The passage is
one of the strongest in the writings of Sarpi and it confirms e opi-
nion that he did wish the Church of Rome freed from the tyranny
of the Court of Rome.
one of the strongest in the writings of Sarpi and it confirms e opi-
nion that he did wish the Church of Rome freed from the tyranny
of the Court of Rome.
Sarpi - 1868 - Life of Fra Paolo Sarpi
"
But we must pass on to an event by which Europe was alarmed,
amid preparations of War, the death of Henry IV; there Was reason to
apprehend evil results; but the Servite was reassured by the nobility
of France being true to the crown, and the people peaceful.
Another painful event at Rome also demands our attention; the
wretched Manfredi, having failed to procure advancement there, was
tried for his life under pretences of which Sarpi seems ignorant.
" Fra Fulgenzio (Manfredi) went away as you know in the beginning
of August 1608, with an ample patent of safe conduct and a particular
clause in it that nothing should be done against his honor. At Rome
they tampered with him to induce him to abjure and to do public
penance, but he refused, and referred to his safe conduct. At last persis-
ting in his denial to do public penance, he contented himself with
making a secret abjuration before a notary and two witnesses, and this
by a new declaration by the Cardinals that it should he understood as
done without dishonor or prejudice to him. Time passed, sometimes things
went well sometimes ill, when one evening Cardinal Panfilio the Pope's
Vicar suddenly sent some sbirri to apprehend him, pretending that he had
done something, I know not what, connected with his office. They put him
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? 192 THE LIFE OF
[A. D. 1610.
W!
N
in prison in the tower of Nona where men are imprisoned for ordinary '
ofi'ences. They then seized and examined his papers, this done, they removed
him to the prison of the Inquisition. They then made three charges
against him, that he had prohibited books, held correspondence with the
heretics of England and Germany, and written articles against the Ro-
mish Catholic doctrine, in particular that Saint Peter was not above
the other Apostles, that the Pope is not head of the church, that the
\Co'neil of Trent was neither a lawful nor a general Council, that there are
many heresies in the church of Rome, and many other such things.
'" To these charges he answered, 'that as to the books, he did not
know they were prohibited, as to his correspondents, none of them
were declared heretics, as to the writings under his own hand, they
were imperfect, and 'not his real opinions, but only memoranda for
consideration of these points. ' These answers did not satisfy the
Iuquisitors; they were determined to bring him to the torture, and
on this being intimated to him he answered, that he was not amenable
to torture, but that they might do as they pleased, he threw himself
upon their mercy. On the 4th of July he was brought into the Church
of St. Peter's, where there was a numerous concourse of people, and
being placed upon the ground, his crimes were read and his sentence
passed on him.
"He was sentenced to be excluded from the pale of the Church as
a relapsed heretic, and delivered over to the Governor of Rome to be
chastised, but without drawing blood. At this ceremony, which lasted
an hour, Fra Fulgentio stood with his eyes lifted up to heaven, but
never spoke a word, and it was a common opinion that he had a gag
in his mouth.
"The ceremony being finished, he was conducted to the Church of
S. Salvatore, in Laura, and there degraded, and the following morning
hanged and burned in the Campo de' Fiori. There are various opinions
as to whether these things which are laid to his charge are true, or
are calumnies; but some, presupposing that they were true, do not
hesitate to say that he was wronged, because on account of the safe
conduct, the abjuration and looking upon him as relapsed was not to be
turned to his prejudice. I know not how to judge, but the beginning
and end, a safe conduct, and a great fire; what passed in the interim is
hidden, but from this we may conclude that the Pope has little favour
to Venice. We have had many other indications of this, and therefore the
Padre Paolo had better be cautious. He therefore does not fail in or-
dinary care, but leaves all to God, being certain that whatever God does
will be good. i
" As to the affairs of Italy, they are in great confusion. The Pope
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? E1'. 58. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 193
labours hard to bring about war, and an accommodation between Savoy
and Spain. I believe he will succeed, and then Savoy will fall upon
Geneva, and the Pope upon Venice; but Venice cannot be persuaded of
this, and obstinately maintains she is in no danger, which is, however, so
plain that the blind may see it. This makes me- fear that she has no
longer Divine help, and is in such a state of blindness as not to see light
at noonday. But since I can only complain, I had better be silent. As
for the affairs of France, I am truly glad that they prosper. I regret to
think how many years must pass during the minority of the king, seeing
the designs already formed, and the Jesuits more insolent and more bold
than ever. If it were not for them, I would hope that the other intrigues
might be overcome, or borne with by the prudence of the queen, but when so
many men are resolved to do ill, it is likely, if not now or to-morrow, yet
the day after, they may succeed. The only intent of Spain is to divide
that kingdom, having so many wise and bold ministers. To see the queen
so fond of friars and Jesuits, and make so little of the Parliament, are
not good signs. I have considered what you write of a Jesuit who boasts
that he would raise an army, and of their great acquisition of money. It
appears to me a thing not to be neglected. I know well that, notwithstand-
ing their banishment from Venice, they get very large sums of money
from this city, and it cannot be hindered. And if it be the will of God,
and according to the prophecies of the Holy Scriptures, men have nothing
to do but preparefor suffering. "
" I think the Huguenots are very wise who stand looking on, that
they may know how to govern themselves according to circumstances.
God bless their designs. But I was not aware of the tedium of my
letter which may perhaps arrive when you are ill. Excuse me, I beg
you to continue your kindness to me, and I shall alway remain your
devoted servant. " 1
" Venice, August 3, 1610. "
Fra Paolo had observed that great abuses had arisen on account of
the churches being made a refuge for offenders flying from justice; he
therefore wrote a short treatise against this practice. He divided the
work into two parts. The first comprised the right of asylum granted
and circumscribed by the Emperor, and how it ought to beunderstood;
the second what sanctuaries are allotted by the Canonists,- who ought
to be permitted to fly there, Who taken thence. From this he discours-
ed on the hull of Gregory XIV, on the immunities of the Church,
demonstrated their signification and concluded with a brief epitome of
1 F. P. S. to M. Groslot.
as
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? 194 THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1011-
the sanctuaries amongst the Jews, Greeks and Romans, and a comparison
of them with those of Christendom. ' This is followed by a minute,
divided into twenty four heads, by which a magistrate might at once
judge who ought and who ought not to obtain refuge. He considered that
sanctuaries for offenders was an abuse, under pretext of being one of
the immunities of the Churchflfe' advised tolerance but restricted the
above privilege to insolvent, 'not fraudulent debtors, and to accidental
delinquents. _
This work of Fra Paolo's was, however, in advance of the age, and
the Pope, so far from hailing a step which would have prevented much
crime, prohibited the volume. Grotius however called its author, " Paolo-
the great, " Frickleburg translated it into Latin. The Senate of Milan
added it to their statutes, while other Italian States did likewise and
the work had a large circulation.
The MS. of it, presented by Paolo to the Senate, was of greater length
than that in its printed form. He also wrote a work " on the Adriatic "
and it is probable, from some notes on the rainbow in his MSS. , he did not
overlook the discovery of the Archbishop de Dominis, Whose work" De
radiis lucis in vitris perspectivis et Iride, " was then published. "There
can be no doubt but this volume explained more of the phenomena of
the rainbow than had hitherto been understood. The rainbow was well
known to be the reflection of solar light from drops of rain, but it
belonged to the genius of De Dominis to discover that refraction was
the means of giving colour to the rays of the sun. . . . Placing a glass
between the eye and a bottle of water, from the lower side of which
light issued in the same order of colours as in the rainbow, 'De Do-
minis inferred, that after two refractions and one intermediate reflection
within the drop, the ray came to the eye tinged with the different
colours, according to the angle at which it entered. " '
At a later period, Sarpi announced peace to his friend M. Groslot,
When many feared war, but he intimates that it was against the wishes
of the Duke of Savoy. The siege of Geneva having ended in nothing,
the Pope still hoped for better fortune in Germany, and treated with
the Jesuits as to war in France.
While such was the state of the political world, Sarpi and his
friends continued at times their public yet gentle remonstrances, but
a lethargy as to papal aggression had stolen over the Venetians, and
the voice of Paolo Sarpi was like the melancholy note of the bird of
night pouring his solitary moan over a darkened world. Fra Fulgenzio
1 Giovini.
2 Hallam.
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? Er. 59. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 195
did not preach in Lent because dissuaded by him, but Fra Fulgenzio,
Paolo, and Marsilio preached in the church of Lorenzo, February 10th,
1611.
In trivial matters the Pope continued to yield to Venice, but still
strove to retain power over Ceneda. Fra Paolo wrote an account of
this quarrel for the Senate, and the Cardinal Borghese coniplained that
he " was still considered an oracle! " In the end, this matter was
partially compromised, but while the flatterers of the Pope still exalted
his temporal power, Sarpi likened them " to those animals who climbed
too high and were sure to fall. " He grieved that a book of the
Jesuits had been received at Florence, which would not have been
tolerated at Venice; but no book written by a Jesuit was allowed to
circulate there,'ilIese following observations have justly been deemed
remarkable. '
"Seeing the disputes that arise between the Jesuits and other Pa-
pists as to the Gallican liberties, if the Reformed would assist the cause
of liberty which although not perfect is less hurtful, it might be that
the Jesuits who are the great enemies of true religion might be weak-
ened, and this would open up a way of agreement with the Gallicans.
No undertaking can be greater than to bring the Jesuits into discredit.
Conquer them, Rome is lost, and without them religion will reform
itself. "
While many were occupied_with the great power obtained by the
Jesuits over nearly the known world, and whilst Sarpi bewailed the
decline of true religion in his own country, the Pope gained fresh
adherents in Germany, but at Rome no Venetian was promoted to
the Cardinalate, "Good men accounted it a public service. "
To their dismay, the Italians learned that the Spaniards had seized
Cape]. The Viceroy had shewn his independence by hanging an offender
who had taken refuge in the church before the Archbishop's door, but
Sarpi was more astonished that the English Ambassador obtained the
release of a captive from the Inquisition. He also wished to gain tidings
of the procedure of the French parliament against Bellarmine, as some
of his friends " amongst the Senators could scarcely bear to hear his
name, and spoke of him as one born to disturb the peace of Christ-
endom. "
A controversial work of M. de Mornay was now sent to Sarpi, it
made a considerable impression at and since the time of its publication. '
1 This volume forms part of the valuable library of the late learned Lord
Handyside, to which I was permitted access by Mrs. Handyside, ne? e Bruce. J
" Mysterium lniqvitatis sev Historia Papatus. " etc. Philipo Mornayo '46
A 944
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? 196 ' THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1611-
He thought "the Sorbonne might have censured it more modestly,"
but censures in large measure were dealt out to those who wielded their
pens against the Curia.
The ambassador Bruslart now offered to expedite Fra Paolo's let-
ters, but he knew his character and therefore declined, he received his
letters from him but sent no answers to his 'care, and on the plea of
his office, refused to receive the ambassador's visits. Chagrined by
these determinations, Bruslart said, "that Fra Paolo was a man with-
out religion, faith or conscience, and that he did not believe in the
immortality of the soul. " M. Bruslart also received command from M.
Villeroi to arrange matters with the Nuncio, that Fra Paolo might be
taxed with the said letters, his MSS. examined and his portfolio and
papers seized.
But no such interference was allowed, and the Senators told the
Nuncio, as to his writing to heretics, it did not follow because Fra
Paolo wrote to them that he "was what they called a heretic. " At this
the Nuncio was greatly disturbed, and informed Borghese, " that he
had great fears that the Venetians would separate from the Catholic
Church, and exclude themselves from the authority of N. S. by the arti-
fices of Fra Paolo, Nicolo Contarini, Sebastiano Veneiro, and such like. "
To Fra Paolo Sarpi the name of Sir Dudley Carlton, the ambassador
from England to Venetia, sounded uncouthly, but he takes an early
opportunity to write in praise of an Englishman of whom it was said,
" though a statesman, he was an honest man. "
Plots against the life of King James continued, and Sir Dudley
info-rms his Majesty of Great Britain of a meditated attempt' of the
kind by the Jesuits,_thus, "because of an advertisement I have from
many hands that the Jesuits at Rome have lately given orders to all
their society, to use prayers for quarante hore for the good successe
of a great enterprise they have in hand, the like whereof was said to
be done before November the preceding year. " Fra Paolo was not
singular in his opinion of their practices.
Intolerance was still rife elsewhere, M. Richer (a man too well
known for his abilities and works to need any further comment here),
had been assailed at Paris; his foes called aloud for his death, and the
Society of Jesus were bitter against him, but amidst the storm of me-
nace that would have delivered him up to the rage of his opponents
the still small voice of mercy was heard, Pierre Cosuier an ecelesiastic of
great piety addressed an admonitory letter in favor of Richer to M. de
Harlay, Abbot of S. Victor, commencing with the touching Words,
" Ego cogitationes pacis et non afilictionis. " This letter disarmed
Richer's foes; thus charity shed its soft light, and intolerance for a
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? ll'. 59. ] - FRA PAOLO SARPI 19'!
time withered beneath its ray, but the tumult raised on account of his
book continued long, and Fra Paolo endeavors to comfort his friend
M. Groslot on this subject. And he appears glad that there is a pros-
pect of coming differences with Rome which might be beneficial to
the Republic; the whole letter is full of interest.
The reader will call to mind the name of one of the theologians, a
Neapolitan divine, who had been cited to Rome but had not obeyed
the summons, yet answered by a manly protest. In the month of Fe-
bruary 1612, Marsilio had been taken ill, and three of the physicians
who attended him declared that he had died of poison.
" Giovanni Marsilio, " writes Sarpi, " died here yesterday. I think
you knew him Well; he was in bed ten days; the physicians say he
was poisoned, of which I say nothing now, as I knew nothing pre-
viously, some priests endeavored to make him recant what he had
written but he always remained firm, saying, he wrote what he did for
the sake of the truth, and would die in that belief. M. Assellineau
often visited him and is able to give you many particulars of his illness,
for I neither could or would search into the matter, for various reasons.
I believe that if it were not for state reasons, there are divers persons
who would vault from this pit of Rome to the height of Reform, but one is
afraid of one thing and another of another. " 1 Grave suspicions were
entertained by many besides the physicians, that Marsilio had met his
death by poison, while Sarpi declares this, he feels it was needless to
pursue the matter further. But he was satisfied that Marsilio, strong in
death in the principles he had advocated, was in reality a victor though
apparently among the vanquished: his name has come down to posterity
as one who boldly dared to write in favor of the Republic of Venice
when the Pope sought to defraud her of her- rights, and never does this
able patriot appear more truly great than when contemplated on his
bed of death, outstretched there a victim, but a victim in a righteous
cause. The visits of thegood Asselineau were doubtless a solace when
in his misery. Asselineau was a physician of no small value, for he could
minister not only to the body, but to the soul, deep in the tomb Mar-
silio was laid, subtle poison had chilled his life blood, and Sarpi could
do no more than in a private letter express himself as above; his words
afford proof that death did not terrify Marsilio from his allegiance to
Heaven and to. his Prince, but that Rome was relentless to those who
challenged her power as supreme.
The words, " I believe, that if it were not for state reasons there are
1 Credo che se non fosse per ragion di stato, si troverrebbero diversi che salte-
rebbero da questo fosso di Roma nclla cima della Reforma, ma chi tema una cosa,
chi un altra, #0. --- Venice, 18th February, 1612, To M. de 1' Isole Groslot.
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? 198 THE LIFE oF [A. D. 1612
divers persons who would vault from this pit of Rome to the height of.
reform, " are words which some have severely censured, others attempt-
ed to get rid of, but this has been found impossible.
The passage is
one of the strongest in the writings of Sarpi and it confirms e opi-
nion that he did wish the Church of Rome freed from the tyranny
of the Court of Rome. Perhaps these words were wrung from his pen
as he thought on Marsilio in all the agonies of a violent death, and
few knew better than Sarpi in his own person what it'was to differ
from a court which endeavored to assume the dictatorship of the world.
There can be no doubt that had the rulers of Venice declared for
absolute reform, all the powers of Europe who had commanded it
within the Church would have declared for Venice, and she would have
continued to hold her place among the nations, but Spain was strong,
and old habits and prejudices were stronger still. Venice was to pass
through a long and dreary servitude before she would awake, like the
wise of Italy, to see that a thorough reform of the church and separa-
tion from the Pope and Court of Rome is not a change of religion,
but a return to the religion taught by the Holy Apostles, and that
restoration of the Sacred Scriptures to the people is a right of which
none dare to rob them with impunity. Is there no one bold enough
now to vault over the trench or pit of Rome? Two hundred and fifty
years have passed since Marsilio died, and during all this time the
Court of Rome has kept the Church enthralled. Can men not learn
from past history? Can they not imitate the bold? Can no one, who
has not only the will, as had Sarpi, but the power, free his country
from the Court of Rome? Is there, as hasbeen lately asked, no Sarpi
left amongst the great intellects which adorn Italy, no senator who
can rise in his place like the great, the immortal Cavour, and recalling
Sarpi to their mind, as he did in one of his latest addresses to the
senators, ask them to free the Church of Rome from the Pope and
Court of Rome?
Never till the Senate of Italy is persuaded that reform within the
Church is\ only a return to the old and true religion, and that no people
can serve two masters, will the Pope become again Bishop of Rome,
and Italy disencumbered of his power be wholly free!
Still closely watched, though still closely cared for, Sarpi as usual
employed a cypher, or dictated some of his letters. In one of them be con-'
eludes thus, " because this is a letter which may be seen by all, I wish
to gratify myself by showing my respect for you, in sending you a little
of my own handwriting, ' remaining your most devoted servant. " All
1 21st 'March. 1612.
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? E1'. 60. ] . FRA PAOLO sanrr 199
his letters which the writer has seen, and they are a considerable num-
ber in MS. , are signed " F. Paolo di Venetia, " and are addressed " Al
Molto Reverendissimo Fra Paolo de Serui. " Generally speaking he
wrote to his intimate friends himself, but sometimes Fra Fulgenzio
wrote to them for him. He frequently concluded his letters by a mes-
sage from Fulgenzio, and from the noble Molino who was often in his
company.
Political events were gloomy, and Sarpi judged that the coronation
of Matthias as Emperor of Germany was overshadowed by the Pope's
insertion in the Decretals, "that now the examination of the election
and of the person elected, as well as the confirmation belongs to him;
and that the elect Emperor ought to take an oath of fidelity to him,
also that the administration of the vacant empire belongs to him,
but that God is above all, and as he wills that prayer be made to him
so will he listen, according to his divine purpose. " Further, Sarpi
surmised that . Albert would be king of the Romans, and Spain obtain
a stronger hold upon Germany.
The Turks were again in motion, the Spanish fleet kept watch at
Otranto, Sarpi supposed in the hope that the Republic and the Ot-
tomans might quarrel. The disgust between Rome and Venice grew
wider, and Sarpi was still in bad odour with the Pope, which is plain
from a despatch of M. de Breves to the King of France, of August
14th. " I omitted to write to your Majesties by the former ordinary,
that the Pope had told me that he knew for certain that Frere Paul,
who is in the employ of the Republic, had evil intentions against your
Majesties well being, as might be seen by his letters which have been
intercepted. They were addressed to some private individuals of the
Reformed religion in their service, and shown to them by the Papal
Nuncio. I have informed M. Leo Bruslart, their Ambassador at Venice,
but he will not mention the subject until their intentions are known'.
As to the differences between his Holiness and the Venetians they are
kept secret, and neither party complains, so that it is much better to
appear to know nothing of them than to think of finding a remedy,
added to which, the Venetians would distrust your Majesties, as
they do his Holiness, on account of the continued alliance with
Spain. "
One of the causes of difference certainly was the bad odour in which
the theologian of Venice Was held by the Pope, he had little rest,
his enemies were still on the watch to take his life; a secret plot had
been discovered against him by the Venetian Ambassador at Rome
of which he says little more than, " the Senate are so good as to have
heard this with disgust. "
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? 200 THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1613.
But amidst his own troubles the deprivation of the Syndic Richer
had deeply affected him; he knew that the Jesuits had prevailed against
this innocent man whose defence was not permitted to be published,
which Sarpi regretted, as he hoped it might have led to more liberty
of conscience. And on this account he turned with pleasure to the
amicable terms on which Venetia and Holland were united. He had
hoped that the projected marriage between the Prince of Wales and
a Princess of the Romish Church would be a means of diminishing
the reputation of the Pope, who was by no means pleased that Princes
of the Church of Rome made alliances for their daughters with Princes
of the Reformed religion, but his hopes were disappointed by the
death of the Prince of Wales. "God grant, " he writes, "that it may
not overwhelm the King with sorrow, a greater he could not suffer. "
One might have supposed that Fra Paolo did not require any ad-
ditional employment, but by command, he now wrote his history of
the Uscochs, a horde of Dalmatians who lived chiefly in Segna, an inac-
cessible city of the Adriatic, near Spalatro. These pirates indulged in
desperate undertakings, in which they were joined by men of infamous
character Venetians, Dalmatians, Turks, Croats and English. Under
pretence of forming an advanced guard in time of war, these despe-
radoes were permitted to dwell under the sovereignty of Austria. Their
number was only one thousand, yet they were a terror to Venetia,
and on one occasion dared to send a present of sixty human heads
to the Signory: irritated by this conduct the Republic blockaded Segna,
but the pirates withdraw from the coast and ravaged Istria under
Austrian colors.
The Austrians affected ignorance, but summary justice followed.
The Uscochs retreated, but returned to the charge with redoubled
fury, and as many troops had to be despatched against them, Venetia
followed the counsel which Fra Paolo had formerly given, to employ
s&diers of the Reformed religion, and thus four thousand Hollanders
honorably kept the city from the fangs of the destroyer. He believed
that his countrymen would acquire much good from a closer ac-
quaintance with the Germans and Dutch and that thus prejudice against
the religion of those who had protested against popery would be
subdued . for himself, he stood on the broad basis of the Nicene creed.
But Paul V still persevered against Fra Paolo, and continued to
incite the French Ambassador to demand satisfaction at his own Court.
The letters of M. de Bre? ves are painful instances of intolerance/but
truth prevailed, and the integrity of Fra Paolo was a rampart against
which all the waves of envy, bigotry and persecution beat in vain.
While the affairs of Hungary and Poland became more and more
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? ET. 61. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 201
entangled by the -Jesuits, the 'Turks were constructing a bridge across
the Danube for an easy passage for their army; and the Duke of
Savoy surprised Montferrat, but his claims to it being laid aside, the
Cardinal assumed the title of Duke of Mantua.
At a somewhat later period Sarpi was commanded by the Duke- of
Savoy to be rewarded for his writings during the Interdict. He had
not yet laid down his pen, as we find a small work issue from it,
"On immunities of the Church', "- written only for his friends but
printed by the Senator Molino, besides his being known to have continued
his greater volumes.
In the beginning of the year 1614, a gleam of light burst across the
papal mind, Paul V spoke with kindness of Fra Paolo; it is pleasant to note
the change. The Bishop of Tino had been accused by the Inquisitors, he
was cited to Venice and there called upon to defend himself. The case was
referred to Fra Paolo whose advice was followed, and the Bishop was he
norably reinstated in his see, and on his way to the east he waited upon
the Pope, who when speaking of Fra Paolo said, "that he was both
temperate and just. " On hearing this the Servite remarked. "Now
we have a Pope who is friendly, I pray God that he may live longer
than I, because of his successors. "
On the 22nd of December the Doge Memmo died, and Giovanni
Bembo was elected in his room. There had been an ineffectual effort'
to introduce reformation in the Church into Venice during this year.
The Republic was shewing increased subserviency to the Pope, which
not only then weakened the government, but was one of the principal
causes of its overthrow. Sarpi raised his voice in vain, Spain was
still the foe of Venice, the Republic endeavored to avert a war, but
the Duke of Ossuna incited the Pope and Uscochs against her and
sent troops into Milan, and armed vessels into the Adriatic.
The Republic complained to the Court of Madrid, and the Duke
was commanded to disarm, but on this he invited- the Uscochs to
Naples and threatened to surprise the city of Venice: the whole year
was one of continued warfare by sword and by pen, and Sarpi furnished
a supplement to his History of the Uscochs. He also continued his
astronomical pursuits with Galileo, and in a memorandum from the
Schedae Sarpianae, "Per mia memoria, " he foretells the misfortunes
which were about to fall on the great Florentine.
" Since I hear from the M. N. and M. I. Senator Molino, that M.
Galileo Galilei is about to go to Rome, being invited there by several
Cardinals to lay before them his opinions respecting his discoveries in
the heavens; I fear that if in such circumstances he brings forward
the learned considerations which have induced him to prefer the theory
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? 202 THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1616.
of the Canon Copernicus of our solar system, he will incure the ill
will of the Jesuits and of the other monks, that the physical and
astronomical question will be changed by them into a matter of _ theology
and I foresee with sorrow that he will have to recant his opinions
upon it, if he would live in peace without being regarded X a heretic.
I 4%>> Yet I am sure that the day will come when more enlightened men
mm
Z4>>-
,
will deplore Galileo's misfortunes and the injustice done to so great
a man, but in the mean time he must endure it, and complain only
M7 in secret. " Again, "the Copernican hypothesis, far from being contrary
to the word of God as revealed in the sacred pages, rather does honor
to his omnipotence and infinite wisdom, both as regards the order and
arrangement of the terrestrial mechanism, and that of all the other
orbs Which constitute the wondrous spectacle of the universe. " A later _
age acknowledged the truth of these remarks, and at Florence Leopold II,
Grand Duke of Tuscany, commanded the execution of frescoes in which
Sarpi and Galileo are delineated, as well as a collection of Galileo's
mechanical, and optical instruments with which Sarpi was conversant.
In the month of J une Sir Henry Wotton was again appointed
Ambassador from Great Britain to Venice, his esteem for Fra Paolo
continued, and to him is to be imputed his Sovereign's requests that
he should go to England. But his friend Bedell did not return to
Venice, and this was probably one reason why Paolo again welcomed
de Dominis the Archbishop of Spalatro, and steadily keeping in view
his desire for reform within the Church of Rome, it is evident that
throughout his life, he looked favourably on whoever was most likely
to aid in this laudable purpose. In the time of the Interdict, it has
been noticed, that "the Archbishop de Dominis associated with Fra
Paolo. Discontented with the Pope and Court of 'Rome, he had introduced
many wise reforms into his diocese, and where heathen orgies had
once been celebrated on the site of part of the magnificent remains
of the temple and palace of the Emperor Diocletian at Spalatro, De
Dominis had advocated many wise measures as to reformation of the
Church. He was, however, of a restless disposition, and on coming to
Venice made the acquaintance of Fra Paolo and the seven, probably in
the hope that the Republic of Venice would be freed from the Court
of Rome. Fra Paolo had such confidence in him, as actually to lend
to him his MS. of the History of the Council of Trent, in order that
he might read it. It {appears a most extraordinary act on the part
of Fra Paolo to intrust any one with a MS. which he had guarded
so carefully; which he never said that he had written, but which had
cost him so many years of toil and labor. How De Dominis acted,
will be seen in the sequel; but for the present he must be followed
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? 11*/r. 64. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 203
to Coire in the Grisons, Heidelberg, and subsequently to England.
Tidings of his manifesto appear to have reached Fra Paolo, because
he says he "suspended his judgment with regard to a prelate," as
also that he mentions a "manifesto of De Dominis; " but after observing.
"that all he printed was certain to be prohibited," he adds, "that he
knew nothing further respecting him. " At a later period he thus
writes to M. Gillotz " I have news from my friend of the Archbishop
of Spalatro. He conversed confidentially with him, and he saw some
of his books about to be published, he assured me that they were
written without any pretension, or any appearance of controversy. He
avoids all bitterness; he only maintains his own opinions distinctly,
and proves all by ancient documents. However, my friend neither
praised their prolixity (which is perhaps extreme), nor -the vacillation
or anxiety of mind, which the author ingenuously confesses, 'I should
admire it if he lived in France, where interchange of thought is not
forbidden to any, but in a place where men are- deprived from their
cradles of liberty of thought I value it highly in a Dalmatian, who
has been brought up in the dungeons of the Jesuits, that he has been
able to extricate himself from darkness. In forming my judgment of
his worth and learning, I take these difficulties into account; I could
not otherwise have spoken of them in such absolute terms. "
Thus charitably did Sarpi write of De Dominis. Having declared
himself one of the Reformed in England, De Dominis was received
with great distinction at Court by the King, entertained sumptuously
by the Universities, and lodged by royal command at the palace of the
Archbishop of Canterbury.
After the ceremony of the renunciation of his episcopacy at St.
Paul's Cathedral, London, he was presented to the Mastership of the
Savoy, London, and to the living and parsonage of West Ilsley, Berkshire;
but De Dominis was not satisfied.
His work "De Republica Ecclesiastica, " was one of great' service,
but the vacillating nature of its author impaired its usefulness lat-
terly. High authority pronounced its arguments nnanswerable, but the
Nuncio demanded a prohibition of his works, and Sarpi had again
the mortification to see one, who he had hoped might benefit his
country, leave him to struggle on without the aid of his pen or his high
dignity to assist him, but Sarpi was obedient to the commands of heaven.
Heaven had given him the key which unlocks its portals, the late
dews of night and the first breath of early morn found him sup-
plicating for his country, and the Christian patriot resigned himself to
the thought, that whatever God permitted to happen to the Church, it
would be for her benefit,-"He thus wrote:
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? 204 THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1617.
" As to what I touched upon in my letter concerning the Kingdom
of Heaven, Christ is, without doubt, a King and Priest. 'He hath
made us all,' says St. Peter, 'priests and kings,' that is he hath
made his Church a royal priesthood, by making his ministers partakers
of the royal and priestly power. Admit this; he hath made his stewards
and ministers viceroys in his absence. This is certain, 'As my Father
sent me, so I send you. ' It belongs to the Kingdom of Heaven; it
neither receives nor gives anything of mutual help from, or to an
earthly King. And there is no wonder in this; they do not walk
together, they cannot meet together. Christ's minister and vicar has
his conversation in heaven, from whence we look for Christ the Saviour.
The King of France has no diminution. of power, because his dominion
does not reach to the stars. The Kingdom of Heaven is further from
the French nation than those stars are. 'The Kingdom of Heaven is
within you,' said Christ (St. Luke xvm,). But whether an earthly
prince does anything towards the Kingdom of Heaven, he will best
be able to say who learns from history, how much more it prospered
under Diocletian than under Constantine. No one comes after Christ
but one that takes up His cross.
"The Kingdom of Heaven began by the cross, it is extended and
perfected by the cross: not but that the Church may flourish in
peace, because God sometimes plants it by the favour of princes, and
sometimes by persecution; 'through honour and dishonour, by evil
report and good report,' (2 Cor. vI). 'All things work together for
good to them that love God. ' I have not taken the words of the
Kingdom of Heaven as meant of the Church on earth; and I so conceive
the Scriptures teach me to understand it. . . .
"They are Christ's ministers who have the keys of the Kingdom
committed to them. Nobody can say that he that keeps the keys of
the house is the house itself; and in the first and second chapters of
St. John's Revelation those Words, 'Thou hast made us unto our
God kings and priests, and we shall reign on the earth,' are not
only spoken of his ministers, but of all else, of every tribe, language,
people, and nation that are cleansed and redeemed by the blood of
Christ. "
Sarpi speaks of those who engrossed the name of " Church" to them-
selves, who also took to themselves its goods and estates, and those
of Rome had given him a very low place, because he did " not allow
them a coercive power over sovereigns. "
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? 205
CHAPTER X.
s. n. 1618 -- s. n. 1623.
Door: or VENICE. 1618 Niccolo Donato.
But we must pass on to an event by which Europe was alarmed,
amid preparations of War, the death of Henry IV; there Was reason to
apprehend evil results; but the Servite was reassured by the nobility
of France being true to the crown, and the people peaceful.
Another painful event at Rome also demands our attention; the
wretched Manfredi, having failed to procure advancement there, was
tried for his life under pretences of which Sarpi seems ignorant.
" Fra Fulgenzio (Manfredi) went away as you know in the beginning
of August 1608, with an ample patent of safe conduct and a particular
clause in it that nothing should be done against his honor. At Rome
they tampered with him to induce him to abjure and to do public
penance, but he refused, and referred to his safe conduct. At last persis-
ting in his denial to do public penance, he contented himself with
making a secret abjuration before a notary and two witnesses, and this
by a new declaration by the Cardinals that it should he understood as
done without dishonor or prejudice to him. Time passed, sometimes things
went well sometimes ill, when one evening Cardinal Panfilio the Pope's
Vicar suddenly sent some sbirri to apprehend him, pretending that he had
done something, I know not what, connected with his office. They put him
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? 192 THE LIFE OF
[A. D. 1610.
W!
N
in prison in the tower of Nona where men are imprisoned for ordinary '
ofi'ences. They then seized and examined his papers, this done, they removed
him to the prison of the Inquisition. They then made three charges
against him, that he had prohibited books, held correspondence with the
heretics of England and Germany, and written articles against the Ro-
mish Catholic doctrine, in particular that Saint Peter was not above
the other Apostles, that the Pope is not head of the church, that the
\Co'neil of Trent was neither a lawful nor a general Council, that there are
many heresies in the church of Rome, and many other such things.
'" To these charges he answered, 'that as to the books, he did not
know they were prohibited, as to his correspondents, none of them
were declared heretics, as to the writings under his own hand, they
were imperfect, and 'not his real opinions, but only memoranda for
consideration of these points. ' These answers did not satisfy the
Iuquisitors; they were determined to bring him to the torture, and
on this being intimated to him he answered, that he was not amenable
to torture, but that they might do as they pleased, he threw himself
upon their mercy. On the 4th of July he was brought into the Church
of St. Peter's, where there was a numerous concourse of people, and
being placed upon the ground, his crimes were read and his sentence
passed on him.
"He was sentenced to be excluded from the pale of the Church as
a relapsed heretic, and delivered over to the Governor of Rome to be
chastised, but without drawing blood. At this ceremony, which lasted
an hour, Fra Fulgentio stood with his eyes lifted up to heaven, but
never spoke a word, and it was a common opinion that he had a gag
in his mouth.
"The ceremony being finished, he was conducted to the Church of
S. Salvatore, in Laura, and there degraded, and the following morning
hanged and burned in the Campo de' Fiori. There are various opinions
as to whether these things which are laid to his charge are true, or
are calumnies; but some, presupposing that they were true, do not
hesitate to say that he was wronged, because on account of the safe
conduct, the abjuration and looking upon him as relapsed was not to be
turned to his prejudice. I know not how to judge, but the beginning
and end, a safe conduct, and a great fire; what passed in the interim is
hidden, but from this we may conclude that the Pope has little favour
to Venice. We have had many other indications of this, and therefore the
Padre Paolo had better be cautious. He therefore does not fail in or-
dinary care, but leaves all to God, being certain that whatever God does
will be good. i
" As to the affairs of Italy, they are in great confusion. The Pope
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? E1'. 58. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 193
labours hard to bring about war, and an accommodation between Savoy
and Spain. I believe he will succeed, and then Savoy will fall upon
Geneva, and the Pope upon Venice; but Venice cannot be persuaded of
this, and obstinately maintains she is in no danger, which is, however, so
plain that the blind may see it. This makes me- fear that she has no
longer Divine help, and is in such a state of blindness as not to see light
at noonday. But since I can only complain, I had better be silent. As
for the affairs of France, I am truly glad that they prosper. I regret to
think how many years must pass during the minority of the king, seeing
the designs already formed, and the Jesuits more insolent and more bold
than ever. If it were not for them, I would hope that the other intrigues
might be overcome, or borne with by the prudence of the queen, but when so
many men are resolved to do ill, it is likely, if not now or to-morrow, yet
the day after, they may succeed. The only intent of Spain is to divide
that kingdom, having so many wise and bold ministers. To see the queen
so fond of friars and Jesuits, and make so little of the Parliament, are
not good signs. I have considered what you write of a Jesuit who boasts
that he would raise an army, and of their great acquisition of money. It
appears to me a thing not to be neglected. I know well that, notwithstand-
ing their banishment from Venice, they get very large sums of money
from this city, and it cannot be hindered. And if it be the will of God,
and according to the prophecies of the Holy Scriptures, men have nothing
to do but preparefor suffering. "
" I think the Huguenots are very wise who stand looking on, that
they may know how to govern themselves according to circumstances.
God bless their designs. But I was not aware of the tedium of my
letter which may perhaps arrive when you are ill. Excuse me, I beg
you to continue your kindness to me, and I shall alway remain your
devoted servant. " 1
" Venice, August 3, 1610. "
Fra Paolo had observed that great abuses had arisen on account of
the churches being made a refuge for offenders flying from justice; he
therefore wrote a short treatise against this practice. He divided the
work into two parts. The first comprised the right of asylum granted
and circumscribed by the Emperor, and how it ought to beunderstood;
the second what sanctuaries are allotted by the Canonists,- who ought
to be permitted to fly there, Who taken thence. From this he discours-
ed on the hull of Gregory XIV, on the immunities of the Church,
demonstrated their signification and concluded with a brief epitome of
1 F. P. S. to M. Groslot.
as
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? 194 THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1011-
the sanctuaries amongst the Jews, Greeks and Romans, and a comparison
of them with those of Christendom. ' This is followed by a minute,
divided into twenty four heads, by which a magistrate might at once
judge who ought and who ought not to obtain refuge. He considered that
sanctuaries for offenders was an abuse, under pretext of being one of
the immunities of the Churchflfe' advised tolerance but restricted the
above privilege to insolvent, 'not fraudulent debtors, and to accidental
delinquents. _
This work of Fra Paolo's was, however, in advance of the age, and
the Pope, so far from hailing a step which would have prevented much
crime, prohibited the volume. Grotius however called its author, " Paolo-
the great, " Frickleburg translated it into Latin. The Senate of Milan
added it to their statutes, while other Italian States did likewise and
the work had a large circulation.
The MS. of it, presented by Paolo to the Senate, was of greater length
than that in its printed form. He also wrote a work " on the Adriatic "
and it is probable, from some notes on the rainbow in his MSS. , he did not
overlook the discovery of the Archbishop de Dominis, Whose work" De
radiis lucis in vitris perspectivis et Iride, " was then published. "There
can be no doubt but this volume explained more of the phenomena of
the rainbow than had hitherto been understood. The rainbow was well
known to be the reflection of solar light from drops of rain, but it
belonged to the genius of De Dominis to discover that refraction was
the means of giving colour to the rays of the sun. . . . Placing a glass
between the eye and a bottle of water, from the lower side of which
light issued in the same order of colours as in the rainbow, 'De Do-
minis inferred, that after two refractions and one intermediate reflection
within the drop, the ray came to the eye tinged with the different
colours, according to the angle at which it entered. " '
At a later period, Sarpi announced peace to his friend M. Groslot,
When many feared war, but he intimates that it was against the wishes
of the Duke of Savoy. The siege of Geneva having ended in nothing,
the Pope still hoped for better fortune in Germany, and treated with
the Jesuits as to war in France.
While such was the state of the political world, Sarpi and his
friends continued at times their public yet gentle remonstrances, but
a lethargy as to papal aggression had stolen over the Venetians, and
the voice of Paolo Sarpi was like the melancholy note of the bird of
night pouring his solitary moan over a darkened world. Fra Fulgenzio
1 Giovini.
2 Hallam.
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? Er. 59. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 195
did not preach in Lent because dissuaded by him, but Fra Fulgenzio,
Paolo, and Marsilio preached in the church of Lorenzo, February 10th,
1611.
In trivial matters the Pope continued to yield to Venice, but still
strove to retain power over Ceneda. Fra Paolo wrote an account of
this quarrel for the Senate, and the Cardinal Borghese coniplained that
he " was still considered an oracle! " In the end, this matter was
partially compromised, but while the flatterers of the Pope still exalted
his temporal power, Sarpi likened them " to those animals who climbed
too high and were sure to fall. " He grieved that a book of the
Jesuits had been received at Florence, which would not have been
tolerated at Venice; but no book written by a Jesuit was allowed to
circulate there,'ilIese following observations have justly been deemed
remarkable. '
"Seeing the disputes that arise between the Jesuits and other Pa-
pists as to the Gallican liberties, if the Reformed would assist the cause
of liberty which although not perfect is less hurtful, it might be that
the Jesuits who are the great enemies of true religion might be weak-
ened, and this would open up a way of agreement with the Gallicans.
No undertaking can be greater than to bring the Jesuits into discredit.
Conquer them, Rome is lost, and without them religion will reform
itself. "
While many were occupied_with the great power obtained by the
Jesuits over nearly the known world, and whilst Sarpi bewailed the
decline of true religion in his own country, the Pope gained fresh
adherents in Germany, but at Rome no Venetian was promoted to
the Cardinalate, "Good men accounted it a public service. "
To their dismay, the Italians learned that the Spaniards had seized
Cape]. The Viceroy had shewn his independence by hanging an offender
who had taken refuge in the church before the Archbishop's door, but
Sarpi was more astonished that the English Ambassador obtained the
release of a captive from the Inquisition. He also wished to gain tidings
of the procedure of the French parliament against Bellarmine, as some
of his friends " amongst the Senators could scarcely bear to hear his
name, and spoke of him as one born to disturb the peace of Christ-
endom. "
A controversial work of M. de Mornay was now sent to Sarpi, it
made a considerable impression at and since the time of its publication. '
1 This volume forms part of the valuable library of the late learned Lord
Handyside, to which I was permitted access by Mrs. Handyside, ne? e Bruce. J
" Mysterium lniqvitatis sev Historia Papatus. " etc. Philipo Mornayo '46
A 944
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? 196 ' THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1611-
He thought "the Sorbonne might have censured it more modestly,"
but censures in large measure were dealt out to those who wielded their
pens against the Curia.
The ambassador Bruslart now offered to expedite Fra Paolo's let-
ters, but he knew his character and therefore declined, he received his
letters from him but sent no answers to his 'care, and on the plea of
his office, refused to receive the ambassador's visits. Chagrined by
these determinations, Bruslart said, "that Fra Paolo was a man with-
out religion, faith or conscience, and that he did not believe in the
immortality of the soul. " M. Bruslart also received command from M.
Villeroi to arrange matters with the Nuncio, that Fra Paolo might be
taxed with the said letters, his MSS. examined and his portfolio and
papers seized.
But no such interference was allowed, and the Senators told the
Nuncio, as to his writing to heretics, it did not follow because Fra
Paolo wrote to them that he "was what they called a heretic. " At this
the Nuncio was greatly disturbed, and informed Borghese, " that he
had great fears that the Venetians would separate from the Catholic
Church, and exclude themselves from the authority of N. S. by the arti-
fices of Fra Paolo, Nicolo Contarini, Sebastiano Veneiro, and such like. "
To Fra Paolo Sarpi the name of Sir Dudley Carlton, the ambassador
from England to Venetia, sounded uncouthly, but he takes an early
opportunity to write in praise of an Englishman of whom it was said,
" though a statesman, he was an honest man. "
Plots against the life of King James continued, and Sir Dudley
info-rms his Majesty of Great Britain of a meditated attempt' of the
kind by the Jesuits,_thus, "because of an advertisement I have from
many hands that the Jesuits at Rome have lately given orders to all
their society, to use prayers for quarante hore for the good successe
of a great enterprise they have in hand, the like whereof was said to
be done before November the preceding year. " Fra Paolo was not
singular in his opinion of their practices.
Intolerance was still rife elsewhere, M. Richer (a man too well
known for his abilities and works to need any further comment here),
had been assailed at Paris; his foes called aloud for his death, and the
Society of Jesus were bitter against him, but amidst the storm of me-
nace that would have delivered him up to the rage of his opponents
the still small voice of mercy was heard, Pierre Cosuier an ecelesiastic of
great piety addressed an admonitory letter in favor of Richer to M. de
Harlay, Abbot of S. Victor, commencing with the touching Words,
" Ego cogitationes pacis et non afilictionis. " This letter disarmed
Richer's foes; thus charity shed its soft light, and intolerance for a
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? ll'. 59. ] - FRA PAOLO SARPI 19'!
time withered beneath its ray, but the tumult raised on account of his
book continued long, and Fra Paolo endeavors to comfort his friend
M. Groslot on this subject. And he appears glad that there is a pros-
pect of coming differences with Rome which might be beneficial to
the Republic; the whole letter is full of interest.
The reader will call to mind the name of one of the theologians, a
Neapolitan divine, who had been cited to Rome but had not obeyed
the summons, yet answered by a manly protest. In the month of Fe-
bruary 1612, Marsilio had been taken ill, and three of the physicians
who attended him declared that he had died of poison.
" Giovanni Marsilio, " writes Sarpi, " died here yesterday. I think
you knew him Well; he was in bed ten days; the physicians say he
was poisoned, of which I say nothing now, as I knew nothing pre-
viously, some priests endeavored to make him recant what he had
written but he always remained firm, saying, he wrote what he did for
the sake of the truth, and would die in that belief. M. Assellineau
often visited him and is able to give you many particulars of his illness,
for I neither could or would search into the matter, for various reasons.
I believe that if it were not for state reasons, there are divers persons
who would vault from this pit of Rome to the height of Reform, but one is
afraid of one thing and another of another. " 1 Grave suspicions were
entertained by many besides the physicians, that Marsilio had met his
death by poison, while Sarpi declares this, he feels it was needless to
pursue the matter further. But he was satisfied that Marsilio, strong in
death in the principles he had advocated, was in reality a victor though
apparently among the vanquished: his name has come down to posterity
as one who boldly dared to write in favor of the Republic of Venice
when the Pope sought to defraud her of her- rights, and never does this
able patriot appear more truly great than when contemplated on his
bed of death, outstretched there a victim, but a victim in a righteous
cause. The visits of thegood Asselineau were doubtless a solace when
in his misery. Asselineau was a physician of no small value, for he could
minister not only to the body, but to the soul, deep in the tomb Mar-
silio was laid, subtle poison had chilled his life blood, and Sarpi could
do no more than in a private letter express himself as above; his words
afford proof that death did not terrify Marsilio from his allegiance to
Heaven and to. his Prince, but that Rome was relentless to those who
challenged her power as supreme.
The words, " I believe, that if it were not for state reasons there are
1 Credo che se non fosse per ragion di stato, si troverrebbero diversi che salte-
rebbero da questo fosso di Roma nclla cima della Reforma, ma chi tema una cosa,
chi un altra, #0. --- Venice, 18th February, 1612, To M. de 1' Isole Groslot.
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? 198 THE LIFE oF [A. D. 1612
divers persons who would vault from this pit of Rome to the height of.
reform, " are words which some have severely censured, others attempt-
ed to get rid of, but this has been found impossible.
The passage is
one of the strongest in the writings of Sarpi and it confirms e opi-
nion that he did wish the Church of Rome freed from the tyranny
of the Court of Rome. Perhaps these words were wrung from his pen
as he thought on Marsilio in all the agonies of a violent death, and
few knew better than Sarpi in his own person what it'was to differ
from a court which endeavored to assume the dictatorship of the world.
There can be no doubt that had the rulers of Venice declared for
absolute reform, all the powers of Europe who had commanded it
within the Church would have declared for Venice, and she would have
continued to hold her place among the nations, but Spain was strong,
and old habits and prejudices were stronger still. Venice was to pass
through a long and dreary servitude before she would awake, like the
wise of Italy, to see that a thorough reform of the church and separa-
tion from the Pope and Court of Rome is not a change of religion,
but a return to the religion taught by the Holy Apostles, and that
restoration of the Sacred Scriptures to the people is a right of which
none dare to rob them with impunity. Is there no one bold enough
now to vault over the trench or pit of Rome? Two hundred and fifty
years have passed since Marsilio died, and during all this time the
Court of Rome has kept the Church enthralled. Can men not learn
from past history? Can they not imitate the bold? Can no one, who
has not only the will, as had Sarpi, but the power, free his country
from the Court of Rome? Is there, as hasbeen lately asked, no Sarpi
left amongst the great intellects which adorn Italy, no senator who
can rise in his place like the great, the immortal Cavour, and recalling
Sarpi to their mind, as he did in one of his latest addresses to the
senators, ask them to free the Church of Rome from the Pope and
Court of Rome?
Never till the Senate of Italy is persuaded that reform within the
Church is\ only a return to the old and true religion, and that no people
can serve two masters, will the Pope become again Bishop of Rome,
and Italy disencumbered of his power be wholly free!
Still closely watched, though still closely cared for, Sarpi as usual
employed a cypher, or dictated some of his letters. In one of them be con-'
eludes thus, " because this is a letter which may be seen by all, I wish
to gratify myself by showing my respect for you, in sending you a little
of my own handwriting, ' remaining your most devoted servant. " All
1 21st 'March. 1612.
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? E1'. 60. ] . FRA PAOLO sanrr 199
his letters which the writer has seen, and they are a considerable num-
ber in MS. , are signed " F. Paolo di Venetia, " and are addressed " Al
Molto Reverendissimo Fra Paolo de Serui. " Generally speaking he
wrote to his intimate friends himself, but sometimes Fra Fulgenzio
wrote to them for him. He frequently concluded his letters by a mes-
sage from Fulgenzio, and from the noble Molino who was often in his
company.
Political events were gloomy, and Sarpi judged that the coronation
of Matthias as Emperor of Germany was overshadowed by the Pope's
insertion in the Decretals, "that now the examination of the election
and of the person elected, as well as the confirmation belongs to him;
and that the elect Emperor ought to take an oath of fidelity to him,
also that the administration of the vacant empire belongs to him,
but that God is above all, and as he wills that prayer be made to him
so will he listen, according to his divine purpose. " Further, Sarpi
surmised that . Albert would be king of the Romans, and Spain obtain
a stronger hold upon Germany.
The Turks were again in motion, the Spanish fleet kept watch at
Otranto, Sarpi supposed in the hope that the Republic and the Ot-
tomans might quarrel. The disgust between Rome and Venice grew
wider, and Sarpi was still in bad odour with the Pope, which is plain
from a despatch of M. de Breves to the King of France, of August
14th. " I omitted to write to your Majesties by the former ordinary,
that the Pope had told me that he knew for certain that Frere Paul,
who is in the employ of the Republic, had evil intentions against your
Majesties well being, as might be seen by his letters which have been
intercepted. They were addressed to some private individuals of the
Reformed religion in their service, and shown to them by the Papal
Nuncio. I have informed M. Leo Bruslart, their Ambassador at Venice,
but he will not mention the subject until their intentions are known'.
As to the differences between his Holiness and the Venetians they are
kept secret, and neither party complains, so that it is much better to
appear to know nothing of them than to think of finding a remedy,
added to which, the Venetians would distrust your Majesties, as
they do his Holiness, on account of the continued alliance with
Spain. "
One of the causes of difference certainly was the bad odour in which
the theologian of Venice Was held by the Pope, he had little rest,
his enemies were still on the watch to take his life; a secret plot had
been discovered against him by the Venetian Ambassador at Rome
of which he says little more than, " the Senate are so good as to have
heard this with disgust. "
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? 200 THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1613.
But amidst his own troubles the deprivation of the Syndic Richer
had deeply affected him; he knew that the Jesuits had prevailed against
this innocent man whose defence was not permitted to be published,
which Sarpi regretted, as he hoped it might have led to more liberty
of conscience. And on this account he turned with pleasure to the
amicable terms on which Venetia and Holland were united. He had
hoped that the projected marriage between the Prince of Wales and
a Princess of the Romish Church would be a means of diminishing
the reputation of the Pope, who was by no means pleased that Princes
of the Church of Rome made alliances for their daughters with Princes
of the Reformed religion, but his hopes were disappointed by the
death of the Prince of Wales. "God grant, " he writes, "that it may
not overwhelm the King with sorrow, a greater he could not suffer. "
One might have supposed that Fra Paolo did not require any ad-
ditional employment, but by command, he now wrote his history of
the Uscochs, a horde of Dalmatians who lived chiefly in Segna, an inac-
cessible city of the Adriatic, near Spalatro. These pirates indulged in
desperate undertakings, in which they were joined by men of infamous
character Venetians, Dalmatians, Turks, Croats and English. Under
pretence of forming an advanced guard in time of war, these despe-
radoes were permitted to dwell under the sovereignty of Austria. Their
number was only one thousand, yet they were a terror to Venetia,
and on one occasion dared to send a present of sixty human heads
to the Signory: irritated by this conduct the Republic blockaded Segna,
but the pirates withdraw from the coast and ravaged Istria under
Austrian colors.
The Austrians affected ignorance, but summary justice followed.
The Uscochs retreated, but returned to the charge with redoubled
fury, and as many troops had to be despatched against them, Venetia
followed the counsel which Fra Paolo had formerly given, to employ
s&diers of the Reformed religion, and thus four thousand Hollanders
honorably kept the city from the fangs of the destroyer. He believed
that his countrymen would acquire much good from a closer ac-
quaintance with the Germans and Dutch and that thus prejudice against
the religion of those who had protested against popery would be
subdued . for himself, he stood on the broad basis of the Nicene creed.
But Paul V still persevered against Fra Paolo, and continued to
incite the French Ambassador to demand satisfaction at his own Court.
The letters of M. de Bre? ves are painful instances of intolerance/but
truth prevailed, and the integrity of Fra Paolo was a rampart against
which all the waves of envy, bigotry and persecution beat in vain.
While the affairs of Hungary and Poland became more and more
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? ET. 61. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 201
entangled by the -Jesuits, the 'Turks were constructing a bridge across
the Danube for an easy passage for their army; and the Duke of
Savoy surprised Montferrat, but his claims to it being laid aside, the
Cardinal assumed the title of Duke of Mantua.
At a somewhat later period Sarpi was commanded by the Duke- of
Savoy to be rewarded for his writings during the Interdict. He had
not yet laid down his pen, as we find a small work issue from it,
"On immunities of the Church', "- written only for his friends but
printed by the Senator Molino, besides his being known to have continued
his greater volumes.
In the beginning of the year 1614, a gleam of light burst across the
papal mind, Paul V spoke with kindness of Fra Paolo; it is pleasant to note
the change. The Bishop of Tino had been accused by the Inquisitors, he
was cited to Venice and there called upon to defend himself. The case was
referred to Fra Paolo whose advice was followed, and the Bishop was he
norably reinstated in his see, and on his way to the east he waited upon
the Pope, who when speaking of Fra Paolo said, "that he was both
temperate and just. " On hearing this the Servite remarked. "Now
we have a Pope who is friendly, I pray God that he may live longer
than I, because of his successors. "
On the 22nd of December the Doge Memmo died, and Giovanni
Bembo was elected in his room. There had been an ineffectual effort'
to introduce reformation in the Church into Venice during this year.
The Republic was shewing increased subserviency to the Pope, which
not only then weakened the government, but was one of the principal
causes of its overthrow. Sarpi raised his voice in vain, Spain was
still the foe of Venice, the Republic endeavored to avert a war, but
the Duke of Ossuna incited the Pope and Uscochs against her and
sent troops into Milan, and armed vessels into the Adriatic.
The Republic complained to the Court of Madrid, and the Duke
was commanded to disarm, but on this he invited- the Uscochs to
Naples and threatened to surprise the city of Venice: the whole year
was one of continued warfare by sword and by pen, and Sarpi furnished
a supplement to his History of the Uscochs. He also continued his
astronomical pursuits with Galileo, and in a memorandum from the
Schedae Sarpianae, "Per mia memoria, " he foretells the misfortunes
which were about to fall on the great Florentine.
" Since I hear from the M. N. and M. I. Senator Molino, that M.
Galileo Galilei is about to go to Rome, being invited there by several
Cardinals to lay before them his opinions respecting his discoveries in
the heavens; I fear that if in such circumstances he brings forward
the learned considerations which have induced him to prefer the theory
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? 202 THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1616.
of the Canon Copernicus of our solar system, he will incure the ill
will of the Jesuits and of the other monks, that the physical and
astronomical question will be changed by them into a matter of _ theology
and I foresee with sorrow that he will have to recant his opinions
upon it, if he would live in peace without being regarded X a heretic.
I 4%>> Yet I am sure that the day will come when more enlightened men
mm
Z4>>-
,
will deplore Galileo's misfortunes and the injustice done to so great
a man, but in the mean time he must endure it, and complain only
M7 in secret. " Again, "the Copernican hypothesis, far from being contrary
to the word of God as revealed in the sacred pages, rather does honor
to his omnipotence and infinite wisdom, both as regards the order and
arrangement of the terrestrial mechanism, and that of all the other
orbs Which constitute the wondrous spectacle of the universe. " A later _
age acknowledged the truth of these remarks, and at Florence Leopold II,
Grand Duke of Tuscany, commanded the execution of frescoes in which
Sarpi and Galileo are delineated, as well as a collection of Galileo's
mechanical, and optical instruments with which Sarpi was conversant.
In the month of J une Sir Henry Wotton was again appointed
Ambassador from Great Britain to Venice, his esteem for Fra Paolo
continued, and to him is to be imputed his Sovereign's requests that
he should go to England. But his friend Bedell did not return to
Venice, and this was probably one reason why Paolo again welcomed
de Dominis the Archbishop of Spalatro, and steadily keeping in view
his desire for reform within the Church of Rome, it is evident that
throughout his life, he looked favourably on whoever was most likely
to aid in this laudable purpose. In the time of the Interdict, it has
been noticed, that "the Archbishop de Dominis associated with Fra
Paolo. Discontented with the Pope and Court of 'Rome, he had introduced
many wise reforms into his diocese, and where heathen orgies had
once been celebrated on the site of part of the magnificent remains
of the temple and palace of the Emperor Diocletian at Spalatro, De
Dominis had advocated many wise measures as to reformation of the
Church. He was, however, of a restless disposition, and on coming to
Venice made the acquaintance of Fra Paolo and the seven, probably in
the hope that the Republic of Venice would be freed from the Court
of Rome. Fra Paolo had such confidence in him, as actually to lend
to him his MS. of the History of the Council of Trent, in order that
he might read it. It {appears a most extraordinary act on the part
of Fra Paolo to intrust any one with a MS. which he had guarded
so carefully; which he never said that he had written, but which had
cost him so many years of toil and labor. How De Dominis acted,
will be seen in the sequel; but for the present he must be followed
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? 11*/r. 64. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 203
to Coire in the Grisons, Heidelberg, and subsequently to England.
Tidings of his manifesto appear to have reached Fra Paolo, because
he says he "suspended his judgment with regard to a prelate," as
also that he mentions a "manifesto of De Dominis; " but after observing.
"that all he printed was certain to be prohibited," he adds, "that he
knew nothing further respecting him. " At a later period he thus
writes to M. Gillotz " I have news from my friend of the Archbishop
of Spalatro. He conversed confidentially with him, and he saw some
of his books about to be published, he assured me that they were
written without any pretension, or any appearance of controversy. He
avoids all bitterness; he only maintains his own opinions distinctly,
and proves all by ancient documents. However, my friend neither
praised their prolixity (which is perhaps extreme), nor -the vacillation
or anxiety of mind, which the author ingenuously confesses, 'I should
admire it if he lived in France, where interchange of thought is not
forbidden to any, but in a place where men are- deprived from their
cradles of liberty of thought I value it highly in a Dalmatian, who
has been brought up in the dungeons of the Jesuits, that he has been
able to extricate himself from darkness. In forming my judgment of
his worth and learning, I take these difficulties into account; I could
not otherwise have spoken of them in such absolute terms. "
Thus charitably did Sarpi write of De Dominis. Having declared
himself one of the Reformed in England, De Dominis was received
with great distinction at Court by the King, entertained sumptuously
by the Universities, and lodged by royal command at the palace of the
Archbishop of Canterbury.
After the ceremony of the renunciation of his episcopacy at St.
Paul's Cathedral, London, he was presented to the Mastership of the
Savoy, London, and to the living and parsonage of West Ilsley, Berkshire;
but De Dominis was not satisfied.
His work "De Republica Ecclesiastica, " was one of great' service,
but the vacillating nature of its author impaired its usefulness lat-
terly. High authority pronounced its arguments nnanswerable, but the
Nuncio demanded a prohibition of his works, and Sarpi had again
the mortification to see one, who he had hoped might benefit his
country, leave him to struggle on without the aid of his pen or his high
dignity to assist him, but Sarpi was obedient to the commands of heaven.
Heaven had given him the key which unlocks its portals, the late
dews of night and the first breath of early morn found him sup-
plicating for his country, and the Christian patriot resigned himself to
the thought, that whatever God permitted to happen to the Church, it
would be for her benefit,-"He thus wrote:
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? 204 THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1617.
" As to what I touched upon in my letter concerning the Kingdom
of Heaven, Christ is, without doubt, a King and Priest. 'He hath
made us all,' says St. Peter, 'priests and kings,' that is he hath
made his Church a royal priesthood, by making his ministers partakers
of the royal and priestly power. Admit this; he hath made his stewards
and ministers viceroys in his absence. This is certain, 'As my Father
sent me, so I send you. ' It belongs to the Kingdom of Heaven; it
neither receives nor gives anything of mutual help from, or to an
earthly King. And there is no wonder in this; they do not walk
together, they cannot meet together. Christ's minister and vicar has
his conversation in heaven, from whence we look for Christ the Saviour.
The King of France has no diminution. of power, because his dominion
does not reach to the stars. The Kingdom of Heaven is further from
the French nation than those stars are. 'The Kingdom of Heaven is
within you,' said Christ (St. Luke xvm,). But whether an earthly
prince does anything towards the Kingdom of Heaven, he will best
be able to say who learns from history, how much more it prospered
under Diocletian than under Constantine. No one comes after Christ
but one that takes up His cross.
"The Kingdom of Heaven began by the cross, it is extended and
perfected by the cross: not but that the Church may flourish in
peace, because God sometimes plants it by the favour of princes, and
sometimes by persecution; 'through honour and dishonour, by evil
report and good report,' (2 Cor. vI). 'All things work together for
good to them that love God. ' I have not taken the words of the
Kingdom of Heaven as meant of the Church on earth; and I so conceive
the Scriptures teach me to understand it. . . .
"They are Christ's ministers who have the keys of the Kingdom
committed to them. Nobody can say that he that keeps the keys of
the house is the house itself; and in the first and second chapters of
St. John's Revelation those Words, 'Thou hast made us unto our
God kings and priests, and we shall reign on the earth,' are not
only spoken of his ministers, but of all else, of every tribe, language,
people, and nation that are cleansed and redeemed by the blood of
Christ. "
Sarpi speaks of those who engrossed the name of " Church" to them-
selves, who also took to themselves its goods and estates, and those
of Rome had given him a very low place, because he did " not allow
them a coercive power over sovereigns. "
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? 205
CHAPTER X.
s. n. 1618 -- s. n. 1623.
Door: or VENICE. 1618 Niccolo Donato.
