of the Administration
227
It followed naturally that the exarch, who resided at Ravenna, had
at his court, besides an ojficium befitting his rank, a number of advisers
and assistants for the miscellaneous branches of his activity. We will
only mention here the consiliarius, the cancellarius, the maior domus, the
scholastici versed in jurisprudence, and in Africa a inro<rTpaT7]yo<; with the
rank of patricius, a representative of the emperor's representative. He
was further, like all generals of that time, surrounded by a number
of private soldiers, gentlemen-at-arms who held a more distinguished
position than soldiers of the regular army. The court of these vice-
emperors was in every aspect a copy of the imperial court, and their
powerful position makes it conceivable that, when in the middle of the
seventh century the centre of the Empire was in distress, the attempt was
repeatedly made both from Africa and Italy to replace the emperor by
an exarch. It was in this manner that the dynasty of Heraclius attained
to the throne.
The consequences of the uninterrupted state of war, caused in Africa
by the Berbers and later by the Muslims, and in Italy by the Lombards,
of course affected, not only the head of the general administration, but
also its organisation and its efficacy. Tripolitana was detached from
Africa, probably under the Emperor Maurice, and added to Egypt.
Mauretania Sitifensis and the few stations of the Caesariensis which the
Empire was able to uphold, were joined together into one province,
Mauretania Prima, whilst distant Septum, with the remains of the
Byzantine possessions in Spain, became the province Mauretania Secunda.
Of still greater importance is the fact that Justinian's plan of restoring
the frontiers of the Empire to the extent they had before the Vandal
occupation, was never carried out. It even became necessary in several
provinces to move back again the line of defence already reached, so that
the duces did not hold command in the border-lands of their own
provinces, but were stationed with their garrisoned legions in the interior.
This makes it impossible to define the sphere of local power between the
dux and the tribuni on the one hand, and the praeses on the other. The
provinces themselves became as it were limites. Just as the praefect
continued to exist under the exarch, so there existed, at least in the
beginning of the seventh century and perhaps even up to the definite loss
of Africa, side by side with the duces, a number of civil praesides, not to
speak of the various revenue officers who were employed for the taxation.
Naturally the duces and the tribuni who were appointed by the exarch
proved the stronger, and continually extended their powers at the expense
of the civil officials. The development, which must have led to the com-
plete suppression of the civil administration, hardly reached its final stage
in Africa, because it was forcibly cut short by the Mahometan occupa-
tion. It went further in Italy. The Lombards in their onslaught had
broken up the whole of the Italian administration in the course of
about ten years; attempts to re-establish it failed, and when about the
ch. viii. (a) 16—2


## p. 228 (#260) ############################################

228 New Administrative Division
beginning of the seventh century the Empire had accepted the inevitable,
it made no further attempt to gain the remote border-lands, but saw its
task in trying to secure what remained of the Roman possessions. It
had been customary so far for the various army corps, of which some
were recruited from the East, to fight in different parts of Italy, led by
their magistri militum under the superior command of the exarch.
The primus exercitus was stationed at Ravenna at the immediate disposal
of the commander-in-chief. But gradually, and especially when by the
repeated truces a certain state of equilibrium had been attained, there
were no more reinforcements from the East, except perhaps the regiment
of guards for the exarch, and the legions in Italy were stationed at those
points which seemed most important for the defence. In the interior of
Italy also ducatus sprang up in all directions with duces or magistri
militum at their head; everywhere forts were erected and put under the
command of a tribune.
By the conquests of Rothari, who seized Liguria, and of Grimoald in
the seventh century, as also by those of Liutprand and Aistulf in the
eighth century, the frontiers were still further displaced, but as early as
the first half of the seventh century the following ducatus can be dis-
tinguished: Istria and Venetia, both confined to the coast-land and the
islands; the exarchate proper (in the narrower sense), the provincia
Ravennatium, the borders of which lay between Bologna and Modena
in the west, along the Po in the north, and from which the ducatus of
Ferrara was detached in the eighth century; the Pentapolis, i. e. the
remains of Picenum, with its dux residing at Ariminum; the ducatus of
Perusia, which with its numerous and strong forts covered the most
important passes of the Apennines and the Via Flaminia, the only
connexion between the remains of the Byzantine possessions in the
north, and in particular Ravenna, with Rome; Tuscia to the north of the
lower course of the Tiber; Rome and her immediate surroundings, with
the forts in partibus Campaniae to the south, as far as the valley of
the Liris; the ducatus of Naples, i. e. the coast-towns from Cumae to
Amalfi with a part of Liburia (Terra di Lavoro); the ducatus of
Calabria, consisting of the remains of Apulia and Calabria, Lucania
and Bruttium. This division supplanted the old division into provinces,
and, when about the middle of the seventh century not only the
praefect of Italy, but also the provincial praesides disappeared com-
pletely, the names of the old provinces continued to be used in ordinary
conversation only to define certain parts of Italy. The functions of the
duces and praesides were completely absorbed by the magistri militum
in the same way as those of the praefectus praetorio were absorbed by
the exarch. The whole administration had been militarised, and the
same status established which in the East under similar conditions appears
as the "theme" system.
The civil administration of the State, however, was not only threatened


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The Church and the Public Administration 229
by the military organisations, but also by another factor, the Church,
which prepared to occupy the gaps left by the activity of the State, and
to enter upon a part of its heritage. Through means of influence peculiar
to herself and not accessible to the State, the Church had in Italy a very
special position through her extensive landed property, as also by right
of privileges which former emperors, in particular Justinian, had accorded
to her. The legal privileges of the Church went so far, that popes of the
sixth century already claimed for the clergy the right to be judged by
ecclesiastics only, and its landed property was protected by special laws.
The influence of the Church in all matters could only be controlled by
the actual power and authority of the State, for the claim of the pope
and of the ecclesiastical hierarchy to be the representatives of the
civitas Dei, and as such superior to worldly authorities, permitted
a growth of power to an unlimited extent.
The material foundation for this power was supplied by the immense
wealth, of the Roman Church especially, which designated its posses-
sions by preference as patrvmonium pauperum. The starting-point for
its activity was indeed the care of the poor, a field which had been
entirely neglected by the State, but gained importance in proportion
to the increasing distress of the times and the insufficiency of the public
administration. The State itself, in fact, not only allowed the bishops
an important voice in the election of the provincial governors, but it
granted them a certain right of control over all officials, in so far as
they were permitted to attend to the complaints of the oppressed
population, and to convey them to the magistrates in authority or even
to the emperor himself. Time after time there was intervention, mostly
by the popes, and no part*of the administration was free from their
influence.
The predominance of the ecclesiastical influence over the secular in
the civil administration shews itself very clearly in the department of
municipal government, for the curiales, the remainders of the old 7roXt? ,
having lost their autonomy and become mere bearers of burdens, were
already doomed. In Lilybaeum, for instance, the wealthy citizens,
manifestly the curiales, had made an agreement with the bishop in
accordance with which the bishop took over certain of their burdens,
and in return a number of estates were transferred to the Church. At
Naples the bishop tried to get possession of the aqueducts and the city
gates. Above all, at Rome the pope extended the range of his power
in his own interest and in the interest of the population, who could no
longer depend upon the regular working of the public administration.
The Pragmatica sunctio had guaranteed the maintenance by the State
of the public buildings at Rome; nevertheless, in the seventh century
the care of the aqueducts as well as the preservation of the city walls
passed over to the papal administration. By this time no more mention
is made of the praefectura urbhs, and when after almost two centuries it
CH. VIII. (a)



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230 Militarising of Landed Property
appears again in our sources, it has become a pontifical office. The old
public distribution of provisions was replaced by the beneficial institutions
of the Roman Church, by her diaconates, shelters, hospitals and her
magnificent charity organisation, through which money and provisions
were dealt out regularly to a large part of the population. The vast
granaries of the Roman Church received the corn brought from all the
patrimonies, especially from Sicily, for the purpose of feeding a population
whose regular sources of income were totally insufficient for their support.
The recognised superiority of the papal administration is also illustrated
by the fact that the State further felt induced to hand over to the
granaries of the Church the revenue paid in kind by Sicily, Sardinia and
Corsica and set aside for the provisioning of Rome and its garrison, so
that the pope appears in many respects as the emperor's paymaster
(dispensator). But the pope becomes also the emperor's banker when
the funds for the payment of the army are made over to him, so that—
for a time at least—the soldiers are paid through his offices. Thus the
organs of state administration were one by one rendered superfluous by
the development of a well-organised papal central government, whilst
the managers of the pontifical estates in the different provinces, the
rectores patrimonii, who were entrusted with the representation of the
pope in all secular matters, had an ever-increasing number of duties
heaped upon them.
In proportion as the reinforcements of soldiers from Byzantium failed,
Italy had to depend more upon her own resources, i. e. upon the soldiers
who had been settled in Italy at the time when the inner boundaries were
established—evidently in imitation of the old limitanei—and upon the
native population, which latter being compelled to take its share in the
watch-service (murorum vigiliae) and obliged to provide for their own
up-keep, could soon no longer be distinguished from the former. For
example, the castrum SquiUace was erected on land belonging to the
monastery of the same name, and for the allotments conceded to them the
soldiers had to pay a ground-rent (solaticum) to the monastery. The
castrum Callipolis had been built within the precincts of a manor owned by
the Roman Church, and the coloni of the Church themselves formed its
garrison. All those who were obliged to do military service in a fort
under the command of the tribune formed the numerus or bandus, and
being a corporation had the right to acquire landed property. The
inhabitants of Comacchio, for instance, taken collectively, are called
milites, and only in the large cities, such as Rome or Ravenna, the
milites do not embrace the entire population. On the other hand we
often find the inhabitants of a fort dependent upon a landlord. But
though the power of a tribune and that of a landlord were originally
derived from entirely different sources, they were naturally brought
nearer to each other in the course of their development, for while it
became more common for the tribunes to acquire landed property, the


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Effect of the Italian Revolution
231
landowners grew more military.