No More Learning

He was a leper, who had
already lost his fingers and on this expedition lost his sight. He
learnt that disturbances were impending in the capital owing to
the animosity of two factions, one of which supported the claim of
his son, Ahmad, and the other that of his half-brother, Husain, to
the throne. He returned at once to Srinagar and, being no longer
physically fit to reign, abdicated in favour of his half-brother who
in 1563-64, ascended the throne as Nāsir-ud-din Husain Shāh.
Ghāzi Shāh could not at once abandon the habits formed during
a long period of absolute power and so resented a measure taken
by his brother to remedy an act of injustice committed by himself
that he attempted to revoke his abdication, but found no support,
and was obliged to retire into private life.
Husain's was a troubled reign. His elder brother, Shankar
Chakk, twice rose in rebellion, but was defeated, and a powerful
faction conspired to raise his nephew Ahmad to the throne, but
he inveigled the conspirators into his palace and arrested them.
Ahmad and two others were afterwards blinded, and Ghāzi Shāh's
death is said to have been hastened by grief for his son.
In 1565 the minister, Khān Zamān Khān, fell into disgrace, and
was urged by some of his supporters to seize the royal palace while
the king was hunting, and to raise Ahmad, who had not yet been


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XII]
IMPERIAL INTERVENTION
291
blinded, to the throne. Khān Zamān attacked the palace, but his
son, Bahādur Khān, was slain by the king's servants while at.
tempting to force an entry and he himself was captured and suf-
fered death by impalement, his ears, nose, hands, and feet having
first been amputated.
In 1568 a religious disturbance gave Akbar's envoy, Mirzā
,
Muqim, a pretext for interfering in the domestic affairs of the
kingdom. Qāzi Habib, a Sunni was severely wounded with a sword
by one Yusuf, a fanatical Shiah, who was seized and brought before
the doctors of the law, who adjudged him worthy of death, despite
the protests of his victim, who said that so long as he lived his
assailant could not lawfully be put to death. Yusuf was stoned to
death and Husain Shāh replied to the protests of the Shiahs that
he had but executed a sentence passed by the doctors of the law.
Mirzā Muqim, who was a Shiah, demanded the surrender of the
wounded man and those who had pronounced the illegal sentence,
but the latter defended themselves by asserting that they had
passed no sentence of death, but hai merely expressed the opinion
that Yusuf might be executed in the interests of the public tran-
quillity. Husain escaped the clamour of the contending sects by a
river tour, and the jurists were delivered into the custody of Fath
Khăn Chakk, a Shiah, who, after treating them with great harsh-
ness, put them to death by Mirzā Muqim's order, and caused their
bodies to be dragged through the streets of the city.
The affair caused Husain Shāh much anxiety and, believing
that his hesitation to punish the doctors of the law would give
offence to Akbar, he sent him, by Mirzā Muqim, a daughter and
many rich gifts, but Akbar was offended by his envoy's display of
religious bigotry, and put him to death. It was reported in Kashmir
that the emperor was sending back the princess, and this gross
indignity so preyed upon the king's spirits as to increase the weak-
ness and depression caused by an attack of dysentery from which
he was already suffering. While he was in this feeble state of
health his brother 'Ali Khān assembled his troops with the object
of seizing the throne. Husain 's conduct during the recent troubles
had alienated most of his supporters, and he found himself deserted,
and, surrendering the crown to his brother, retired to one of his
villas, where he died three weeks later.
'Ali Shāh, who ascended the throne in 1569-70, was happier in
his relations with Akbar than his brother had been. In 1578 he
received two envoys, Maulānā 'Ishqi and Qāzi Sadr-ud-din, whom
hę sent back to the imperial court with rich gifts and a report,
19-2


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292
[ CH.
THE KINGDOM OF KASHMIR
gratifying to the emperor, that the khutba had been recited in
Kashmir in his name. His reign of nearly nine years was troubled
by the usual rebellions, and by one severe famine in 1576. He died
in 1579 from the effects of an accident at polo similar to that which
caused the death of Qutb-ud-din Aibak of Delhi, the high pommel
of his saddle entering his belly, and was succeeded by his son, Yusuf
Shāh.
The early years of Yūsul's reign were even more than usually
full of incident. He was immediately called upon to quell a serious
rebellion headed by his uncle, Abdāl Chakk, and had no sooner
suppressed it than Mubarak Khān, a leading Sayyid, rose in rebel-
lion and usurped the throne. A counter-rebellion displaced the
Sayyid, who approached Yûsuf and owned him as his sovereign,
but the reconciliation came too late, for Lohar Chakk, Yūsuf's
cousin, seized the throne.
Yusuf left Kashmir, and on January 2, 1580, appeared before
Akbar at Fathpur. Sīkri, and sought his aid. In August he left the
court armed with an order directing the imperial officers in the
Punjab to assist him in regaining his throne.
His allies were pre-
paring to take the field when many of the leading nobles of Kashmir,
dreading an invasion by an imperial army, sent him a message
promising to restore him to his throne if he would return alone.
He entered Kashmir and was met at Baramgalla by his supporters.
Lohar Chakk was still able to place an army in the field and sent
it to Baramgalla, but Yusuf, evading it, advanced by another road
on Sopur, where he met Lohar Chakk and, on November 8, 1580,
defeated and captured him, and regained his throne.
The remainder of the reign produced the usual crop of rebellions,
but none so sericus as those which had already been suppressed.
His chief anxiety, henceforth, was the emperor. He was indebted
to him for ro material help, but he would not have regained his
throne so easily, and might not have regained it at all, had it not
been known that Akbar was prepared to aid him. The historians
of the imperial court represent him, after his restoration, as Akbar's
governor of Kashmir, invariably describing him as Yusuf Khān,
and he doubtless made, as a suppliant, many promises of which no
trustworthy record exists. His view was that as he had regained
his throne without the aid of foreign troops he was still an inde.
pendent sovereign, but he knew that this was not the view held
at the imperial court, where he was expected to do homage in
person for his kingdom. In 1581 Akbar, then halting at Jalālābād
on his return from Kābul, sent Mir Tahir and Sālih Divāna as


## p. 293 (#339) ############################################

inj
ANNEXATION
293
envoys to Kashmir but Yusuf, after receiving the mission with
extravagant respect, sent to court his son Haidar, who returned
after a year. His failure to appear in person was still the subject
of remark and in 1584 he sent his elder son, Ya'qub, to represent
him. Ya'qub reported that Akbar intended to visit Kashmir, and
Yusuf prepared, in fear and trembling, to receive him, but the
visit was postponed, and he was called upon to receive nobody
more important than two new envoys, Hakim 'Ali Gilāni and Bahā-
ud-din.
Ya'qub, believing his life to be in danger, fled from the imperial
camp at Lahore, and Yūsuf would have gone in person to do homage
to Akbar, had he not been dissuaded by his nobles. He was treated
as a recalcitrant vassal, and an army under raja Bhagwān Dās
invaded Kashmir. Yusuf held the passes against the invaders, and
the raja, dreading a winter campaign in the hills and believing
that formal submission would still satisfy his master, made peace
on Yusuf's undertaking to appear at court. The promise was ful-
filled on April 7, 1586, but Akbar refused to ratify the treaty which
Bhagwān Dās had made, and broke faith with Yūsuf by detaining
him as a prisoner. The raja, sensitive on a point of honour, com-
mitted suicide.
Ya'qub remained in Kashmir, and though imperial officers were
sent to assume charge of the administration of the province, at-
tempted to maintain himself as regent, or rather as king, and carried
on a guerrilla warfare for more than two years, but was finally
induced to submit and appeared before Akbar, when he visited
Kashmir, on August 8, 1589.
Akbar's treatment of Yūsuf is one of the chief blots on his
character. After a year's captivity the prisoner was released and
received a fief in Bihār and the command of five hundred horse.
The emperor is credited with the intention of promoting him, but
he never rose above this humble rank, in which he was actively
employed under Mān Singh in 1592 in Bengal, Orissa, and Chuta
Nagpur.


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CHAPTER XIII
GUJARĀT AND KHĀNDESH
The great empire of Muhammad Tughluq was dismembered
partly by his own ferocious tyranny and partly by the weakness of
his successors. Bengal revolted in 1338 and the Deccan in 1347,
during Muhammad's lifetime. There were no further defections in
the reign of his successor Firūz, who had some success in Bengal,
but failed to recover the province, but the twenty-five years which
followed the death of Firūz witnessed the accession of one weak.
ling after another to the throne of Delhi, the destruction of such
power as still remained in the hands of the central government by
the invasion of Tīmūr, and the establishment of independent prin-
cipalities in Sind, Oudh, Khāndesh, Gujarāt, and Mālwa.
Malik Ahmad, the founder of the small principality of Khāndesh
was not, however, a rebel against the king of Delhi, but against
the Bahmani dynasty of the Deccan. In 1365 he joined the rebel-
lion of Bahram Khān Māzandarāni against Muhammad I, the second
king of that line, and when he was compelled to flee from the
Deccan established himself at Thālner, on the Tāpti. By 1382 he
had conquered the surrounding country and ruled his small terri-
tory as an independent prince. He was known both as Malik Raja
and Raja Ahmad, but he and his successors for some generations
were content with the title of Khān, from which circumstance their
small principality became known as Khāndesh, 'the country of
the Khāns. ' His dynasty was distinguished by the epithet Fāruqi,
from the title of the second Caliph, 'Umar, al-Fārūq, or "The Dis-
criminator,' from whom Ahmad claimed descent.
The kingdom of Gujarāt was established in 1396. Farhat-ul.
Mulk, who had been appointed governor of the province by Fīrūz
Shāh, had long ceased to pay any heed to orders received from
Delhi and the inhabitants groaned under his yoke. In 1391 Mu-
hammad Shāh, the youngest son of Firūz, appointed Zafar Khăn
to the government of Gujarāt, and sent him to establish his autho-
rity there. The new governor was the son of a Rajput convert to
Islam, Wajih-ul-Mulk of Didwāna, governor of Nāgaur. On January
4, 1392, he defeated and mortally wounded Farhat-ul-Mulk at
Gāmbhū, eighteen miles south of Pātan, and gradually reduced to
obedience all disorderly elements in the province. In 1396 the


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CH. XII ]
SULTĂN MUZAFFAR I
295
strife between two rival kings Mahmud Shāh and Nusrat Shāh,
and the impossibility of determining to whom allegiance was due,
furnished him with a pretext for declaring himself independent,
and he was joined in the following year by his son Tātār Khān,
who, having espoused the cause of the pretender Nusrat Shāh, had
been compelled to flee from Delhi. Zafar Khān was preparing to
march to Delhi when he was deterred by tokens of Tīmūr's im-
pending invasion, and devoted the whole of his attention to his
campaign against the Rājput state of Idar, which he subdued in
1400.
In 1399 Mahmud Shāh of Delhi and large numbers of fugitives
fleeing before Tīmūr arrived in Gujarāt. They were hospitably
received, but Mahmūd considered that Zafar Khān's attitude to
him was not sufficiently deferential, and retired to Mālwa, where
he took refuge with Dilāvar Khān Ghūrī, the governor.
In 1403 Tātār Khān, learning that Iqbāl Khān, or Mallū, who
had driven him from Delhi, had so humiliated Mahmud Shāh that
the latter had fled from him, urged his father to march on Delhi
and assume control of the situation, but Zafar Khān was well
stricken in years and shrank from the enterprise. He so far yielded
to his son's importunity as to place a force at his disposal in order
that he might wreak his vengeance on his former antagonist, but
Tātār Khān, finding himself at the head of an army, rose against
his father, seized him and imprisoned him at Asāwal, and caused
himself to be proclaimed king under the title of Nāsir-ud-din
-
Muhammad Shāh. Having thus secured his father he appointed
his uncle Shams Khān regent of the kingdom, with the title of
Nusrat Khān, and set out for Delhi in order to carry out his
original project, but as soon as he had left Asāwal Zafar Khăn
persuaded the regent, his brother, to follow the rebel and privily
compass his death. Shams (Nusrat) Khān set out for Tātār's camp
and there poisoned him in a draught of wine, and on his return
released his brother and restored him to his throne, which he now
ascended under the title of Sultan Muzaffar.
In 1407 Muzaffar invaded Mālwa and besieged the king, Hüshang
Shāh, in Dhār. The pretext for this attack was his resolve to
avenge the death of his old friend and comrade, Dīlāvar Khăn, who
had been poisoned by his son Hūshang. Dhār fell, and Hüshang
was captured and imprisoned, and Muzaffar established his own
brother, Nusrat Khān (Shams Khān) in Dhār.
After capturing Dhār Muzaffar learnt that Ibrahim Shāh of
Jaunpur, having annexed some districts to the east of the Ganges,


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296
[CH.
GUJARĀT AND KHẮNDESH
intended to attack Delhi ; he thereupon marched from Malwa to
the support of Mahmūd Shāh Tughluq, carrying with him the cap-
tive Hushang. The menace deterred Ibrāhīm from prosecuting his
enterprise and Muzaffar returned to Gujarāt.
Nusrat Khăn had made himself so odious by his exactions in
Mālwa that the army expelled him, and elected Mūsā Khān, a
cousin of Hūshang as their governor, and Muzaffar, who was not
prepared to permit the army of Mālwa to rule the destinies of that
country, sent his grandson Ahmad, son of Tātār Khān, to restore
Hüshang who was sent with him. Ahmad reinstated Hüshang in
Mālwa and returned to Gujarāt, where he was designated heir to
the kingdom by his grandfather.
Muzaffar died in June, 1411, and Ahmad was confronted on his
succession, by a serious rebellion, headed by his four uncles, Firūz
Khăn, Haibat hãn, Sa’adat Khăn, and Sher Khăn, who resented
their nephew's elevation to the throne. He succeeded, without
bloodshed, in inducing them to acknowledge him as their sovereign,
and was enabled to turn his arms against Hushang Shāh of Mālwa
whom he had summoned to his aid but who had determined, instead
of assisting him, to profit by his difficulties. Hūshang who had
hoped to find him fully occupied with the rebels, retreated pre-
cipitately when he learnt that the rebellion had been extinguished
and that Ahmad was marching against him, but his retirement
was followed by a fresh rising of the rebels, who were however,
defeated and dispersed. The rebellion of the raja of Jhālāwar then
called Ahmad into Kāthīāwār, and during his absence in that region
Hūshang at the invitation of Ahmad's uncles, again invaded Gu.
jarāt, and Ahmad, returning from Jhālāwar sent his brother Latif
Khān against their uncles and 'Imād-ul-Mulk Sha'bān one of his
nobles, against Hüshang who, finding that he was not supported
retired to Mālwa, while Latii Khān dispersed the rebels and com.
pelled them to seek refuge with the Chudasama chief of Girnār
in Sorath. Ahmad proceeded to chastise the raja for harbouring
them, defeated him in the field, and besieged him in his fort on
the Girnār hill. He purchased peace by a promise to pay tribute,
and Ahmad, who was suddenly called away by a report of the
invasion of Nandurbār, left two of his officers to collect the tribute
and returned to his new city of Ahmadābād, which he had built
on the site of Asāwal, to assemble troops for the expulsion of the
invader.
Raja Ahmad of Khandesh had died on April 29, 1399, leaving
two sons, Nasir and Hasan, to inherit his dominions. Nasir had


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xm]
NASİR KHĀN OF KHĂNDESH
297
received the eastern and Hasan the western districts, and the
former had founded, in 1400, the city of Burhānpur, and had cap-
tured from a Hindu chieftain the strong fortress of Asir, while the
latter had established himself at Thālner, Such a division of the
territories of the small state held no promise of permanence, and
in 1417 the elder brother, Nasir, having obtained assistance from
Hüshang of Mālwa, who had married his sister, captured Thālner
and imprisonei Hasan before a reply could be received to the
latter's appeal for aid to Ahmad of Gujarāt. Nasir, with a view to
forestalling Ahmad's intervention and to repairing the discomfiture
of his father, who had made an unsuccessful attempt to annex the
south-eastern districts of the kingdom of Gujarāt, attacked Nan-
durbār. A relieving force sent by Ahmad compelled Nasīr to retreat
to Asīr, and besieged him in that fortress. Peace was made on
Nasir's swearing fealty to Ahmad, and promising to abstain in
future from aggression, and Ahmad in return recognised Nasir's
title of Khān. Nasir's brother Hasan retired to Gujarāt, where he
and his descendants for generations found a home and intermarried
with the royal house.
From this treaty dates the estrangement between Khāndesh
and Mālwa, which had hitherto been allies. Nasir Khăn resented
Hūshang's failure to support him adequately against Ahmad Shāh
and friendly relations were broken off. In 1429 Nasīr, in spite of
the old animosity of his house towards the Bahmanids, attempted
to form an alliance with the Deccan by giving his daughter in
marriage to ‘Alā ud din Ahmad, son of Ahmad Shāh, the ninth king
of that dynasty, but the union engendered strife, and Khāndesh,
after a disastrous war with her powerful neighbour, was at length
driven into the arms of Gujarāt.
Ahmad himself had advanced as far as Nandurbār, sending
Malik Mahmūd, one of his officers, to besiege Asir, and while at
Nandurbar he heard from his uncle Firüz, who had taken refuge
in Nāgaur, that Hūshang Shāh was about to invade Gujarāt. This
report was followed immediately by the news that Hüshang, in
response to invitations from the rajas of Idar, Chāmpāner, Mandal,
and Nāndod, had crossed his frontier and reached Modāsa? . Ahmad,
although the rainy season of 1418 had begun, at once marched
northward, traversed the country of the disaffected rajas, and ap-
peared before Modāsa. Hūshang beat a hasty retreat, but Ahmad
had no rest. He was obliged to send expeditions to quell a rebel.
lion in Sorath, and to expel Nasir Khān from the Nandurbār
1 In 23° 28' N. and 73° 18' E.


## p. 298 (#344) ############################################

298
GUJARĀT AND KHĂNDESH
. CH
district, which he had invaded in violation of his promise. Both
expeditions were successful, and Nasir was pardoned on its being
discovered that the real culprit was Hūshang's son, Ghazni Khān,
who had not only instigated him to invade the district but had
supplied him with troops.
It was now evident that the real enemy was Hüshang, and
Ahmad, having pardoned the rebellious rajas on receiving from
them double tribute and promises of better behaviour, set out in
March, 1419, to invade Mālwa.
Hūshang came forth to meet him, but was defeated in a fiercely
contested battle and compelled to take refuge in Māndū. Ahmad's
troops devastated the country, but as the rainy season
was at hand
he returned to Ahmadābād, plundering on his way the districts of
Champāner and Nāndod.
In 1420 Ahmad marched to Songarh", and thence, in a north-
easterly direction, towards Māndū, “punishing' on his way, 'the
infidels' of the Sātpūras. Hūshang, dreading another invasion,
sent envoys to crave pardon for his past conduct, and Ahmad
retired, and in 1422 reduced the raja of Chāmpāner to vassalage.
In 1422, during Hūshang's absence on his famous raid into Orissa,
Ahmad invaded Mālwa, capturing Maheshwar on the Narbada on
March 27. He appeared before Māndů on April 5, and besieged it
ineffectually until the beginning of the rainy season, when he retired
into quarters at Ujjain. In the meantime Hüshang returned to
Māndū, and on September 17 Ahmad reopened the siege, but,
finding that he could not reduce the fortress, retired by Ujjain to
Sārangpur, with the object of continuing his depredations in that
neighbourhood, but Hūshang, marching by a more direct route,
met him near Sārangpur on December 26. Neither was anxious to
risk a general action and after desultory and inconclusive hostilities
of two and a half months' duration Ahmad began his retreat on
March 17. He reached Ahmadābād on May 15, and in considera-
tion of his army's labours refrained for more than two years from
embarking on any military enterprise and devoted himself to
administrative reforms. From 1425 until 1428 he was engaged in
hostilities against Idar, which ended in the reduction of Hari Rāi,
the raja, to the condition of a vassal of Gujarāt.
In 1429 Kānhā, raja of Jhālāwar, fled from his state and took
refuge with Nasir Khān of Khāndesh, who, not being strong enough
to protect him, sent him to the court of Ahmad Shāh Bahmani at
Bidar, who dispatched a force into the Nandurbār district to ravage
1 In 21° 10' N, and 73° 36' E.


## p. 299 (#345) ############################################

*u )
WAR WITH THE DECCAN
299
the country. This force was expelled and driven back to Daulatābād,
whereupon Ahmad of the Deccan sent an army under his son ‘Alā-
ud-din Ahmad to invade Gujarāt and re-establish Kānhā in Jhālāwar.
This army, which assembled at Daulatābād, was there joined by
Nasir Khān of Khāndesh, and against the allied forces Ahmad of
Gujarāt sent an army under his eldest son, Muhammad Khān. This
prince defeated the allies at Mānikpunj, about thirty-eight miles
north-west of Daulatābād, and 'Alā-ud-din Ahmad fled to Daulatā.
bād while Nasīr and Kānhā fled into Khāndesh. Muhammad Khān
of Gujarāt perceiving that it would be useless to besiege Daulatā.
bād, laid waste part of Khāndesh and retired to Nandurbār.
In 1430 Khalaf Hasan of Basrah, an officer of the army of the
Deccan attacked Mahim the southernmost port of the kingdom of
Gujarāt and Ahmad of Gujarāt sent his younger son, Zafar Khān,
to the relief of the town, while 'Alā-ud-din Ahmad marched to the
support of Khalaf Hasan. Mahim was taken, but Zafar Khān not
only besieged the army there, but also took Thāna, a port belonging
to the kingdom of the Deccan. The campaign was decided, however
by a battle in which the army of the Deccan was completely defeated
and was forced to evacuate Mahim and retreat.
Ahmad of the Deccan was much chagrined by the news of this
defeat, and led an army in person to invade Baglāna, the small
Rājput state between Gujarāt and Deccan which was protected
by the former, but, on hearing that Ahmad of Gujarāt was march-
ing against him, retired to Bidar. Ahmad of Gujarāt returned to
Ahmadābād and Ahmad of the Deccan again advanced and besieged
the fortress, of Batnols which was gallantly defended by Malik
Saʻādat, an officer of Gujarāt. Ahmad of Gujarāt marched to the
relief of the fortress, and Ah nad of the Deccan, raising the siege,
turned to meet him. A battle was fought in which each army held
its ground but Ahmad of the Deccan, dismayed by the extent of
his losses, retreated in the night.
In 1433 Ahmad led a raid into the Dungarpur state, compelled
the Rāwal to pay a ransom, and left an officer at Kherwāra to
collect tribute. He continued his depredations in Mārwār, compelled
his Kinsman Fīrūz Khān', now governor of Nāgaur, to pay an in-
demnity, and returned to Ahmadābād.
In 1436 Masóūd Khān of Mālwa arrived at Ahmadābād
suppliant seeking redress. His father, Ghazni Khān, had ascended
the throne of Mālwa in 1435 and had been poisoned in the following
year by his cousin, Mahmud Khalji, who had ascended the throne
1 Firūz was the son of Ahmad's grand-uncle, Shams Khăn.
as a


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300
GUJARẤT AND KHÁNDESH
[ ch.
and deprived him of his inheritance. Ahmad welcomed the oppor-
tunity of intervening and in 1438 invade Mālwa with a view to
seating Mas'üd on the throne of that kingdom. After many months
of fruitless campaigning he was obliged to retire owing to an out-
break of pestilence in his army, and died on August 16, 1442, before
he could fulfil his promise to restore Masóūd. He was succeeded in
Gujarāt by his eldest son, who ascended the throne under the title
of Mu'izz-ud-din Muhammad Shāh. Soon after his accession to the
throne Ahmad had begun to build the town of Ahmadābād on the
site of the old city of Asāwal, and in spite of the constant military
activities of his reign he was able to devote much of his time to the
establishment of this city, which even to-day bears witness to the
taste and munificence of its founder.
While Ahmad had been engaged in espousing the cause of
Mas'ud Khān in Mālwa Nasir Khān of Khāndesh had involved him-
self in hostilities with the Deccan. His daughter had complained
that her husband 'Alā-ud-din Ahmad, who had succeeded his father
in 1435, was neglecting her for a beautiful Hindu girl, and Nasir,
to avenge his daughter's wrongs, invaded Berar, the northernmost
province of the Bahmani kingdom. His son-in-law sent against him
a large army under Khalaf Hasan, who defeated him at Rohankhed
and drove him into his frontier fortress, Laling? , where he besieged
him. Nasir Khān, joined by a large force under his nobles, made
a sortie, but suffered a severe defeat, died on September 20, and
was succeeded by his son, 'Adil Khān I. Khalaf Hasan, hearing
that a force was advancing from Nandurbār to the relief of Laling
retired to the Deccan with his plunder, which included seventy
elephants and many guns.
'Adil Khān I reigned in Khāndesh without incident until 1411,
when he died and was succeeded by his son Mubārak Khān, who
reigned, likewise without incident, until his death on June 5, 1457,
when he was succeeded by his son 'Adil Khān II.
In 1446 Muhammad Shāh of Gujarāt, who was surnamed
Karim or 'the Generous,' marched against Idar, to reduce its ruler,
Raja Bir, son of Punjā, to obedience. Bir appeared before him
and made submission, giving him his daughter in marriage, and
at her intercession, Idar was restored to him. Muhammad next
attacked, at Bāgor, Rānā Kumbha, of Mewār, who fled and took
refuge with the Rāwal of Dungarpur, the chief of his house, but
afterwards appeared before the invader and purchased peace with
a heavy indemnity.
1 In 23° 37' N. and 76° 11' E. 2 In 20° 49' N. and 74° 44' E.


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XIII)
WAR WITH MĀLWA
301
In 1449 Muhammad attacked Chāmpāner, with the object of
expelling the raja, Gangādās, and annexing his state. Gangādās
was defeated in the field with great slaughter, and driven into the
hill fortress of Pavagarh, above the city. Muhammad indicated his
intention of permanently occupying the city by constructing a fine
cistern, which was named the Shakar Talāo, and by founding a
palace and some public buildings. Gangādās appealed for help
to Mahnūd Khalji of Mālwa, who marched to his relief, but on
reaching Dahod learnt that Muhammad, in spite of a severe illness
contracted at Chāmpāner, had advanced as far as Godhra to meet
him. He retreated at once to Māndû, and Muhammad, oppressed
by his sickness, was obliged to return to Ahmadābād, where he
died on February 10, 1451.
Three days after his death the courtiers enthroned his eldest
son, Qutb-ud-din Ahmad, and the young king was at once called
upon to cope with a serious invasion of his kingdom. Mahmūd
Khaljī, on learning the seriousness of Muhammad's malady, resolved
to seize the opportunity of conquering Gujarāt, and after his return
to Māndū assembled an army of 100,000 horse and 500 elephants,
and invaded the Nandurbār district. 'Alā-ud-din Suhrāb, who
commanded the fortress of Nandurbār, made no attempt to hold it
against such a force, but surrendered it at once, and consulted his
own safety by swearing allegiance to the invader and entering his
service. After capturing Nandurbār Mahmūd learnt of the death
of Muhammad and marched on Broach, where he summoned Marjān,
the governor, to surrender. Marjān refused, and Mahmūd was about
to besiege the town when, by the advice of 'Alā-ud-din Suhrāb, he
decided, instead, to attack the capital at once, and marched to
Baroda, where he was joined by Gangādās of Ghāmpāner and other
chiefs. Crossing the Māhi river he advanced to Kapadvanj, where
'Alā-ud-din deserted him and joined his old master, who received
him with great favour and conferred on him the title of 'Alā-ul-
Mulk, Ulugh Khān. Qutb-ud-din advanced from Ahmadābād with
40,000 horse and encamped six miles from Kapadvanj. On the
night of April 1, 1451, Mahmūd Khalji left his camp with the object
of making a night attack on Qutb-ud-din, but lost his way, and,
after wandering about all night, found himself by daylight before
his own camp. Disappointed of surprising the enemy, he drew up
his army, and Qutb-ud-din, who had intelligence of what had passed,
advanced to the attack. At a critical moment of the battle which
ensued Qutb-ud-din threw in his reserves, the great army of Mālwa
was utterly defeated, and Mahmûd fled, leaving eighty-one elephants
a


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302
(CH.
GUJARĀT AND KHĀNDESH
and all his baggage in the hands of the victors. He halted at a
short distance from the field until five or six thousand men of his
scattered host had assembled round him, and at midnight began his
retreat on Mándū, during which he was much harassed by the Kolis,
who inflicted heavy losses on the remnant of his army.
In 1453 Mahmūd Khalji opened an abortive campaign against
Nāgaur, which was held by Fīrūz Khān, the kinsman of Qutb-ud-din,
but was compelled to retire to Mālwa without having effected
anything. In the same year Firüz Khān died, and his brother
Mujāhid Khān took possession of Nāgaur, expelling Shams Khān,
the son of Firūz Khān, who sought aid of Rānā Kūmbha of Chitor.
The Rānā promised to restore him to his inheritance on condition
that he destroyed three of the bastions of Nāgaur, as a symbol that
the disgrace of the defeat of Mūkal, the Rānā's father, by Firūz
Khān was wiped out. Shams Khān agreed to the condition and was
restored, but when he had recovered his patrimony his nobles refused
to allow him to destroy any part of the fortifications, and Kumbha
returned to Mewār to assemble an army for the reduction of Nāgaur.
Shams Khān fled to Ahmadābād and, by giving a daughter in
marriage to Qutb-ud-din, induced him to send an army to the
defence of Nāgaur, but the Rānā deſeated and almost destroyed the
army, and overran the whole of the Nāgaur territory, though he
failed to take the fortress.
In 1456 Qutb-ud-din marched to Kumbhalgarh to punish
Kūmbha, and on his way thither captured and destroyed the town of
Sirohi and expelled the raja, Sains Mal. He laid waste all the low-
lands of the Rānā's territory, defeated him in the field, and besieged
him in Kumbhalgarh. The fortress was not taken, but Kümbha
was obliged to purchase peace by the payment of ample compensa-
tion to Shams Khān for all the injuries which he had inflicted on
him, and a heavy indemnity to Qutb-ud-din.
On returning to Ahmadābād Qutb-ud-din learned that Ghiyās.
ud-din, the son of Mahmud Khalji, had led a raid into his dominions
as far as Sūrat, but had hurriedly retreated on hearing of his return,
and later in the year Mahmūd sent a mission to propose a treaty
of peace between the two kingdoms, in order that both might be
free to wage holy war against the Hindus of Rājputāna.
These
overtures were favourably received, and Mahmūd marched to Dhār
and Muhammad to the frontier of Mālwa in the neighbourhood of
Chāmpāner, where they halted while plenipotentiaries concluded
a treaty binding each to abstain from aggression on the other, and
allotting to Gujarāt the western and to Mālwa the eastern districts


## p. 303 (#349) ############################################

XI]
MAHMOD BEGARHA
303
of the Rānās dominions as the theatre in which each was to be free
to attack the misbelievers.
In 1457 Qutb-ud-dīn again invaded the dominions of Rānā
Kümbha. He had in his camp the chief of Ābū, who had been
expelled from his mountain fortress by the Rānā, and his first care
was to restore him. Having accomplished this he attacked and
burnt Kumbhalgarh, and slaughtered both men and cattle through-
out the neighbourhood, but though he burnt the fortress he was
unable to take it, and, having devastated the country round about
Chitor, he returned to Ahmadābād, where he died, after a short
illness, on May 18, 1458.
Qutb-ud-din was a young man, and as he had hitherto enjoyed
good health his sudden illness and death aroused suspicions of
poison. He had been addicted to strong drink, and when under its
influence had been violent and quick to shed blood. Suspicion fell
upon his wife, the daughter of Shams Khān of Nāgaur, who was
supposed to have instigated his daughter to administer poison to
her husband in the hope of succeeding to the throne of Gujarāt.
Qutb-ud-din's officers at Nāgaur put Shams Khān to death, and
the king's mother subjected his widow to torture and ultimately
handed her over to her jealous co-wives who avenged the prefer-
ence formerly shown for her by cutting her to pieces.
On Qutb-ud-din's death the great officers of state raised to the
throne his uncle Dāūd, but his prince immediately displayed such
depravity and proceeded to fill the places of those who had enthroned
him with favourites so unworthy that he was deposed aſter a reign
of no more than twenty-seven days, and his younger brother, Abu-'l-
Fath Mahmud was raised to the throne on May 25. Sultān
Mahmūd, a mere youth, was at once involved in the meshes of a
conspiracy to raise his brother Hasan Khān to the throne. The
courtiers who entertained this design approached him and informed
him that the minister, 'Imād-ul-Mulk Sha'bān, was conspiring to
depose him and to place on the throne Mahmūd's son, Shihāb-ud-
din, an infant in whose name he would be able to govern the whole
country as regent. Mahmūd, new to political intrigue, believed
them, and permitted them to arrest the minister and imprison him
over one of the gates of the palace. During the night Malik
'Abdullāh, the superintendent of the elephant stables, who had
access to the young king, informed him privately of the real state
of affairs, and warned him that his throne was in danger. Mahmud
consulted his mother and a few of his immediate attendants, and
at once decided on a course of action. Going in person to the


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304
[ch.
GUJARĀT AND KHANDESH
Tarpūliya gate, where the minister was confined, he easily gained
admission, for the outer precincts of the gate were held by 500 of
his own guards, whom he had lent for the purpose, but he found
more difficulty in removing the scruples of the minister's gaolers,
who were the creatures of the conspirators. By stamping his foot
and demanding in a loud and angry tone the immediate surrender
of the traitor that he might suffer instant death he succeeded both
in overawing the gaolers by a display of the divinity that doth
hedge a king, and in beguiling them into the belief that compliance
with his commands would accomplish their master's design, but as
soon as their prisoner was in the king's power they perceived their
error. He begged his minister to excuse the mistake which he had
made, and to resume his post. The conspirators, supported by their
troops, assembled in the morning at the Tarpūliya gate in the
expectation of removing their enemy by a summary execution, but
to their dismay found the king holding an audience with his minister,
who was standing in his accustomed position behind the throne.
Trusting to numbers, they attempted to assume control of the
situation, but were deserted by many of their troops and by the
city mob, who hesitated openly to take up arms against the king.
They fled, and some gained secure places of refuge, but others were
captured and publicly executed. Among the latter was one who
had attempted to flee, but was too corpulent to use the necessary
expedition, and was discovered lurking in his hiding place. Before
him lay the obvious fate of being trampled to death by an elephant,
and the populace was regaled with the unctuous spectacle.
The conspiracy having been thus frustrated the minister resumed
office, but shortly afterwards retired. Haj Sultāni, one of Mahmūd's
confidants, was appointed in his place, with the title of 'Imād-ul-
Mulk, and Mahmud assumed charge of the administration of his
kingdom. 'Imād-ul-Mulk Sha' bān did not long survive his retire-
ment.
In 1462 Mahmūd, while on a hunting expedition, received an
appeal for help from the guardians of the infant Nizām Shāh of the
Deccan, whose dominions had been invaded by Mahmud Khalji
of Mālwa. Mahmūd of Gujarāt marched to Nandurbār, where a
second messenger informed him that Mahmud Khalji had defeated
the army of the Deccan near Kandhār. Mahmud of Gujarāt there-
fore marched eastward into Khāndesh and cut off his retreat by
that road, so that he was compelled to retire through the Mahādeo
hills in northern Berar, where the army of Mālwa suffered severely
both from want of water and from the attacks of the Korkus.


## p. 305 (#351) ############################################

a
XIII)
j
INVASION OF SORATH
305
In the following year Mahmud Khalji again invaded the Deccan,
but had penetrated no further than the northern confines of Telin-
gāna when the news that the sultan of Gujarāt was again marching
to the help of Nizām Shāh caused him to retreat. Nizām Shāh sent
an envoy to thank his deliverer for the assistance which he had
given him, and Mahmūd of Gujarāt wrote to Mahmūd Khaljī saying.
that it was unfair to molest a child who had not reached maturity,
and warning him that if he invaded the Deccan again he would
find his own country overrun by the army of Gujarāt. The threat
was effectual, and Mahmūd Khalji refrained from further acts of
aggression.
In 1464 Mahmūd of Gujarāt attacked the Hindu chief of Pardi,
near Damān, who had been guilty of piracy. As he was ascending
the hill to capture the fort the chief met him with the keys, and
the stronghold was restored to him on his undertaking to pay
tribute and promising amendment.
In 1466 Mahmūd invaded the territory of Mandalak Chudāsama,
raja of Girnār, his object being to compel the raja to pay tribute.
The state was pillaged, and a number of Hindus perished in the
defence of a famous temple, which was sacked. On the receipt of
this news Mandalak agreed to pay tribute and Mahmūd retired ;
but in the following year, learning that Mandalak was in the habit
of using the insignia of royalty, wrote and commanded him to
discontinue their use, and the raja, dreading another invasion,
obeyed.
On May 31, 1469, Mahmud Khalji of Mālwa died and was
succeeded by his eldest son, Ghiyās-ud-din. The question of the
invasion of Malwa was at this time discussed at the court of
Gujarāt, but Mahmūd showed that the warning which he had
addressed to Mahmud Khalji when the latter was attacking Nizām
Shāh of the Deccan had its origin in principle, and declined to
invade a state which had just suffered the misfortune of losing its
ruler. Later in the year, however, he committed an act as wanton
by leading into Sorath a large army against Mandalak of Girnār.
It was in vain that the raja pleaded that he had remitted tribute
regularly and had been an obedient vassal. Mahmūd replied that
he has come neither for tribute nor for plunder, but to establish
the true faith in Sorath ; and offered Mandalak the choice between
Islam and death. The answer admitted of no argument, and
Mandalak could only prepare to defend himself. He retired to his
citadel, Uparkot, and was there closely besieged. When reduced
to straits he attempted to purchase peace by offering an enomous
C. H. I, III.
20
3
>


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306
GUJARĀT AND KHĀNDESH
[ CH.
indemnity, but to no purpose, and, finding that he could no longer
defend Uparkot, he fled with his Rājputs to his hill fort on the
Girnār mountains, but was followed by Mahmūd, who again closely
besieged him until at last, on December 4, 1470, he was compelled
to surrender. He accepted Islam and received the title of Khān
Jahān, and the long line of Chudāsama chiefs of Girnār came to an
end. Mahmud incorporated Girnār in his dominions, and at the
foot of the hill founded the city of Mustāfā-ābād, which became
one of his capitals.
Mahmūd' now learned that while he had been besieging Girnār
Jai Singh, the son of Gangādās of Chāmpāner, had been committing
systematic brigandage and highway robbery in the country between
his stronghold and Ahmadābād. He therefore sent Jamāl-ud-din
Muhammad to govern this tract, conferring on him the title of
Muhāfiz Khān, and he put down thieving and highway robbery
with such a firm hand that the inhabitants, we were told, slept with
open doors.
He had intended at this tiine to reduce the fortress of Chām.
pāner, but he was interrupted by complaints from southern Sind,
where Muslims were said to be persecuted by Hindus. He crossed
the Rann of Cutch by forced marches, and arrived in what is now
the Thār and Parkâr district with no more than 600 horse. An
army of 24,000 horse which he found before him appears, if it were
not that of those who had appealed, at least to have had no hostile
intentions, for its leaders readily entered into negotiations with
him. It proved to be composed of Sūmras, Sodas, and Kalhoras,
and its leaders told him that they were professing Muslims but
knew little of their faith or its rules, and were wont to intermarry
with and to live as Hindus. He invited those who would to enter
his service, and to return with him to Gujarāt, and many accepted
his invitation and received grants of land in Sorath, where teachers
were appointed to instruct them in the faith of Islam.
In 1472 it was reported to Mahmud that 40,000 rebels had risen
against Jäm Nizām-ud-din, the ruler of Sind, whose daughter was
the mother of Mahmūd. According to Frishta these rebels were
Baluchis of the Shiah persuasion, and according to the author of
the Zafar-ul-Wālih they were pirates who dwelt on the sea coast,
owing allegiance to none, and skilled in archery. Mahmūd again
crossed the Rann by forced marches, and appeared in Sind with his
army. The rebels dispersed on hearing of his approach, and Mahmůd
halted, and before he returned received gifts and a letter of thanks
from the Jâm, who also sent his daughter, who was married to


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xm]
CONSPIRACY AGAINST MAHMUD
307
Qaisar Khān, grandson of Hasan Khān Iftikhār-ul-Mulk of Khān-
desh, who had taken refuge in Gujarāt.
On his return from Sind Mahmūd marched, on May 14, 1473, to
Jagat (Dwārkā), the holy town on the coast in the north-western
corner of Kāthīāwār, which was sacked by Mahmūd of Ghazni.
Mahmud Samarqandi, a learned poet and merchant sailing from
a port of the Deccan, had been driven ashore at Dwārkā, where the
Hindus had robbed him of all that he had. He appeared at Sultan
Mahmūd's court to demand redress, and the king resolved to chastise
the idolators. He marched to Dwārkā, from which the Hindus,
with their king, Bhim Aled on his approach, plundered and destroyed
the temple, and built a mosque in its place. He then marched to
Arāmura, at the extreme north-western point of the peninsula,
where the army was much troubled by lions, and by venomous
reptiles and insects, to attack the island fortress of Bet Shan-
khodhar, where Bhim and his people had taken refuge. The Hindus
were defeated in a sea-fight and were compelled to surrender, as
their fortress, though well stored with merchandise, had not been
provisioned. The plunder was carried to the mainland and trans-
ported to Mustafa-ābād. Mahmūd Samarqandi was summoned and
called upon to identify his goods; all that he identified was deliver.
ed to him, and over and above this rich presents were bestowed on
him. Finally the king delivered to him his enemy, Raja Bhim, that
he might do with him what he would. Mahmūd Samarqandi
thanked the king, but returned the raja, who was sent to Ahmadābād
and impaled.
In October, 1473, Mahmūd, who had held his court at Mustafa.
ābād since his capture of Girnār, returned after an absence of
nearly five years to Ahmadābād. A fleet of Malabar pirates made
a descent on his coasts, but they were driven off and some of their
ships were captured. In January, 1474, he ravaged part of the
Champāner country and shortly afterwards returned to Mustafa.
ābād (or Junagarh) where he made a practice of spending part of
each year, leaving his minister, Khudāvand Khān b. Yusuf, who
had married his sister, at Ahmadābād in charge of his son
Ahmad.
Mahmūd's tireless energy and ceaseless activity were most
wearisome to his courtiers and officers, and during his absence from
his capital his minister, Khudāvand Khān, having on December 4,
1480, assembled at Ahmadābād, on the pretext of celebrating the
festival 'Id-ul-Fitr at the end of the month's fast, the principal
nobles, formed a conspiracy with the object of deposing Mahmūd
20-2


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308
CH.
GUJARĀT AND KHĀNDESH
and raising to the throne his son, Ahmad Khān. The minister
desired to put to death 'Imād-ul-Mulk Hāji Sultāni, whose fidelity
to Mahmūd was believed to be unalterable, but Rāi Rāyān, the
chief Hindu noble and one of the leading spirits among the con-
spirators, was a personal friend of 'Imād-ul-Mulk, and refused to
be a party to his death. He proposed to inforın him of the plot
and to gain his acquiescence, and, notwithstanding the minister's
protests, carried out his intention. 'Imād-ul-Mulk feigned acquie-
scence, but secretly summoned his troops from his fiefs and took
other steps to defeat the designs of the conspirators, and Qaisar
Khān Fārūqi, who was at Ahmadābād, privately informed the king
of the affair, so that it came to naught.
Mahmud, instead of arraigning the conspirators, as might have
been expected from the energy of his character, took steps to test
the fidelity of his servants. He made all the necessary preparations
for a sea voyage, and announced that he intended to perform the
pilgrimage to Mecca, leaving his son Ahmad as regent of the king-
dom. The nobles were summoned from Ahmadābād to Cambay to
consider this proposal, and, perceiving that their plot had been
discovered, urged the king to return to Ahmadābād and set the
affairs of the kingdom in order before taking any irrevocable step.
He accepted their advice and returned to Ahmadābād, where he kept
them still on the rack. He desired, he said, to make the pilgrimage,
but must leave the matter to the decision of his counsellors, and
would neither eat nor drink until he had received that decision.
The courtiers were in a quandary. They knew not how their advice
would be accepted, but knew that they must either for go the object
of their conspiracy or be accounted hypocrites. So long did they
hesitate that it became necessary to remind them that the king was
hungry and awaited their decision. They had arrived at none, and
sent Nizām-ul-Mulk Aisan, the oldest courtier, to the king as their
spokesman. Nizām-ul-Mulk, who perceived that the king had out-
witted the conspirator, adroitly suggested that just as the king
was satisfied of his son's ability to guide the affairs of the kingdom,
so he too had a son who was competent to advise and assist him,
and requested that he himself might be permitted to accompany
the king on his pilgrimage. It was now Mahmūd's turn to be at a
loss, but he sent Nizām-ul-Mulk back to those who had sent him,
saying tha the could not permit him to accompany him to Mecca
and demanding a categorical answer. By the advice of 'Imād-ul-
Mulk, Nizām-ul-Mulk was sent back to the king with the message
that he would do well to conquer Chāmpāner before deciding to
1


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XII ]
SIEGE OF CHĀMPĀNER
309
a
make the pilgrimage. This advice was accepted, but it was not
convenient to attack Chāmpāner at once, and Mahmud marched to
Pātan and thence sent 'Imād-ul-Mulk and Qaisar Khān Fārūqi on
an expedition to Sānchor and Jālor in Marwār. As the expedition
was about to start the two sons of the minister, Khudāvand Khān,
entered the tent of Qaisar Khān and murdered him for his share
in discovering the plot to the king. The actual murderers escaped,
but Khudāvand Khān was imprisoned, and Muhāfiz Khān was
made chief vazir in his place. 'Imād-ul-Mulk died in the same year,
and was succeeded by his son, Buda 'Imād-ul-Mulk. From Pātan
Mahmúd returned to Ahmadābād, and the country now suffered
from a failure of the rains and famine.
In 1482 Mahmūd obtained the opportunity which he sought of
attacking Chāmpāner. Mulik Südha, his governor of Rasūlabād,
fourteen miles south-west of Chāmpāner, led a raid into the raja's
territories, and plundered and laid them waste nearly to the walls
of the fortress, slaying the inhabitants. As he was returning, the
raja, Patãi, son of Udai Singh, followed him up, attacked and slew
him, recovered all his booty, took two elephants, and sacked and
destroyed Rasūlabād. Mahmûd, on hearing of this defeat, assembled
his forces, and on December 4, 1482, marched from Ahmadābād to
Baroda, on his way to Chāmpāner. From Baroda he sent an army
to besiege Chāmpāner while he invaded the raja's territories to
collect supplies for the besiegers, whom it was difficult, owing to the
famine, to provision.
Raja Patāi came forth to meet his enemy, but was defeated and
driven into Pavagurh, his hill fortress above Chāmpāner, while the
besiegers occupied the town. Patāi succeeded in cutting off one
convoy sent by Mahmūd to his army, but this was his sole
When Mahmūd joined the besieging army in person Patāi
made repeated offers of submission, but none was accepted, and
Mahmūd displayed his determination to capture the place by
building in the city the beautiful mosque which still adorns its
ruins. This measure not only discouraged Patāi, but stimulated
the Muslim officers, who now perceived that they would not be
allowed to leave the fortress uncaptured, to exertions more strenu-
ous than their former faint efforts. Patāi sent him minister, Sūrī, to
seek help of Ghiyās-ud-din Khalji of Mālwa, and Ghiyās-ud-din,
assembling his troops, left Māndū and marched as far as Na'lcha.
Mahmūd, leaving his officers to continue the siege, led a force as
far as Dohad to meet Ghiyās-ud-din, but the latter, repenting of
his enterprise, which, as he was advised by Muslim doctors at his
success.


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310
[CH,
GUJARAT AND KHĀNDESH
court, was unlawful, retired to Māndū, and Mahmûd returned to
Chāmpāner and continued the siege.
The operations lasted for a year and nine months, throughout
which period Mahmūd, besides besieging the fortress, continued to
plunder the country, so that there remained no town, no village,
no house, of which the money was not taken into the royal treasury,
the cloths and stuffs into the royal storehouses, the beasts into the
royal stables, the corn into the royal granaries and kitchens. At
the end of this time the Rājputs were reduced to extremities, and
resolved to perform the dreadful rite of jauhar. The women were
burnt, and the men, arrayed in yellow garments, went forth to die.
On November 21, 1484, the Muslims forced the gate and met their
desperate opponents. Of the seven hundred Rājputs who performed
the rite nearly all were slain, but Raja Patăi and a minister named
Dungarsi were wounded and captured. Mahmūd called upon them
to accept Islam, but they refused and remained steadfast in their
refusal during an imprisonment of five months, at the end of which
time they were executed, together with the minister Sūri. Patäi's
son accepted Islam and in the next reign became Amir of Idar,
receiving the title of Nizām-ul-Mulk.
Mahmūd now made Chāmpāner one of his principal places of
residence, giving it the name of Muhammadābād, the other being
Mustafā. ābād or Junāgarh. The kingdom of Gujarāt had reached
its extreme limits. After this conquest Mahmūd held possession of
the country from the frontiers of Mindū to the frontiers of Sind,
by Junagarh ; to the Siwālik Parbat by Jālor and Nāgaur ; to
Nāsik Trimbak by Baglāna ; from Burhānpur to Berar and Mal-
kāpur of the Deccan ; to Karkūn and the river Narbada on the
side of Burhānpur ; on the side of Idar as far as Chitor and Küm-
bhalgarh, and on the side of the sea as far as the bounds of Chaul.
It seems to have been after the conquest of Chāmpāner that
Mahmud was first styled Begarha.
In 1487, while he was hunting at Hālol, near Chāmpāner, a
company of horsedealers complained to him that the raja of Ābū
had robbed them of 403 horses, which they were bringing to Gujarāt
for him by his order. Mahmūd paid them the full price of the
horses and gave them a letter to the raja demanding restitution of
the stolen property. The raja was terrified, and restored 370 horses,
paid the price of 33 which had died, gave the merchants valuable
gifts for Mahmud, and begged them to intercede with him. Mahmud
content with this display of his power and the raja's humiliation,
permitted the merchants to retain the horses as well as their price,


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XIII)
DEPREDATIONS OF BAHADUR GILANI
311
In 1491 Mahmud received complaints of the exactions of
Bahādur Gīlānī, who, during the troubles which had fallen upon
the Bahmani kingdom, had possessed himself of the whole of the
Konkan and committed piracy at sea and brigandage on land, his
depredations extending as far north as Cambay. Qivām-ul-Mulk,
who was sent with an army to punish him, discovered that he
could not reach him without invading the Deccan, and returned to
Ahmadābād to seek authority for this action, but Mahmūd was
averse from any act of aggression against the southern kingdom,
and contented himself with writing to Mahmud Shāh Bahmani,
reminding him of the claims which Gujarāt had on the gratitude of
his house and requesting him to suppress the marauder. Bahādur
was in fact in rebellion against the feeble Bahmanid, who had no
control over him, but a reassuring reply was sent to Gujarāt and
Mahmud Bahmani, or rather his minister Qāsim, Barid-ul-Mamālik,
with the help of Ahmad Nizām Shāh, who was now virtually in-
dependent at Junnar, undertook a campaign against the pirate.
The operations were protracted, and it was not until 1494 that
Bahādur Gilāni was defeated and slain and full reparation was made
to Gujarāt. The ships which Bahādur had taken were restored to
their owners, and gifts consisting of Arab horses, a large quantity of
pearls, five elephants, and a jewelled dagger were sent to Mahmūd.
In 1492 Bahā-ud-din Ulugh Khān, son of Ulugh Khān, Suhrāb
and governor of Modāsa, oppressed the people and appropriated
the pay of his troops, so that they rose against him and he fled.
Mahmud sent Sharaf-i-Jahān to reassure him, but the mission was
a failure, and Ulugh Khān, just as his father had joined Mahmud
Khalji, sought an asylum with Ghiyās-ud-din Khalji of Mālwa, who
refused to receive him. He then went to Sultanpur, and besieged
the governor, 'Aziz-ul-Mulk Shaikhan, but on the arrival of a
relieving force fled into Baglāna, and was followed thither and
defeated. After wandering for some time as a fugitive he submitted
to the king and was pardoned and reinstated, but shortly after-
wards, having murdered one of his officers, was thrown into prison,
where he died in 1496.
On November 20, 1500, Ghiyas-ud-din Khalji of Mālwa, had
been deposed by his son, Nāsir-ud-din, and died in February 1501,
not without suspicion of poison. Mahmūd resolved to punish the
reputed parricide, and prepared to invade Mālwa, but Nāsir-ud.
din succeeded in persuading him that his father had acquiesced
in his deposition, and that he was innocent of his death, and the
expedition was abandoned,


## p. 312 (#358) ############################################

312.
[CH.
GUJARĀT AND KHĀNDESH
a
Vasco da Gama had appeared on the Malabar coast in 1498,
and the Portuguese were now firmly established in more than one
western port. In 1506 a strong fort was built at Cochin, which was
their chief emporium, and in 1507 a settlement was made on the
island of Socotra, near the entrance of the Red Sea. Thus, in less
than a decade, they had diverted the greater part of the lucrative
spice trade from the Red Sea and Egypt; for the discovery of the
direct sea route to Europe had deprived the Mamluk Sultans of one
of their chief sources of revenue, heavy dues being levied both at
Jedda and Alexandria on goods in transit. The important ports of
north-western India, such as Cambay and Chaul, which were held
by the Muslims, were at the same time seriously affected, and thus
the Portuguese incurred the hostility of all the Muhammadan
powers surrounding the Arabian Sea, who determined to make a
combined effort to oust the infidel intruders. It was finally arranged,
by correspondence which passed between Qansauh-al-Ghauri, sultan
of Egypt, the king of Gujarāt, other local Muhammadan rulers, and
the Zamorin of Calicut, who had been the most intimately associated
with the Europeans, that a fleet should be equipped at Suez and
dispatched to India, where it would be reinforced by such vessels
as were available locally. The Egyptian fleet was under the com-
mand of Amir Husain the Kurd, governor of Jedda, while the Indian
contingent was commanded by Malik Ayāz, a Turkish subject who
had found his way to the court of Gujarāt. Up to the year 1507
the Portuguese had confined their activities inland to the Malabar
coast, though they had frequently harassed the trading vessels and
pilgrim ships bound from Gujarāt, 'the Gate of Mecca' to Indian
Muslims, for Jedda. The Portuguese Viceroy, Francesco de Almeida,
in this year resolved to exploit the northerly coast of India, and
dispatched his gallant son Lourenco with a squadron to explore
the coast as far as Gujarāt. It does not appear that the Viceroy
had any intimation of the attack which was to be made by the
Egyptian fleet, although he was aware of the correspondence which
had been passing between India and Egypt. Had he known that
Amir Husain was on his way it is unlikely that he would have
sent so small a squadron under his son. Amir Husain reached
India at the end of 1507 and encountered Lourenco in the harbour
of Chaul in January, 1508, when a fierce fight ensued in which the
Portuguese were utterly defeated by Amir Husain and Malik Ayāz,
and Dom Lourenco died a hero's death. After this victory, which
was the occasion of much jubilation and of mutual congratulations
among the Muslims, Mahmūd returned to Chāmpāner,


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XII]
WAR OF SUCCESSION IN KHĀNDESH
313
There was,
We must revert to the history of Khāndesh, in the affairs of
which Mahmud was now, not unwillingly, entangled. We have
already traced its history, in outline, to the succession of Ādil
Khăn II in 1457.
'Adil Khān II was one of the most energetic and most powerful
rulers of Khāndesh. He consolidated his authority in that region,
and extended it over Gondwāna, he suppressed the depredations of
the Kolis and Bhīls, thus ensuring the safety of travellers in his
dominions, and carried arms as far as Jhārkhand, the modern
Chota Nāgpur, from which circumstances he is known as Jhār-
Khandi Sultan. Since Khalaf Hasan's invasion the rulers of
Khāndesh had regarded the king of Gujarāt as their natural pro-
tector, and had paid him tribute, but Ādil Khān II, in his career
of victory, had scorned dependence, and had omitted to send the
usual tribute. A demonstration of force by Mahmud in 1499 or
1500 had sufficed to bring him to his senses, and from that time
until his death, more than a year later, he was on cordial terms
with his suzerain and visited his court.
On September 28, 1501, 'Ādil Khān II died without issue and
was succeeded by his younger brother, Dāūd Khān.
however, another aspirant belonging to the Fārūqi family, named
“Alam Khān, who had enjoyed the protection of the king of Gu-
jarāt. This Ālam Khān was the great-great-grandson of Hasan
Khān, who had been expelled from Khāndesh by his elder brother,
Nasir Khān, and had fled to the court of Ahmad Shāh of Gujarāt.
All Hasan Khān's descendants, with the exception of one, who
married a daughter of Jām Nizām-ud-din of Sind, had married
princesses of the royal house of Gujarāt, and 'Alam Khān was the
grandson of Mahmud Begarha. It thus came about that Mahmūd
induced •Ādil Khān II to nominate his youthful kinsman as his
heir, to the exclusion of his brother Dāūd, but in 1501 Mahmūd
was not in a position to press his grandson's claim, and Dāūd suc-
ceeded without opposition to the throne of Khāndesh.
He was a
feeble but reckless prince, who contrived to embroil himself with
Ahmad Nizām Shāh of Ahmadaagar, who invaded Khāndesh and
could not be expelled until Dāūd had purchased the aid of Nāsir-
ud-din Khalji of Malwa by the humiliating concession of causing
the Khutba to be recited in his name. His death on August 28,
1508, ended an inglorious reign, and he was succeeded by his son
Ghazni Khān, who was poisoned after a reign of ten days. Ahmad
Nizām Shah now again invaded Khāndesh with the object of placing
on the throne another scion of the Fārüqi house also named Alam
.


## p. 314 (#360) ############################################

314
[CH.
GUJARAT AND KHĀNDESH
Khān, who had taken refuge at his court. Mahmud Begarha was
at this juncture reminded of his pledge to support his grandson's
claim, and he too invaded Khāndesh with the object of placing
the other •Adam Khăn on the throne. Khāndesh was divided into
two factions, the one supporting the Gujarāt claimant and the other
the Ahmadnagar claimant. The adherents of the former, under
Malik Husain the Mughul, established themselves in Burhānpur,
where they were joined by Ahmad Nizām Shāh and the king of
Berar, while Malik Lādan, the leader of the Gujarāt party, shut
himself up in Asirgarh, where he was besieged. Meanwhile Mahmud
Begarha, with his grandson, was marching on Thālner, and when
news of his 'arrival reached Burhānpur Ahmad Nizām Shāh and
the king of Berar withdrew, leaving a force of 4000 to support the
Ahmadnagar candidate and Malik Husain. When they heard that
Mahmūd had sent a force to attack them these troops fled from
Burhānpur, carrying the pretender with them and Malik Husain,
thus deserted, was obliged to submit to Mahmūd. All opposition
being thus removed, the king of Gujarāt held a court at Thālner
and installed his candidate on the throne of Khāndesh with the
title of Ādil Khān III. Aſter Mahmud's return to Gujarāt an
envoy from Ahmad's son and successor, Burhān Nizām Shāh, waited
on him and demanded that some provision should be made for
'Alam Khān, but was compelled to convey to his master the humi-
liating message that the sultan of Gujarāt recognised no royalty
in the rebellious slave of the kings of the Deccan, and that if
Burhān dared again to address a king otherwise than as a humble
suppliant he should repent it.
Adil Khān III of Khāndesh cemented his alliance with Gujarāt
by marrying a daughter of Sultān Muzaffar, Mahmūd's son, who
afterwards succeeded his father as Muzaffar II. One of his first
acts was to cause Malik Husain, who was again plotting with the
king of Ahmadnagar, to be assassinated. The dispatch from Gu-
jarāt of a large force averted a danger which threatened the state
from the direction of Ahmadnagar, and the reign of 'Ādil Khān III
was not marked by any noteworthy event. On his death, on August
25, 1520, he was succeeded by his son, Muhammad I, generally
known as Muhammad Shāh, from his having been summoned to the
throne of Gujarāt, which he never lived to occupy.
From Thālner Mahmud returned to Chāmpāner, where, in 1510,
he was gratified by the arrival of a mission from Sikandar Lodi of
Delhi, who tendered him his congratulations on his success in
Khāndesh. A mission in the following year from Shāh Isma'il !
a


## p. 315 (#361) ############################################

XIII ]
DEATH OF MAHMOD BEGARHA
315
Safavi, of Persia, was less favourably received. The envoy, Yādgār
Beg Qizilbāsh, was commissioned to invite Mahmūd to embrace
the Shiah faith, but Mahmud, whose health was failing, had refreshed
his orthodoxy by visits to the shrines of saints at Pātan and Sarkhej,
and sent a message to the heretics bidding them begone. He had
already designated his son Muzaffar as his heir, and feeling the
approach of death summoned him from Baroda. Muzaffar arrived
only in time to assist in bearing his father's coffin from Ahmadābād
to his tomb at Sarkhej, for Mahmud I, the greatest of the sultans
of Gujarāt, had breathed his last on November 23, 1511.
Mahmud Begarha was not only the greatest of the sultans of
Gujarāt. He holds a prominent place among the warrior princes
of India.