Nationale
30, said to
be a sixteenth century copy (cf.
be a sixteenth century copy (cf.
Cambridge History of English Literature - 1908 - v02
Again, Pecock's excellent arguments
from history and theological literature made little impression
upon contemporaries almost as ignorant as they were biassed,
while his philosophical reasoning not only was beyond their grasp,
but was suspected of being a greater danger than the Lollardy it
controverted. To reason of religion at all, and in the vulgar
tongue, was a crime; to reason with heretics appeared to admit
that they had some kind of case; worst of all, in those intolerant
times, was Pecock’s tolerance.
The book is clearly arranged in five parts, each divided into
chapters, and a short prologue sets forth the purport and plan,
namely, to defend eleven points of 'governances of the clergy
condemned by some of the common people. ' Part I deals with
the Lollard position in general, while the succeeding parts defend
the arraigned practices by special arguments. Part I is the most
important and shows by how great a distance Pecock was in
advance of his age. Could his methods have been adopted by
the English hierarchy, the ecclesiastical revolution of the next
dynasty would, perhaps, never have occurred, and Hooker would
have been forestalled by a century.
Pecock finds the heresies of the Lollards to arise from three
fundamental errors in their method of thinking; when these are
relinquished, the way will be clear for constructive explanation.
The Lollards assume the New Testament to be the origin of
religion and morality, holding no ordinance to be binding unless
grounded, that is originating, in Scripture; secondly, they maintain
that every pious Christian can instinctively discover the full
meaning of Scripture; and, last, they assert that this pious Christian
is then justified in scorning any reasoning or expounding by
scholars and churchmen.
These theses of the lay party' are to be disproved not by
counter-quoting of texts, but by reasoning; and Pecock, therefore,
enters first upon a brief explanation of the method of logical
argument: ‘Wolde God it (logic) were leerned of al the comon
people in her moderis langage for thanne thei schulden therbi
be putt fro myche ruydnes and boistousness which thei han now
in resonyng. '
>
## p. 291 (#309) ############################################
The Repressor and the Lollards
291
6
Pecock declares that Scripture was not intended to reveal to
man any of the moral laws which he had already discovered by
law of kind,' i. e. light of nature. Scripture, in fact, assumes
that men recognise the moral law, and if it were possible that
any apparent discord should subsist between the words written
in 'the outward book of parchemyn or of velym' and 'the doom
of resoun write in mannis soule and herte,' then must the written
words be interpreted to accord with reason, not reason glosed to
accord with the writing. It is actually worse to undervalue this
'inward Scripture' than to undervalue the Bible itself. Because
Scripture enforces many points of morality, we are not to regard
the book as the foundation of the moral law-any more than men
of London say, when men of the country upland bring branches
of trees from Bishop's wood and flowers of the field for the
citizens to array their houses with at midsummer, that these
branches grew out of the carts or the hands of the bringers.
It follows that neither the truths of moral philosophy nor corol-
laries deduced from either philosophy or the law of nature are
grounded' in Scripture. To ask of any ordinance or custom
80 deduced by philosophy or common sense: 'where fyndist
thou it groundid in Holi Scripture ? ' is as far beside the mark
as to ask of a conclusion of grammar: 'where findist thou it
groundid in tailour craft? or of a point of sadler craft where
findist thou it groundid in bocheri ? ' Much that is needful for
us to know is left for us to discover by reason and experience:
'I preie thee, Sir, seie to me where in Holi Scripture is zouen
the hundrid parti of the teching upon matrimonie which y teche
in a book mad upon Matrimonie and in the firste partie of Cristen
a
religioun ? ' Nor does Scripture give a hundredth part of Pecock's
teaching upon usury in The filling of the four tables, and yet
these books he considers full scanty to teach all that is needful
to know upon matrimony and usury. He concludes that pilgrim-
ages, the use of images in churches, or the endowments of the
clergy, are not to be condemned because they are not expressly
ordained in Scripture.
That the members of the lay party overvalue the authority of
Scripture Pecock generously grants to be due to the excellent effect
on their minds of studying it. Precious, indeed, is the effect; but to
hold the Bible, therefore, for the sole rule of truth, is as if one should
endeavour to live entirely upon that necessary of life, honey. The
lay party will, however, allege that reason is fallible; to which
Pecock answers, that so may eyesight or hearing sometimes prove
1942
## p. 292 (#310) ############################################
292 English Prose in the XV th Century
deceptive, and yet we cannot see or hear save with eye and ear;
while the dangers of fallacious reasoning are minimised by a learned
clergy, whose gathered knowledge enables them to expound the
whole meaning of Scripture. Another safeguard, he avers, we have in
the infallibility of syllogism; let reason proceed on this method and
she cannot err: ‘for if y be siker and suer in my reason that no
man is in the chirche of Seint Poul at Londoun, and that the
bischop of London is a man, y may be sekir and sure that the
bischop of London is out of the chirche of Seint Poul at London,
thouz alle aungels in heven wolde seie the contrarie. '
As for the second 'trowing' of the Lollards—that every
humble Christian can sufficiently interpret Scripture they can
easily recognise its falseness by their own divisions. Do not the
Bible-men already distinguish parties, some as doctor-mongers,
some opinion-holders, some neutrals? Hath not Bohemia ex-
perienced the doom of 'ech kingdom devidid in hem silf'! To
interpret Scripture aright is evidently difficult, therefore should
learned men be consulted; not that every preacher or wearer
of a doctor's cap is competent to expound, and grievous it is to
find so little attention paid to the serious scholar who 'flotereth
not so ofte aboute the eeris of the lay peple as dooth the feet of
preaching. '
The third 'trowing' of the lay party-that, having (as they
assume) attained to the knowledge of Scripture, they should
pay no further attention to the arguments of clerks—is as bad
as the Mohammadan law which punishes the man who reasons
about his faith, whereas truth is ready to come to the light and be
confirmed: it is but 'countirfeet goold' which abides not the fire.
This mistaken endeavour to make Scripture the sole rule of
life springs of ignorance and want of thought. Where does
Scripture say that the New or Old Testament 'schulde be writt
in Englisch tunge to lay men or in Latyn tunge to clerkis'; where,
that men schulden make ale or beer of whiche so myche horrible synne
cometh myche more than of setting up of ymagis or of pilgrymagis? . . . without
ale and beer and without sidir and wijn and meeth, men and women myte
lyve ful long and lenger than thei doon now, and in lesse jolite and cheerte of
herte forto bringe hem into horrible grete synnes-
and yet the laity think these drinks quite permissible, i. e. lawful, i. e.
right. Would that those women who make themselves so wise in the
Bible and ‘so coppid of speche a nentis clerkis' might wear none
of their fine 'coverchefis of lynnen or of silk of whiche so miche
synne cometh'till they could find scriptural warrant for them!
## p. 293 (#311) ############################################
Pecock's Minor Works
293
Illustration is among Pecock's strong points—homely, striking
and tersely worded, but too often adding a provocation. He had
the unlucky art of selecting an irritating topic: 'If the king of
England dwelt in Bordeaux and should send a noble letter to
the judges exhorting them to impartial justice,' was one of his
illustrations, when the nation was frantic over the loss of Gascony
and not a law-court was freely held.
The second part of The Repressor takes point by point the
lay party's objections to the church and proves, to the author's
satisfaction, that the arraigned customs are not only unforbidden
by Scripture, but that each rests upon good grounds. Even if a
good custom, such as the use of images, be abused, the abuse is
not serious, for nobody makes literal idols of images, taking
them to be gods. Besides, scriptural warrant exists for them in
the practice of Laban and of Micah and the Levite.
The necessity of vindicating every ecclesiastical practice com-
pels Pecock to have recourse, sometimes, to casuistry; and his
justification of the practice of the mendicants who only touched
money with a stick, or of those who deserted necessitous parents
to save their own souls in a convent, is not pleasant. But he
was unconscious of any weakness in his case; to him, logic was
everything; 'prove' is his favourite word; he believed men were
convinced by logic. Nor was it to the details of his case that
his enemies objected His appeal to reason was the real crime,
and his criticism was hardly less weakening to the rule of
authority. To nullify the current moral of a fable connected
with the donation of Constantine, he proved the fabulousness of
the famous donation itself, imprudently adding that the evils
ascribed to the wealth of the church arise from the appoint-
ment, nowadays, of unfit persons to bishoprics. He had the
audacity to declare that a statement of St Jerome's was probably
not true. He pointed out a discrepancy between Eusebius and
pseudo-Damasus, and decided, on historical grounds, for Eusebius.
It could only be expected that he would have to face the charge
of denying the authority of Scripture and of the Fathers of the
church. The prelates were little likely to think well of a man
who dragged their practices to the bar of criticism.
Pecock's smaller works seem to have pursued the same plan
of facing the heretic on his own ground. In The Book of Faith
he discards the axiom that the Church cannot err, because the
Lollards would not admit it, and proceeds on the supposition that
she might. But, if the Church should err, this would not excuse
## p. 294 (#312) ############################################
294 English Prose in the XV th Century
the laity from obedience, for she would fail only after having done
all that was humanly possible to find the truth much more than an
individual could do. God would not blame her members for such
unavoidable error. Nor hath any man proved, neither ever can,
his own trowing to be true contrary to the Church. He must
submit, then, to her wisdom, which, if not absolutely infallible, is
relatively enormously greater than that of any individual. But
the prelates accused Pecock of declaring that the catholic church
was liable to error.
It is certain that Pecock was sincere in his bold arguments,
and that he believed himself to be refounding the ecclesiastical
structure. Whether his works were as widely read as he believed
we cannot tell. He intended them for the lay party, i. e. the
Lollards, and made his books as brief as possible, because they
were necessary for every man to study. In The Donet he seems
(like some later apologists) to have tried to find the necessary
minimum of belief and to frame a creed which all would accept,
paving his way by the assertion that the apostles' creed was
only named after the apostles, not compiled by them. The
Poor Men's Mirror was a selection or skeleton made from
The Donet in the hope that even the poor would purchase so
cheap and necessary a book. Many other productions Pecock
names in a self-satisfied manner in The Repressor; yet, when
his orthodoxy was suddenly challenged, he replied that he would
not be responsible for works more than three years old, for many
had been copied and circulated without his consent and might
be incorrect. As this limit would exclude nearly all his works
save The Repressor, Pecock either knew the accuracy of copyists
to be notoriously poor, or was entering a disingenuous plea. His
enemy, Gascoigne, declares that he was always changing his mind
and disavowing his former statements.
At all events, Pecock had some following of young men,
probably at Oxford, where, though the university had promptly
renounced him and expressed penitence for permitting heresy to
flourish, his books were still being burned as late as 1475, having
been overlooked, said the apologetic authorities, in very obscure
corners. That they should be even then hidden and remembered
implies a more than superficial effect; yet there are very few
copies now existing. Most of his works have perished altogether,
and, after the Tudor reformation, Reginald Pecock was considered
a martyred protestant and received the mistaken eulogy of Foxe.
The Repressor is so clearly written that the achievement of
## p. 295 (#313) ############################################
Pecock's Style and Vocabulary 295
its author is hardly realised at first in its magnitude. Pecock
had to find or make terms for conveying abstract ideas and
philosophical distinctions; yet it is but seldom that he betrays
the difficulty and states that he uses a word in two senses (e. g.
leeful for 'permissible' and 'enjoined'). His wide command of
terms is not that of a man conversant only with theological
literature; many of his more unusual words are to be found in
Chaucer or in Piers the Plowman', while others seem to be of
recent importation and a few, even, of his own invention
Perhaps it is significant of the materialism of the age that
Pecock so seldom indulges in metaphor; 'to lussche forth texts,' 'a
coppid (crested) woman' are simple, but he felt obliged more than
once to explain elaborately, as did Trevisa, the nature of figurative
language where one would have thought the meaning self-evident".
The only drawback to Pecock's style, for a modern reader, is
his tendency to pleonasm. The reason already suggested does
not cover nearly all the instances of double, or even triple,
expressions. Pecock is not wholly free from the old love of
:
i Carect, apposid, approprid, aliened, eto.
? Corrept, correpcioun=rebuke, distinguished from correction=punishment, coursli
=in course of nature.
Probably the difficulty lay less in finding abstract terms than in making precise
distinctions: deliciosite, cheerte, carpentrie, bocheri give no pause; nor the active use
of verbs : to feble, to cleree (make clear); nor the host of adverbs and adjectives
composed by -li, -ose, -able : manli=human, cloistrose, contrariose, plentuose, makeable,
doable, kutteable, preachable, i. e. of a text, etc. Not that his words have all survived:
yet coursli, overte and netherte, aboute-writing, mynde placis =shrines, & pseudo, &
reclame=protest, are good terms.
On the other hand Pecock could not be sure that a word would be restricted to a
particular use, that readers would seize the opposition of graciosli to naturali, the
distinction between correcte and correpte, orologis and clocks (dials and mechanical
clocks), lete and lette (permit and hire out, hinder), jollite, with a bad signification, and
cheerte, a neutral term. A few words which already bore a twofold meaning Pecock
accepted for both senses : religiose (conventual or pious), persoun (person or parson),
quyk (alive or speedy, but quykli has the modern meaning), rather (more or earlier),
eto. Like earlier writers he often couples the elder and newer words : undirnome and
blamyd, rememoratiij and minding signs, wiite and defaute, skile and argument, but, as
the work progresses, he uses oftener skile, minding sign and undirnome. He has no
preference for the new-fangled, his aim is to be understood; if a few of Trevisa's or
Capgrave's obsolescent words disappear and feng or fong or bynam, fullynge, out-take,
are replaced in The Repressor by take or took, baptym, no but, yet Pecock prefers riall,
beheest, drenched, hiled, to the unfamiliar regalle, promissioune, drownede, couered,
though these last are to be found already in the anonymous translation of Poly-
chronicon (see ante, p. 78). We find that some of the old prefixes so common in
Trevisa, by- and to-, appear no longer, while the hitherto rare preposition frequent
in underling, undertake and undirnym (Trevisa seldom ventured upon undirneþe).
The opposition of a yeer of dearth to one of greet cheep, and the use of doctour.
monger, guest-monger, suggest the modern signification.
* E. g. Vol. I, pp. 161, 162.
## p. 296 (#314) ############################################
296 English Prose in the XV th Century
balanced phrases, nor, perhaps, from the turn for quasi-legal forms
affected in his age. He repeats the seid, the now rehercid
tiresomely, and rejoices in triplicates: 80 mich fonned, masid and
dotid: ech gouernaunce or conuersacioun or policie which Holi
Scripture werneth not and forbedeth not. This tendency, how-
ever, is most noticeable in the early and more dialectical portions
of The Repressor, while the very contrast between the full pre-
cision of the arguments and the colloquial turn of the examples
gives a pleasing sense of variety. The spelling is, as a rule,
consistent, and is noteworthy for a system of doubling the vowels
to give a long sound: lijk, meenis, waasteful, etc. It is probable
that the extant copy of The Repressor was executed under Pecock's
immediate supervision, to be handed to the archbishop.
Sir John Fortescue, the intrepid chief justice of Henry VI and
the earliest English constitutional lawyer, occupies, in the sphere of
political literature, a position not unlike that of Pecock in religious
controversy. But the larger part of his works, which aim at
justifying the title of the house of Lancaster, are in Latin. The
arguments of the smaller tracts are historical; but his large
work, De Natura Legis Naturae, is, mainly, philosophical. In this
book the actual claim of Henry VI is made to rest upon the large
foundation of that law of nature which resolves the succession
to all kingdoms. He discovers three ‘natural' kinds of govern-
ment: absolute monarchy (dominium regale), republicanism
(dominium politicum) and constitutional monarchy (dominium
politicum et regale). The right of the Lancastrian house,
therefore, is bound up with the English constitution. Even when
he reaches the second part of the book and deals with the struggle
then being waged, Fortescue keeps to an abstract form of argument.
*Justice'is to settle the claim to a kingdom in Assyria preferred
by three personages, the brother, daughter and daughter's son of
the deceased monarch. The reader reflects on Edward III, but
Fortescue throws over the claim to France and the settlement of
Scotland; there is no inheritance through a female, and 'Justice'
assigns the kingdom to the brother.
Such an attempt to solve the problem of the time by referring
it to a general law is something in the manner of Pecock. The
consideration of the 'natural' forms of government and the
decision that the constitution of England is a dominium politicum
et regale became, with Fortescue, a firm conviction. Though the
cause he had at heart, and for which he risked fortune and life
## p. 297 (#315) ############################################
Sir John Fortescue 297
and went into exile, was not advanced by his reasoning but hope-
lessly crushed by the cogent arguments of archery and cannon, he
was able to exercise a perhaps not unsatisfying activity in the
composition of two works which might teach Englishmen better
to understand and value that noble constitution to which the
Yorkist conqueror certainly paid little enough attention. His book
De Laudibus Legum Angliae was written 1468–70, and, like its
predecessor, was meant for the use of the young prince Edward,
whose education Fortescue seems to have had in charge, and
who sustains a part in the dialogue. His travels with the fugitive
royal family had shown the observant chief justice something of
Scottish, and more of French, modes of government. As he com-
pares the French absolute system with the noble constitution of
England, his philosophy becomes practical, and he endeavours to
apply theory to the actual conduct of government, giving us by the
way pictures of the life and the law courts of England as he had
known it.
But Tewkesbury field left the Lancastrians without a cause,
and Fortescue could do no more than bow to the inevitable and
lay before the new sovereign de facto his last treatise upon his
favourite subject. It is in English. The house of York, possibly
from lack of learning as well as from a perception of the importance
now pertaining to the common people's opinions, always dealt
with politics in the vulgar tongue. The treatise, sometimes
entitled Monarchia, and sometimes The Difference between an
Absolute and a Limited Monarchy, combines a eulogy of the
English theoretical system of government with advice for its
practical reformation. It was probably finished in 1471 or a
little later, though there are reasons for thinking that it was
originally intended for Henry VI. Fortescue again distinguishes
between the two kinds of monarchy, absolute and constitutional,
and praises the advantages of the latter. Not that an absolute
monarch is necessarily a tyrant: Ahab offered Naboth the full
price for the vineyard.
The all important question for a constitutional king is
revenue, and with this his subjects are bound to provide him :
As every servant owith to have is sustenance off hym that he
serveth so ought the pope to be susteyned by the chirche and
the kyng by his reaume. ' The expenses of the English king are
of three kinds ; (1) ‘kepynge of the see,' provided for specially by
the nation in the poundage and tonnage duties, that the kynge
kepe alway some grete and myghty vessels, ffor the brekynge off
## p. 298 (#316) ############################################
298 English Prose in the XV th Century
9
>
an armye when any shall be made ayen hym apon the see. Ffor
thanne it shall be to late to do make such vessailes'; (2) ordinary
royal charges, household, officials, etc. ; (3) extraordinary, including
ambassadors, rewards and troops on a sudden necessity: there is
no thought of a permanent army. The dangers of royal poverty
and overgreat subjects are pointed out, with examples discreetly
taken from French and old English history. How shall the revenue
be increased ? Not by direct taxes on food, as abroad, ‘his hyghness
shall have heroff but as hadd the man that sherid is hogge, much
crye and litel woll. ' Let the king's 'livelode' come of his lands:
as did Joseph in Egypt, on the plan which yet keeps the ‘Saudan
off Babilon' (Cairo) 80 wealthy. (Is this a reminiscence of
Mandeville ? ) It is a method within the king's competence, for an
English king can never alienate his lands permanently; which, says
the philosophic judge, only proves his supreme power: ‘ffor it is
no poiar to mowe aliene and put away, but it is poiar to mowe
have and kepe to hym self. As it is no poiar to mowe synne
and to do ylle or to mowe be seke, wex old or that a man may
hurte hym self. Ffor all thes poiars comen of impotencie. '
The danger of impoverished subjects is discussed next. Poor
commons are rebellious, as in Bohemia. A poor nation could not
A
afford to train itself in marksmanship as the English all do at
their own costs. Why, then, do not the poverty-stricken French
rebel? Simply from 'cowardisse and lakke off hartes and corage,
wich no Ffrenchman hath like unto a Englysh man. ' The French
are too cowardly to rob: “there is no man hanged in Scotland in
vij yere to gedurffor robbery. . . . But the English man is off
another corage,' for he will always dare to take what he needs
from one who has it. Fortescue glories in the prowess of our
sturdy thieves. An interesting plan for forming the council of
salaried experts, to the exclusion of the great nobles, brings the little
book to a close, with a prophetical 'anteme' of rejoicing, which a
grateful people will sing when Edward IV shall on these lines
have reformed the government and revenue. A quaint postscript
seems to deprecate the possible distaste of king Edward for the
parliamentary nature of the rule described.
Fortescue had to make his peace with the new king by
retracting his former arguments against the house of York.
This he did in the form of a dialogue with a learned man in a
Declaration upon 'certayn wrytyngs. . . ayenst the Kinges Title to
the Roialme of Englond,' wherein, not without dignity, he admitted
fresh evidence from the learned man and declared himself to have
## p. 299 (#317) ############################################
Walter Hylton
299
.
been mistaken. This, and a few other and earlier Latin pamphlets,
are of purely historical interest. His last work was, probably, the
dialogue between Understanding and Faith, a kind of meditation
upon the hard fate of the righteous and the duty of resignation.
The works of Pecock and Fortescue were destined to appeal
rather to later generations than to their own contemporaries,
whose tastes were better served by books more directly didactic
and less controversial, whether these were of the purely devotional
type or pseudo-devotional compilations of tales with arbitrary
applications. Of this latter sort the most famous example is Gesta
Romanorum. Devotional literature, as distinct from the Wyclifite
and controversial literature, for nearly a century and a half
derived from the school of mystics, the spiritual descendants of
Richard Rolle of Hampole. Their great master is Walter Hylton,
an Augustinian canon of Thurgarton in Nottinghamshire, whose
beautiful Ladder of Perfection supplied both system and cor-
rective to Rolle's exuberance of feeling.
That English mysticism was practical and missionary was
doubtless due to Rolle; and the example he set of copious writing
in the vernacular was followed by his disciples, whose tracts,
sermons and meditations, whether original or translated from the
Fathers, helped to render the language of devotion more fluent
than that of common life. When the life of the recluse had
become once more an honoured profession, the phraseology of
mysticism was readily understood by the special circle to which it
appealed. Hylton's works are far more modern than Rolle's, both
in matter and expression. They were favourites with the early
printers and are still read in modernised form. The lofty thought
and clear insight, the sanity, the just judgment of The Ladder of
Perfection or The Devout book to a temporal man are not more
striking than the clarity of the style. Hylton's language has not,
perhaps, a very wide range, but he renders abstract and subtle
thoughts with ease. Careful explanations are made of any fresh
term; pairs of words and phrases, though very frequent, are
scarcely ever tautologous, nor is alliteration noticeable. Biblical
language occurs less often than might be expected, but illustration
is common and ranges from simple comparison ('as full of sin as a
hide or skin is full of flesh') to complete metaphor, whose signifi-
cance he evidently expects his readers to grasp readily. Thus,
when he likens the progress of the soul to a pilgrimage to Jerusalem,
he adds, ‘Jerusalem is as moche as to saye as a syght of peace, and
## p. 300 (#318) ############################################
300 English Prose in the XV th Century
betokeneth contemplacyon in parfyte love of God! ' Or he speaks
of meekness and love, the prime virtues of the recluse's life, as two
strings, which, 'well fastened with the mynde of Jesu maketh good
accorde in the harpe of the soule whan they be craftely touched
with the fynger of reason; for the lower thou smytest upon that
one the hyer sowneth that other? ' In almost every respect
Hylton presents a contrast to his contemporary Trevisa.
An incidental remark in The Ladder-'this readest thou in
every book that teacheth of good living' bears witness to a con-
siderable body of literature of which only fragments have come
down to us. Chief among them is the well-known Revelations of
Divine Love by the anchoress Juliana of Norwich, a work of
fervent piety, pre-eminent in the graces of humility and love.
Juliana's meditations upon her vision evince her acquaintance
with Hylton, and, probably, with other religious writers. Such
study was, indeed, a duty strictly enjoined upon recluses by the
Ancren Riwle. More than once she uses Hylton's actual words
when developing the same ideas: 'the soul is a life,' they both
reiterate, and Juliana terms its inalterably pure essence, or spirit,
as distinguished from the sense-perceptions, its substance, in a
manner reminiscent of older scholars'. Apparently, she was not
acquainted with the translation of a Kempis, made in the middle
of the century, and again translated for the Lady Margaret.
Wholly different in kind are the moralised skeleton tales, by no
means always moral in themselves, of the famous Gesta Romanorum,
the great vogue of which is witnessed by the fact that the Anglo-
Latin recension assigned to the end of the fourteenth century was
being continually copied in the fifteenth, and that an English
translation then appeared, popularising this source-book of future
literature, beside the English Legenda Aurea, which, half-original,
half-translation, belongs to the same period.
? Wynkyn de Worde's edition.
2 Juliana's date is hardly certain. Only two late MSS are now known, B. M. Sloane
2499, said to belong to the seventeenth century, and Paris, Bibl.
Nationale 30, said to
be a sixteenth century copy (cf. Miss Warrack's preface to her edition of Juliana).
Acoording to these she was born in 1342, saw the vision in 1373, wrote her account of
it about 1393, and was still living in 1442. (Cf. The Examination of William Thorpe,
which demands the belief that he, too, lived to be nearly a hundred, as used to be
assumed also of Hylton and of Juliana Berners. ) It is generally stated that Juliana
describes herself as unable to read, but this is an error, The Paris copyist calls her
a symple creature unlettyrde'; but 'a simple creature' is a term of humility :
the author of the prologue to the Wyclifite Bible so describes himself : 'unlettered'
may only mean no great scholar. The Sloane manuscript alters this word to that
cowde no letter. ' But the Revelations do not require the ascription of such a miracle
to enhance their value.
:
## p. 301 (#319) ############################################
Secreta Secretorum
301
Much akin to Gesta was another old classic of the Middle Ages,
Secreta Secretorum, three translations of which were executed in
the fifteenth century, one, by James Yonge in 1422, hailing from
the English Pale in Ireland. It is a work which ranks high
among medieval forgeries, professing to be no less than an
epistle on statesmanship addressed by Aristotle to his pupil
Alexander the Great. No doubt the public found its medley of
astrological and medical rules and elementary precepts on cleanli-
ness and decency the more impressive for its profound advice to
'avoid tyranny,' or to husband resources 'as the ampte getys
liflode for winter,' or not to trust in one leach alone, for fear of
poison, but to have at least ten. The clumsy attempt to express
more or less abstract ideas in English is interesting as a sort of
foil to Pecock's achievement. The Anglo-Irish version partakes of
the nature of a political appeal. The terror inspired in the Pale
by O'Dennis or MacMorough is plainly set forth, as illustration to
the original, and the earl of Ormonde is besought to remember Troy
when he captures rebels, 'trew men quelleris,' and to destroy them
'by the thow sharpe eggis of your swerde. . . rygoure of lawe and
dyntes delynge. ' Save for the uncouth spelling, the composition
is not very different from translations penned in England.
Yonge's use of modern illustration is but one among many in-
dications of the interest which the middle classes were beginning
to feel in the political events of their own days, and, to satisfy
it, a group of contemporary chronicles appeared, more interesting
to the historian than to the student of letters.
With the increase of popular agitation, the dull monastic
Latin chronicles withered away and were succeeded by a few in the
vernacular. Though these, in their earlier portions, are meagre
translations from the popular compendium called the Brute (French
or Latin or English') or from the Eulogium (Latin), the writers often
become individual when dealing with their own times. The re-
strained indignation of the monk of Malmesbury or Canterbury who
made the English Chronicle (1347—1461) at the incompetence
which produced the civil war invests his concise record with real
dignity, homely as is his vocabulary. But his political judgment
does not temper his readiness to accept the circumstantial legends
of the day, and two pages of his little work are given to a graphic
story of a ghost, futile and homely as only a fifteenth century
ghost could be.
In contrast with this, or with the more staid Cronycullys of
1 English translation by J. Maundeville, Rector of Burnham Thorpe, in 1435.
## p. 302 (#320) ############################################
302 English Prose in the XV th Century
Englonde may be set the more scholarly composition of the Lan-
castrian Warkworth, Master of Peterhouse, Cambridge, who took
pains to preserve his chronicle for future readers. His picture of
the final loss of the royal cause' has the dignity of tragedy.
He sees retribution in the falls of princes and points the moral
pithily: “suche goodes as were gadirde with synne were loste
with sorwe'—'perjury schall nevere have bettere ende withoute
grete grace of God. ' He is clear in style and a little addicted
to the usual pleonasms (“wetynge and supposynge,' 'excitynge
and sturing,' 'a proverb and a seyenge,' etc. ).
Some short contemporary accounts bear the character of
official reports, or news letters, e. g. The History of the Arrivall
(1471), Rebellion in Lincolnshire (1470), Bellum apud Seynt
Albons (1455). They are couched in the wearisome formalities
of semi-legal documents, like the proclamations of the time. Poor
as the expression was, men at least felt it needful to be articulate.
The productions of Richard duke of York are probably the
worst.
A specimen of something very different from these stilted
pamphlets survives in the note-book of William Gregory, a skinner
of London, who became mayor in 1461. In it he entered ballads
and rules of medicine, notes on the chase, the weather, etc. ,
besides a city chronicle. There are several of these, of which
Fabyan's is the best; all are extremely meagre, but Gregory's
account of his own days reflects the cheerfulness of a man who
has weathered hard times successfully, and it has the freedom
of a private diary. Not only are there hints of a humane
pity, then rare, for the misfortunes of 'meek innocents' or of a
brave old soldier, but touches of humour quite as unusual. Though
a fifteenth century writer, he jokes: the description of Cade's
‘sympylle and rude mayny' is really comical, weening they had
wit and wisdom to guide all England just because they had
gotten London by 'a mysse happe of cuttynge of ii sory cordys
that nowe be alteryde. ' They entrenched, like soldiers, but they
kept not discipline, 'for als goode was Jacke Robyn as John at
the Noke, for alle were as hyghe as pyggsfete. ' He may tag
the proper moral over 'thys wrecchyde and fals trobely worlde';
but he tells how the earl of Wiltshire, held the handsomest knight
in England, set the king's banner against a house end and fought
manly with the heels, for he was afeared of losing of beauty; how
a preacher at Paul's Cross once preached the truth before the
1 He chronicled the events of 1461–71.
## p. 303 (#321) ############################################
Private Letters
303
king, but all the great reward he had was riding of eightscore
mile in and out, and all his friends full sorry for him; how Sir
Andrew Trollope cut a joke; how the mayor strove to collect
supplies for queen Margaret, but the mob, learning its destina-
tion, pillaged the convoy; it was Sir John Wenlock's cook who
, attacked the victuals, 'but as for the mony I wot not howe hit
was departyd, I trowe the pursse stale the mony. ' If he makes
but the briefest mention of the famous tournament of lord Scales,
he does 'aftyr heryng'-'ax of em that felde the strokys, they
can telle
you best. '
Still less to be considered as literature, yet even more in-
teresting in themselves, are the private letters which prove that
ordinary people were conversant with pen and ink without
intervention of scribes : 'Mastresse Annes, I am prowd that ye
can reed Inglyshe wherfor I prey yow aqweynt yow with thys
my lewd hand. Even the correspondence addressed to Henry IV
and Henry V, the latter very considerable in quantity, was
certainly not all done through secretaries; and it is of interest
to notice that Henry IV appears to have preferred to be
addressed in French Chance has preserved a private letter
from one of Henry V's soldiers' to his 'felous and frendys,'
describing how 'alle the ambassadors that we dele wyth ben
yncongrue, that is, in olde maner of speche in Englond, "they
ben double and fals,”' and they had made the king a beau
nient, or cypher. He is fain of peace and begs his friends to
pray that he may soon come 'oute of thys unlusty soundyour's
lyf yn to the lyf of Englond. '
Though the epistles of the learned are usually couched in
Latin, provost Millington and bishops like Gray and Bekynton
could be extremely forcible in English, and even the university
of Oxford addressed English to the House of Commons", to great
ladies and even, sometimes, to noblemen. A kind of testimonial
to the famous Sir John Talbot, then lord lieutenant of Ireland, was
addressed to Henry V by all the principal inhabitants of the Pale
in very careful English, urging his claims upon the king in respect
of his energy against 'your Irishe Enimies and English Rebels. '
The corporate towns, too, were accustomed to send missives to
one another or to the great nobles; but the compositions of the
town clerks, e. g. of Caerleon or Youghal, are on a different plane
from those of the universities
· Paston Letters, No. 688.
>
9 1420.
3 1439.
## p. 304 (#322) ############################################
304 English Prose in the XV th Century
The famous collection of letters and business papers pre-
served by the Pastons furnishes a detailed picture of three
generations of a well-to-do Norfolk family, their friends and
enemies, their dependents and noble patrons. At first John
Paston and his devoted wife Margaret, afterwards their sons,
are the leading correspondents, and the cares of property form
the topic. John Paston inherited from his father, a worthy judge,
considerable estates and was ambitious of acquiring more; but
the cupidity of the nobles of the district kept him in continual
difficulties. The old judge used to say that 'whosoever should
dwell at Paston should have need to know how to defend himself,'
and had placed his sons to study at the inns of court, since the
only help against violence lay in the intricacies of the law, with
which every age, class and sex was acquainted. The letters,
accordingly, trace the endeavours of John Paston, and, after him,
of his sons, to form such a combination of royal favour, local
intrigue and bribery as to procure effective legal protection
against those who seized their manors by armed force. This
main thread of interest is interwoven with every sort of business.
We should scarcely gather that the crown of England lay in the
scales of civil war. What the correspondence reveals is a state
of anarchy in which jurymen are terrorised, gentlemen of repute
waylaid by ruffians after church or market, or even dragged
from the Christmas dinner at home to be murdered by the way-
side; when a sheriff professedly friendly dare not accept a bribe,
because he cannot safely take more than £100 (i. e. over £1000
present value), and lord Moleynes (Paston's foe) is a great lord
who can do him more harm than that; when the duke of Suffolk's
retainers attack dame Margaret in her husband's house with
bows and handguns, pans of fire and scaling ladders, break in the
gates, undermine the house-front, cut asunder the great timbers
and carry the courageous woman forth to watch them destroy it.
In the midst of such turmoil, business is conducted regularly.
We see the squires and their stewards incessantly riding to and
fro, letting farms and holding manor courts, attending markets
or elections at Norwich, trying to curry favour at the court of
the duke of Norfolk, complimenting the duchess or giving her
waiting-woman a jewel, above all visiting London, where lawyers
may be found and, possibly, the appointment of sheriff or under-
sheriff manipulated. Letters come by messengers, with plate
and money concealed in parcels ; sometimes tokens are mentioned,
for a seal might be stolen by the token that my mother bath
## p. 305 (#323) ############################################
The Paston Letters
305
the key but it is broken. ' Countless commissions are given for
grocery or dress. Treacle of Genoa' is sought whenever sickness
is rife, cinnamon and sugar, dates and raisins 'of Coruns' must
be priced to see if they be better cheap' than in Norwich. If
Paston once orders a doublet all of worsted for the honour of
Norfolk '—which is almost like silk '—his wife prays that he will
do his cost on her to get something for her neck, for she had
to borrow her cousin's device to visit the queen among such
fresh gentlewomen, 'I durst not for shame go with my beds. '
The family acts together, like a firm, against the rest of
the world; husband and wife are working partners, mother and
brothers can be counted on to take trouble; the confidential ser-
vants are staunch, and not one seems to have betrayed his master,
though gratitude is not a marked trait of the next generation,
Nor does it seem surprising that the daughter, Margery, neglected
as her upbringing had been-Paston had grudged outlay on his
elder children-should have fallen in love with the steward,
Richard Calle, and, after two years of home persecution, insisted
that she had betrothed herself to him and would marry him-
'to sell kandyll and mustard in Framlyngham,' as her angry
brother cried. Her mother immediately turned her out of the
house and left her to the reluctant charity of a stranger. Every
relationship of life, indeed, was of the commercial nature:
marriages were bargains, often driven by the parents without
intervention of the persons concerned, as had been the case with
John and Margaret. The wardship of children was purchased,
as a speculation. There is a widow fallen,' writes one brother
to another, or, 'I heard where was a goodly young woman to
marry. . . which shall have £200,' or, 'whether her mother will
deal with me. ' Paston's hard old mother, dame Agnes, sends
to ask at the inns of court if her son Clement 'hath do his
dever in lernyng,' and, if not, to pray his tutor to 'trewly
belassch hym tyl he will amend, and so did the last maystr and
the best that evir he had, att Caumbrege”. The tutor's fee
was to be ten marks. Several of the lads went to Cambridge,
one to Oxford and one to Eton, where he stayed till he was
nineteen; the inns of court came later, for some at least; then,
one was placed in the household of the duke of Norfolk for a
time, and another remained long in the service of the earl of
Oxford, the one courteous nobleman of this correspondence.
1 Forty years earlier it needed a royal writ to compel the Cambridge students
to attend lectures.
E. L. II.
CH. XII.
20
## p. 306 (#324) ############################################
306 English Prose in the XV th Century
Daughters were merely encumbrances, difficult to marry with
little dowry, expensive to bring up in the correct way by
boarding with a gentle family. Keeping them at home was a
disagreeable economy. Dame Agnes so maltreated her daughter
Elizabeth, beating her several times a week, and even twice in
a day, forbidding her to speak to anyone, and taunting her,
that her sister-in-law besought Paston to find her a husband.
‘My moder. . . wold never so fayn to have be delyvered of her
as she woll now. ' Parental authority was so unquestioned that,
years after Paston's death, his sons, grown men, and one, at
least, married, were boarding with their mother and treated like
children. Dame Margaret leaned on her chaplain, one James
Gloys, and quarrels were picked to get John and Edmund out
of the house. “We go not to bed unchidden lightly. ' 'Sir
James and I be tweyn. We fyll owt be for my modyr with
"thow proud prest” and “thow proud sqwyer. "' The priest
was always ‘chopping' at him provokingly, but 'when he hathe
most unfyttynge wordys to me I smylle a lytyll and tell hym
it is good heryng of thes old talys. ' Thus (1472) writes John,
a husband and father, to his elder brother, also named John,
a young knight about court in London'.
With this younger generation a rather lighter tone becomes
apparent in the letters. Sir John was of a somewhat shallow
and unpractical character, his brother a man of high spirits
and good temper; and it would seem as if, after Towton field,
the dead weight of terrorism had begun to lighten. The decade
after 1461 was less anarchical than that which preceded it, and
the young men sometimes have leisure for slighter concerns than
sales and debts, lawsuits and marriage bargains. Sir John took
an interest in books, his brother in hawking, and he merrily
threatens his elder 'to call upon yow owyrly, nyghtly, dayly,
dyner, soper, for thys hawk,' which he suggests might be pur-
chased of a certain grocer 'dwelling right over against the well
with 2 buckets' near St Helen's. When Sir John at length sends a
poor bird, it is with admirable temper that the disappointed brother
thanks him for his 'dylygence and cost. . . well I wot your labore
and trowbyll was as myche as thow she had ben the best of
the world, but. . . she shall never serve but to lay eggys. ' Sir John
had a better taste in the points, laces and hats about which his
brothers and he were so particular. Their friendliness is the most
amiable thing in the letters. The one sign of parental affection
· Letters, Nos. 697, 702.
## p. 307 (#325) ############################################
Copyists and Booksellers
307
in them comes from the younger John, who was sent in the princess
Margaret's train (1468) to the court of Charles the Bold. ('I hert
never of non lyek to it save Kyng Artourys cort. ) He is anxious
about his 'lytell Jak’ and writes home ‘modyr I beseche yow that
ye wolbe good mastras to my lytell man and to se that he go to scole. '
Humour was, apparently, invented in London, for the brothers and
their town friends have many a jest, crude as these often are. Some-
times we have a touch of slang—'He wolde bear the cup evyn,
as What-calle-ye-hym seyde to Aslake' (i. e. be fair). "Put in
hope of the moon schone in the water. If the tailor will not
furnish a certain gown, 'be cryst, calkestowe over hys hed (f a
double caul) that is schoryle (churl) in Englysche, yt is a terme
newe browthe up with my marschandis of Norwych,' says John the
younger, who addresses his knightly brother as 'lansmann' and
'mynher,' and jests on having nearly 'drownke to myn oysters,'
i. e. been murdered. Many a good colloquial expression never
found its way into literature, 'to bear him on hand' is common
for ‘to accuse'; 'cup-shotten,' 'shuttle-witted' are good terms? .
The scanty notices, during the fifteenth century, of the making
and selling of books no more indicate a general lack of them
than the names of Fortescue and Pecock represent the literature
in demand. The monasteries had long ceased to supply the
market, and professional scribes were employed. The stationers'
guild, in existence much earlier, was incorporated in 1403, and
had a hall in Milk street. Paternoster Rewe' was well known.
In Oxford, scribes, parchmenters, illuminators and bookbinders
were distinct from stationers before 1373, and, apparently, in
Cambridge also. Other book centres were Bury and Lincoln,
where king John of France had made purchases of many expensive
books in the preceding century, and, probably, several other
cathedral or scholastic cities had store of books. Prices were
stable, and materials cheap: in the fourteenth century a dozen
skins of parchment cost 38. , through most of the fifteenth century a
quaternion of parchment was 3d. and the writing of it 16d. , i. e. 2d.
a page, but small-paged books could be copied at id. the page.
Sometimes a limner charged by the number of letters, at id. or
4d. the hundred, according to quality, no doubt. Legal documents
were paid for at special rates. The trade does not seem to have
.
been very remunerative, for the scrivener who did a good deal
1 A curious instance of the fluid state of the vocabulary is the use by nearly all the
colloquial writers of me, short for men, or they—'causeth me to set the lease be us'-
while scholarly writers are beginning to use it for I, meseemeth, eto.
ដ
水
ben
lebo
16
20—2
## p. 308 (#326) ############################################
308 English Prose in the XV th Century
of copying for Sir John Paston writes from sanctuary to beg
for payment and would be grateful for the gift of an old
gown. At the universities, however, regulations may have
succeeded in 'protecting' the scribes. As early as 1373, Oxford
reduced the excessive number of booksellers' by forbidding
outsiders who were bringing volumes of great value from other
places, to expose any books for sale at more than half-a-mark
cheap text-books they might sell, but the university stationers
were not to have their accustomed profits taken from them by
competition. Not that students usually possessed their own
books, though William Paston sent to London for his brother's
‘nominal' and 'book of sophistry'; the tutors or the stationers
loaned or hired out books at regular charges. Certainly, the large
Latin volumes made for the colleges were much more expensive
than Paston's purchases. These handsome folios and quartos, as
a rule, cost from 408. to 508. , always calculated in marks (138. 4d. ),
and were, usually, standard theological works, although Peter-
house", which ventured upon books of natural science and a
Vergil, seems to have smuggled FitzRalph's revolutionary sermon
into the works of Augustine, and Ockham's Defensor into a com-
mentary. Prices, of course, varied according to the beauty of the
volume, a primer for a princess might cost 638. 6d. , one Bible cost
‘not over 5 mark, so I trowe he wyl geve it,' while another cost
but 268. 8d. Several of the Pastons had books and were chary
of lending them; Anne possessed The Siege of Thebes, Walter,
The Book of Seven Sages, John mentions The Meeting of the
Duke and the Emperor, and Sir John had a library of English
books.
These books are of different kinds, and often, as then was
usual, included various works by several hands—the volume which
contained two of Chaucer's poems contained also Lydgate's The
Temple of Glass and The Grene Knight Another included The
Dethe of Arthur begynyng at Cassabelaun, Guy of Warwick,
Richard 'Cur de Lyon' and a Chronicle to Edwarde the iii.
One was didactic, comprising a book about the mass, Meditations
of Chylde Ypotis? and the Abbey of the Holy Ghost, a recent
devotional work. Several are old fashioned ballads—Guy & Col-
bronde (an Anglo-Norman tale), A Balade of the Goos (probably
Lydgate's). Troylus appears alone, and De Amicitia was lent to
William of Worcester, Fastolf's ill-requited scholar-servant, who
· The catalogue names eighteen different scriveners.
• A medieval form of Epictetus.
## p. 309 (#327) ############################################
Sir John Paston
309
>
afterwards translated it. One book is mentioned as 'in preente,
The Pleye off the Chessl.
Sir John, indeed, was in the fashion in patronising literature
and the drama, for he complained that one of his servants whom
he had kept 'thys three yer to pleye Seynt Jorge and Robin Hod
and the Shryff off Notyngham' had suddenly deserted him : 'he
is “goon into Bernysdale,” ' like the sturdy outlaw in the ballad to
which this is an early allusion. But his taste is still medieval:
romances of the old kind were shortly to go out of fashion. Up to
the close of the century, however, such books, along with useful
manuals of all kinds, were, evidently, plentiful enough, as may be
gathered from the number of scriveners and their poor pay; Sir
John Paston had bought his volume of chronicle and romances
from 'myn ostesse at The George,' and one or two had been given
by his friends; even the niggardly Fastolf had translations
executed for him, like the Lady Margaret or the duchess of
Burgundy; literature had become an amusement
· Cf. Catalogue in No. 869, Paston Letters.
## p. 310 (#328) ############################################
CHAPTER XIII
THE INTRODUCTION OF PRINTING INTO ENGLAND
AND THE EARLY WORK OF THE PRESS
WITH the advent of printing, books, from being expensive
and the property of the few, became cheap and were scattered
far and wide. The change was gradual, for an increased demand
for books could not grow up at once; but, by the time printing was
introduced into England, the art was widespread and books were
freely circulated. From a study of the productions of the various
presses of different countries can be determined, more or less
accurately, the general requirements of the reading public. This
is especially the case in England, where no books were printed for
exportation. It is proposed, therefore, in the present chapter to
examine the work produced by the earlier English printers as a
means of ascertaining the general literary taste of the period in
this country.
It was soon after the year 1450 that the first products of the new
art appeared at Mainz. In 1465, two German printers, Sweynheym
and Pandartz, migrated to Italy, setting up a press at Subiaco and
moving, two years later, to Rome. Switzerland followed soon after
Italy, and, in 1470, the first French press began work at Paris.
In all these cases, the first printers had been Germans. The
northern Netherlands, which have persistently claimed to be the
birth-place of printing, have no authentic date earlier than 1471,
when two native printers began work at Utrecht. Belgium and
Austria-Hungary follow in 1473 and Spain in 1474.
from history and theological literature made little impression
upon contemporaries almost as ignorant as they were biassed,
while his philosophical reasoning not only was beyond their grasp,
but was suspected of being a greater danger than the Lollardy it
controverted. To reason of religion at all, and in the vulgar
tongue, was a crime; to reason with heretics appeared to admit
that they had some kind of case; worst of all, in those intolerant
times, was Pecock’s tolerance.
The book is clearly arranged in five parts, each divided into
chapters, and a short prologue sets forth the purport and plan,
namely, to defend eleven points of 'governances of the clergy
condemned by some of the common people. ' Part I deals with
the Lollard position in general, while the succeeding parts defend
the arraigned practices by special arguments. Part I is the most
important and shows by how great a distance Pecock was in
advance of his age. Could his methods have been adopted by
the English hierarchy, the ecclesiastical revolution of the next
dynasty would, perhaps, never have occurred, and Hooker would
have been forestalled by a century.
Pecock finds the heresies of the Lollards to arise from three
fundamental errors in their method of thinking; when these are
relinquished, the way will be clear for constructive explanation.
The Lollards assume the New Testament to be the origin of
religion and morality, holding no ordinance to be binding unless
grounded, that is originating, in Scripture; secondly, they maintain
that every pious Christian can instinctively discover the full
meaning of Scripture; and, last, they assert that this pious Christian
is then justified in scorning any reasoning or expounding by
scholars and churchmen.
These theses of the lay party' are to be disproved not by
counter-quoting of texts, but by reasoning; and Pecock, therefore,
enters first upon a brief explanation of the method of logical
argument: ‘Wolde God it (logic) were leerned of al the comon
people in her moderis langage for thanne thei schulden therbi
be putt fro myche ruydnes and boistousness which thei han now
in resonyng. '
>
## p. 291 (#309) ############################################
The Repressor and the Lollards
291
6
Pecock declares that Scripture was not intended to reveal to
man any of the moral laws which he had already discovered by
law of kind,' i. e. light of nature. Scripture, in fact, assumes
that men recognise the moral law, and if it were possible that
any apparent discord should subsist between the words written
in 'the outward book of parchemyn or of velym' and 'the doom
of resoun write in mannis soule and herte,' then must the written
words be interpreted to accord with reason, not reason glosed to
accord with the writing. It is actually worse to undervalue this
'inward Scripture' than to undervalue the Bible itself. Because
Scripture enforces many points of morality, we are not to regard
the book as the foundation of the moral law-any more than men
of London say, when men of the country upland bring branches
of trees from Bishop's wood and flowers of the field for the
citizens to array their houses with at midsummer, that these
branches grew out of the carts or the hands of the bringers.
It follows that neither the truths of moral philosophy nor corol-
laries deduced from either philosophy or the law of nature are
grounded' in Scripture. To ask of any ordinance or custom
80 deduced by philosophy or common sense: 'where fyndist
thou it groundid in Holi Scripture ? ' is as far beside the mark
as to ask of a conclusion of grammar: 'where findist thou it
groundid in tailour craft? or of a point of sadler craft where
findist thou it groundid in bocheri ? ' Much that is needful for
us to know is left for us to discover by reason and experience:
'I preie thee, Sir, seie to me where in Holi Scripture is zouen
the hundrid parti of the teching upon matrimonie which y teche
in a book mad upon Matrimonie and in the firste partie of Cristen
a
religioun ? ' Nor does Scripture give a hundredth part of Pecock's
teaching upon usury in The filling of the four tables, and yet
these books he considers full scanty to teach all that is needful
to know upon matrimony and usury. He concludes that pilgrim-
ages, the use of images in churches, or the endowments of the
clergy, are not to be condemned because they are not expressly
ordained in Scripture.
That the members of the lay party overvalue the authority of
Scripture Pecock generously grants to be due to the excellent effect
on their minds of studying it. Precious, indeed, is the effect; but to
hold the Bible, therefore, for the sole rule of truth, is as if one should
endeavour to live entirely upon that necessary of life, honey. The
lay party will, however, allege that reason is fallible; to which
Pecock answers, that so may eyesight or hearing sometimes prove
1942
## p. 292 (#310) ############################################
292 English Prose in the XV th Century
deceptive, and yet we cannot see or hear save with eye and ear;
while the dangers of fallacious reasoning are minimised by a learned
clergy, whose gathered knowledge enables them to expound the
whole meaning of Scripture. Another safeguard, he avers, we have in
the infallibility of syllogism; let reason proceed on this method and
she cannot err: ‘for if y be siker and suer in my reason that no
man is in the chirche of Seint Poul at Londoun, and that the
bischop of London is a man, y may be sekir and sure that the
bischop of London is out of the chirche of Seint Poul at London,
thouz alle aungels in heven wolde seie the contrarie. '
As for the second 'trowing' of the Lollards—that every
humble Christian can sufficiently interpret Scripture they can
easily recognise its falseness by their own divisions. Do not the
Bible-men already distinguish parties, some as doctor-mongers,
some opinion-holders, some neutrals? Hath not Bohemia ex-
perienced the doom of 'ech kingdom devidid in hem silf'! To
interpret Scripture aright is evidently difficult, therefore should
learned men be consulted; not that every preacher or wearer
of a doctor's cap is competent to expound, and grievous it is to
find so little attention paid to the serious scholar who 'flotereth
not so ofte aboute the eeris of the lay peple as dooth the feet of
preaching. '
The third 'trowing' of the lay party-that, having (as they
assume) attained to the knowledge of Scripture, they should
pay no further attention to the arguments of clerks—is as bad
as the Mohammadan law which punishes the man who reasons
about his faith, whereas truth is ready to come to the light and be
confirmed: it is but 'countirfeet goold' which abides not the fire.
This mistaken endeavour to make Scripture the sole rule of
life springs of ignorance and want of thought. Where does
Scripture say that the New or Old Testament 'schulde be writt
in Englisch tunge to lay men or in Latyn tunge to clerkis'; where,
that men schulden make ale or beer of whiche so myche horrible synne
cometh myche more than of setting up of ymagis or of pilgrymagis? . . . without
ale and beer and without sidir and wijn and meeth, men and women myte
lyve ful long and lenger than thei doon now, and in lesse jolite and cheerte of
herte forto bringe hem into horrible grete synnes-
and yet the laity think these drinks quite permissible, i. e. lawful, i. e.
right. Would that those women who make themselves so wise in the
Bible and ‘so coppid of speche a nentis clerkis' might wear none
of their fine 'coverchefis of lynnen or of silk of whiche so miche
synne cometh'till they could find scriptural warrant for them!
## p. 293 (#311) ############################################
Pecock's Minor Works
293
Illustration is among Pecock's strong points—homely, striking
and tersely worded, but too often adding a provocation. He had
the unlucky art of selecting an irritating topic: 'If the king of
England dwelt in Bordeaux and should send a noble letter to
the judges exhorting them to impartial justice,' was one of his
illustrations, when the nation was frantic over the loss of Gascony
and not a law-court was freely held.
The second part of The Repressor takes point by point the
lay party's objections to the church and proves, to the author's
satisfaction, that the arraigned customs are not only unforbidden
by Scripture, but that each rests upon good grounds. Even if a
good custom, such as the use of images, be abused, the abuse is
not serious, for nobody makes literal idols of images, taking
them to be gods. Besides, scriptural warrant exists for them in
the practice of Laban and of Micah and the Levite.
The necessity of vindicating every ecclesiastical practice com-
pels Pecock to have recourse, sometimes, to casuistry; and his
justification of the practice of the mendicants who only touched
money with a stick, or of those who deserted necessitous parents
to save their own souls in a convent, is not pleasant. But he
was unconscious of any weakness in his case; to him, logic was
everything; 'prove' is his favourite word; he believed men were
convinced by logic. Nor was it to the details of his case that
his enemies objected His appeal to reason was the real crime,
and his criticism was hardly less weakening to the rule of
authority. To nullify the current moral of a fable connected
with the donation of Constantine, he proved the fabulousness of
the famous donation itself, imprudently adding that the evils
ascribed to the wealth of the church arise from the appoint-
ment, nowadays, of unfit persons to bishoprics. He had the
audacity to declare that a statement of St Jerome's was probably
not true. He pointed out a discrepancy between Eusebius and
pseudo-Damasus, and decided, on historical grounds, for Eusebius.
It could only be expected that he would have to face the charge
of denying the authority of Scripture and of the Fathers of the
church. The prelates were little likely to think well of a man
who dragged their practices to the bar of criticism.
Pecock's smaller works seem to have pursued the same plan
of facing the heretic on his own ground. In The Book of Faith
he discards the axiom that the Church cannot err, because the
Lollards would not admit it, and proceeds on the supposition that
she might. But, if the Church should err, this would not excuse
## p. 294 (#312) ############################################
294 English Prose in the XV th Century
the laity from obedience, for she would fail only after having done
all that was humanly possible to find the truth much more than an
individual could do. God would not blame her members for such
unavoidable error. Nor hath any man proved, neither ever can,
his own trowing to be true contrary to the Church. He must
submit, then, to her wisdom, which, if not absolutely infallible, is
relatively enormously greater than that of any individual. But
the prelates accused Pecock of declaring that the catholic church
was liable to error.
It is certain that Pecock was sincere in his bold arguments,
and that he believed himself to be refounding the ecclesiastical
structure. Whether his works were as widely read as he believed
we cannot tell. He intended them for the lay party, i. e. the
Lollards, and made his books as brief as possible, because they
were necessary for every man to study. In The Donet he seems
(like some later apologists) to have tried to find the necessary
minimum of belief and to frame a creed which all would accept,
paving his way by the assertion that the apostles' creed was
only named after the apostles, not compiled by them. The
Poor Men's Mirror was a selection or skeleton made from
The Donet in the hope that even the poor would purchase so
cheap and necessary a book. Many other productions Pecock
names in a self-satisfied manner in The Repressor; yet, when
his orthodoxy was suddenly challenged, he replied that he would
not be responsible for works more than three years old, for many
had been copied and circulated without his consent and might
be incorrect. As this limit would exclude nearly all his works
save The Repressor, Pecock either knew the accuracy of copyists
to be notoriously poor, or was entering a disingenuous plea. His
enemy, Gascoigne, declares that he was always changing his mind
and disavowing his former statements.
At all events, Pecock had some following of young men,
probably at Oxford, where, though the university had promptly
renounced him and expressed penitence for permitting heresy to
flourish, his books were still being burned as late as 1475, having
been overlooked, said the apologetic authorities, in very obscure
corners. That they should be even then hidden and remembered
implies a more than superficial effect; yet there are very few
copies now existing. Most of his works have perished altogether,
and, after the Tudor reformation, Reginald Pecock was considered
a martyred protestant and received the mistaken eulogy of Foxe.
The Repressor is so clearly written that the achievement of
## p. 295 (#313) ############################################
Pecock's Style and Vocabulary 295
its author is hardly realised at first in its magnitude. Pecock
had to find or make terms for conveying abstract ideas and
philosophical distinctions; yet it is but seldom that he betrays
the difficulty and states that he uses a word in two senses (e. g.
leeful for 'permissible' and 'enjoined'). His wide command of
terms is not that of a man conversant only with theological
literature; many of his more unusual words are to be found in
Chaucer or in Piers the Plowman', while others seem to be of
recent importation and a few, even, of his own invention
Perhaps it is significant of the materialism of the age that
Pecock so seldom indulges in metaphor; 'to lussche forth texts,' 'a
coppid (crested) woman' are simple, but he felt obliged more than
once to explain elaborately, as did Trevisa, the nature of figurative
language where one would have thought the meaning self-evident".
The only drawback to Pecock's style, for a modern reader, is
his tendency to pleonasm. The reason already suggested does
not cover nearly all the instances of double, or even triple,
expressions. Pecock is not wholly free from the old love of
:
i Carect, apposid, approprid, aliened, eto.
? Corrept, correpcioun=rebuke, distinguished from correction=punishment, coursli
=in course of nature.
Probably the difficulty lay less in finding abstract terms than in making precise
distinctions: deliciosite, cheerte, carpentrie, bocheri give no pause; nor the active use
of verbs : to feble, to cleree (make clear); nor the host of adverbs and adjectives
composed by -li, -ose, -able : manli=human, cloistrose, contrariose, plentuose, makeable,
doable, kutteable, preachable, i. e. of a text, etc. Not that his words have all survived:
yet coursli, overte and netherte, aboute-writing, mynde placis =shrines, & pseudo, &
reclame=protest, are good terms.
On the other hand Pecock could not be sure that a word would be restricted to a
particular use, that readers would seize the opposition of graciosli to naturali, the
distinction between correcte and correpte, orologis and clocks (dials and mechanical
clocks), lete and lette (permit and hire out, hinder), jollite, with a bad signification, and
cheerte, a neutral term. A few words which already bore a twofold meaning Pecock
accepted for both senses : religiose (conventual or pious), persoun (person or parson),
quyk (alive or speedy, but quykli has the modern meaning), rather (more or earlier),
eto. Like earlier writers he often couples the elder and newer words : undirnome and
blamyd, rememoratiij and minding signs, wiite and defaute, skile and argument, but, as
the work progresses, he uses oftener skile, minding sign and undirnome. He has no
preference for the new-fangled, his aim is to be understood; if a few of Trevisa's or
Capgrave's obsolescent words disappear and feng or fong or bynam, fullynge, out-take,
are replaced in The Repressor by take or took, baptym, no but, yet Pecock prefers riall,
beheest, drenched, hiled, to the unfamiliar regalle, promissioune, drownede, couered,
though these last are to be found already in the anonymous translation of Poly-
chronicon (see ante, p. 78). We find that some of the old prefixes so common in
Trevisa, by- and to-, appear no longer, while the hitherto rare preposition frequent
in underling, undertake and undirnym (Trevisa seldom ventured upon undirneþe).
The opposition of a yeer of dearth to one of greet cheep, and the use of doctour.
monger, guest-monger, suggest the modern signification.
* E. g. Vol. I, pp. 161, 162.
## p. 296 (#314) ############################################
296 English Prose in the XV th Century
balanced phrases, nor, perhaps, from the turn for quasi-legal forms
affected in his age. He repeats the seid, the now rehercid
tiresomely, and rejoices in triplicates: 80 mich fonned, masid and
dotid: ech gouernaunce or conuersacioun or policie which Holi
Scripture werneth not and forbedeth not. This tendency, how-
ever, is most noticeable in the early and more dialectical portions
of The Repressor, while the very contrast between the full pre-
cision of the arguments and the colloquial turn of the examples
gives a pleasing sense of variety. The spelling is, as a rule,
consistent, and is noteworthy for a system of doubling the vowels
to give a long sound: lijk, meenis, waasteful, etc. It is probable
that the extant copy of The Repressor was executed under Pecock's
immediate supervision, to be handed to the archbishop.
Sir John Fortescue, the intrepid chief justice of Henry VI and
the earliest English constitutional lawyer, occupies, in the sphere of
political literature, a position not unlike that of Pecock in religious
controversy. But the larger part of his works, which aim at
justifying the title of the house of Lancaster, are in Latin. The
arguments of the smaller tracts are historical; but his large
work, De Natura Legis Naturae, is, mainly, philosophical. In this
book the actual claim of Henry VI is made to rest upon the large
foundation of that law of nature which resolves the succession
to all kingdoms. He discovers three ‘natural' kinds of govern-
ment: absolute monarchy (dominium regale), republicanism
(dominium politicum) and constitutional monarchy (dominium
politicum et regale). The right of the Lancastrian house,
therefore, is bound up with the English constitution. Even when
he reaches the second part of the book and deals with the struggle
then being waged, Fortescue keeps to an abstract form of argument.
*Justice'is to settle the claim to a kingdom in Assyria preferred
by three personages, the brother, daughter and daughter's son of
the deceased monarch. The reader reflects on Edward III, but
Fortescue throws over the claim to France and the settlement of
Scotland; there is no inheritance through a female, and 'Justice'
assigns the kingdom to the brother.
Such an attempt to solve the problem of the time by referring
it to a general law is something in the manner of Pecock. The
consideration of the 'natural' forms of government and the
decision that the constitution of England is a dominium politicum
et regale became, with Fortescue, a firm conviction. Though the
cause he had at heart, and for which he risked fortune and life
## p. 297 (#315) ############################################
Sir John Fortescue 297
and went into exile, was not advanced by his reasoning but hope-
lessly crushed by the cogent arguments of archery and cannon, he
was able to exercise a perhaps not unsatisfying activity in the
composition of two works which might teach Englishmen better
to understand and value that noble constitution to which the
Yorkist conqueror certainly paid little enough attention. His book
De Laudibus Legum Angliae was written 1468–70, and, like its
predecessor, was meant for the use of the young prince Edward,
whose education Fortescue seems to have had in charge, and
who sustains a part in the dialogue. His travels with the fugitive
royal family had shown the observant chief justice something of
Scottish, and more of French, modes of government. As he com-
pares the French absolute system with the noble constitution of
England, his philosophy becomes practical, and he endeavours to
apply theory to the actual conduct of government, giving us by the
way pictures of the life and the law courts of England as he had
known it.
But Tewkesbury field left the Lancastrians without a cause,
and Fortescue could do no more than bow to the inevitable and
lay before the new sovereign de facto his last treatise upon his
favourite subject. It is in English. The house of York, possibly
from lack of learning as well as from a perception of the importance
now pertaining to the common people's opinions, always dealt
with politics in the vulgar tongue. The treatise, sometimes
entitled Monarchia, and sometimes The Difference between an
Absolute and a Limited Monarchy, combines a eulogy of the
English theoretical system of government with advice for its
practical reformation. It was probably finished in 1471 or a
little later, though there are reasons for thinking that it was
originally intended for Henry VI. Fortescue again distinguishes
between the two kinds of monarchy, absolute and constitutional,
and praises the advantages of the latter. Not that an absolute
monarch is necessarily a tyrant: Ahab offered Naboth the full
price for the vineyard.
The all important question for a constitutional king is
revenue, and with this his subjects are bound to provide him :
As every servant owith to have is sustenance off hym that he
serveth so ought the pope to be susteyned by the chirche and
the kyng by his reaume. ' The expenses of the English king are
of three kinds ; (1) ‘kepynge of the see,' provided for specially by
the nation in the poundage and tonnage duties, that the kynge
kepe alway some grete and myghty vessels, ffor the brekynge off
## p. 298 (#316) ############################################
298 English Prose in the XV th Century
9
>
an armye when any shall be made ayen hym apon the see. Ffor
thanne it shall be to late to do make such vessailes'; (2) ordinary
royal charges, household, officials, etc. ; (3) extraordinary, including
ambassadors, rewards and troops on a sudden necessity: there is
no thought of a permanent army. The dangers of royal poverty
and overgreat subjects are pointed out, with examples discreetly
taken from French and old English history. How shall the revenue
be increased ? Not by direct taxes on food, as abroad, ‘his hyghness
shall have heroff but as hadd the man that sherid is hogge, much
crye and litel woll. ' Let the king's 'livelode' come of his lands:
as did Joseph in Egypt, on the plan which yet keeps the ‘Saudan
off Babilon' (Cairo) 80 wealthy. (Is this a reminiscence of
Mandeville ? ) It is a method within the king's competence, for an
English king can never alienate his lands permanently; which, says
the philosophic judge, only proves his supreme power: ‘ffor it is
no poiar to mowe aliene and put away, but it is poiar to mowe
have and kepe to hym self. As it is no poiar to mowe synne
and to do ylle or to mowe be seke, wex old or that a man may
hurte hym self. Ffor all thes poiars comen of impotencie. '
The danger of impoverished subjects is discussed next. Poor
commons are rebellious, as in Bohemia. A poor nation could not
A
afford to train itself in marksmanship as the English all do at
their own costs. Why, then, do not the poverty-stricken French
rebel? Simply from 'cowardisse and lakke off hartes and corage,
wich no Ffrenchman hath like unto a Englysh man. ' The French
are too cowardly to rob: “there is no man hanged in Scotland in
vij yere to gedurffor robbery. . . . But the English man is off
another corage,' for he will always dare to take what he needs
from one who has it. Fortescue glories in the prowess of our
sturdy thieves. An interesting plan for forming the council of
salaried experts, to the exclusion of the great nobles, brings the little
book to a close, with a prophetical 'anteme' of rejoicing, which a
grateful people will sing when Edward IV shall on these lines
have reformed the government and revenue. A quaint postscript
seems to deprecate the possible distaste of king Edward for the
parliamentary nature of the rule described.
Fortescue had to make his peace with the new king by
retracting his former arguments against the house of York.
This he did in the form of a dialogue with a learned man in a
Declaration upon 'certayn wrytyngs. . . ayenst the Kinges Title to
the Roialme of Englond,' wherein, not without dignity, he admitted
fresh evidence from the learned man and declared himself to have
## p. 299 (#317) ############################################
Walter Hylton
299
.
been mistaken. This, and a few other and earlier Latin pamphlets,
are of purely historical interest. His last work was, probably, the
dialogue between Understanding and Faith, a kind of meditation
upon the hard fate of the righteous and the duty of resignation.
The works of Pecock and Fortescue were destined to appeal
rather to later generations than to their own contemporaries,
whose tastes were better served by books more directly didactic
and less controversial, whether these were of the purely devotional
type or pseudo-devotional compilations of tales with arbitrary
applications. Of this latter sort the most famous example is Gesta
Romanorum. Devotional literature, as distinct from the Wyclifite
and controversial literature, for nearly a century and a half
derived from the school of mystics, the spiritual descendants of
Richard Rolle of Hampole. Their great master is Walter Hylton,
an Augustinian canon of Thurgarton in Nottinghamshire, whose
beautiful Ladder of Perfection supplied both system and cor-
rective to Rolle's exuberance of feeling.
That English mysticism was practical and missionary was
doubtless due to Rolle; and the example he set of copious writing
in the vernacular was followed by his disciples, whose tracts,
sermons and meditations, whether original or translated from the
Fathers, helped to render the language of devotion more fluent
than that of common life. When the life of the recluse had
become once more an honoured profession, the phraseology of
mysticism was readily understood by the special circle to which it
appealed. Hylton's works are far more modern than Rolle's, both
in matter and expression. They were favourites with the early
printers and are still read in modernised form. The lofty thought
and clear insight, the sanity, the just judgment of The Ladder of
Perfection or The Devout book to a temporal man are not more
striking than the clarity of the style. Hylton's language has not,
perhaps, a very wide range, but he renders abstract and subtle
thoughts with ease. Careful explanations are made of any fresh
term; pairs of words and phrases, though very frequent, are
scarcely ever tautologous, nor is alliteration noticeable. Biblical
language occurs less often than might be expected, but illustration
is common and ranges from simple comparison ('as full of sin as a
hide or skin is full of flesh') to complete metaphor, whose signifi-
cance he evidently expects his readers to grasp readily. Thus,
when he likens the progress of the soul to a pilgrimage to Jerusalem,
he adds, ‘Jerusalem is as moche as to saye as a syght of peace, and
## p. 300 (#318) ############################################
300 English Prose in the XV th Century
betokeneth contemplacyon in parfyte love of God! ' Or he speaks
of meekness and love, the prime virtues of the recluse's life, as two
strings, which, 'well fastened with the mynde of Jesu maketh good
accorde in the harpe of the soule whan they be craftely touched
with the fynger of reason; for the lower thou smytest upon that
one the hyer sowneth that other? ' In almost every respect
Hylton presents a contrast to his contemporary Trevisa.
An incidental remark in The Ladder-'this readest thou in
every book that teacheth of good living' bears witness to a con-
siderable body of literature of which only fragments have come
down to us. Chief among them is the well-known Revelations of
Divine Love by the anchoress Juliana of Norwich, a work of
fervent piety, pre-eminent in the graces of humility and love.
Juliana's meditations upon her vision evince her acquaintance
with Hylton, and, probably, with other religious writers. Such
study was, indeed, a duty strictly enjoined upon recluses by the
Ancren Riwle. More than once she uses Hylton's actual words
when developing the same ideas: 'the soul is a life,' they both
reiterate, and Juliana terms its inalterably pure essence, or spirit,
as distinguished from the sense-perceptions, its substance, in a
manner reminiscent of older scholars'. Apparently, she was not
acquainted with the translation of a Kempis, made in the middle
of the century, and again translated for the Lady Margaret.
Wholly different in kind are the moralised skeleton tales, by no
means always moral in themselves, of the famous Gesta Romanorum,
the great vogue of which is witnessed by the fact that the Anglo-
Latin recension assigned to the end of the fourteenth century was
being continually copied in the fifteenth, and that an English
translation then appeared, popularising this source-book of future
literature, beside the English Legenda Aurea, which, half-original,
half-translation, belongs to the same period.
? Wynkyn de Worde's edition.
2 Juliana's date is hardly certain. Only two late MSS are now known, B. M. Sloane
2499, said to belong to the seventeenth century, and Paris, Bibl.
Nationale 30, said to
be a sixteenth century copy (cf. Miss Warrack's preface to her edition of Juliana).
Acoording to these she was born in 1342, saw the vision in 1373, wrote her account of
it about 1393, and was still living in 1442. (Cf. The Examination of William Thorpe,
which demands the belief that he, too, lived to be nearly a hundred, as used to be
assumed also of Hylton and of Juliana Berners. ) It is generally stated that Juliana
describes herself as unable to read, but this is an error, The Paris copyist calls her
a symple creature unlettyrde'; but 'a simple creature' is a term of humility :
the author of the prologue to the Wyclifite Bible so describes himself : 'unlettered'
may only mean no great scholar. The Sloane manuscript alters this word to that
cowde no letter. ' But the Revelations do not require the ascription of such a miracle
to enhance their value.
:
## p. 301 (#319) ############################################
Secreta Secretorum
301
Much akin to Gesta was another old classic of the Middle Ages,
Secreta Secretorum, three translations of which were executed in
the fifteenth century, one, by James Yonge in 1422, hailing from
the English Pale in Ireland. It is a work which ranks high
among medieval forgeries, professing to be no less than an
epistle on statesmanship addressed by Aristotle to his pupil
Alexander the Great. No doubt the public found its medley of
astrological and medical rules and elementary precepts on cleanli-
ness and decency the more impressive for its profound advice to
'avoid tyranny,' or to husband resources 'as the ampte getys
liflode for winter,' or not to trust in one leach alone, for fear of
poison, but to have at least ten. The clumsy attempt to express
more or less abstract ideas in English is interesting as a sort of
foil to Pecock's achievement. The Anglo-Irish version partakes of
the nature of a political appeal. The terror inspired in the Pale
by O'Dennis or MacMorough is plainly set forth, as illustration to
the original, and the earl of Ormonde is besought to remember Troy
when he captures rebels, 'trew men quelleris,' and to destroy them
'by the thow sharpe eggis of your swerde. . . rygoure of lawe and
dyntes delynge. ' Save for the uncouth spelling, the composition
is not very different from translations penned in England.
Yonge's use of modern illustration is but one among many in-
dications of the interest which the middle classes were beginning
to feel in the political events of their own days, and, to satisfy
it, a group of contemporary chronicles appeared, more interesting
to the historian than to the student of letters.
With the increase of popular agitation, the dull monastic
Latin chronicles withered away and were succeeded by a few in the
vernacular. Though these, in their earlier portions, are meagre
translations from the popular compendium called the Brute (French
or Latin or English') or from the Eulogium (Latin), the writers often
become individual when dealing with their own times. The re-
strained indignation of the monk of Malmesbury or Canterbury who
made the English Chronicle (1347—1461) at the incompetence
which produced the civil war invests his concise record with real
dignity, homely as is his vocabulary. But his political judgment
does not temper his readiness to accept the circumstantial legends
of the day, and two pages of his little work are given to a graphic
story of a ghost, futile and homely as only a fifteenth century
ghost could be.
In contrast with this, or with the more staid Cronycullys of
1 English translation by J. Maundeville, Rector of Burnham Thorpe, in 1435.
## p. 302 (#320) ############################################
302 English Prose in the XV th Century
Englonde may be set the more scholarly composition of the Lan-
castrian Warkworth, Master of Peterhouse, Cambridge, who took
pains to preserve his chronicle for future readers. His picture of
the final loss of the royal cause' has the dignity of tragedy.
He sees retribution in the falls of princes and points the moral
pithily: “suche goodes as were gadirde with synne were loste
with sorwe'—'perjury schall nevere have bettere ende withoute
grete grace of God. ' He is clear in style and a little addicted
to the usual pleonasms (“wetynge and supposynge,' 'excitynge
and sturing,' 'a proverb and a seyenge,' etc. ).
Some short contemporary accounts bear the character of
official reports, or news letters, e. g. The History of the Arrivall
(1471), Rebellion in Lincolnshire (1470), Bellum apud Seynt
Albons (1455). They are couched in the wearisome formalities
of semi-legal documents, like the proclamations of the time. Poor
as the expression was, men at least felt it needful to be articulate.
The productions of Richard duke of York are probably the
worst.
A specimen of something very different from these stilted
pamphlets survives in the note-book of William Gregory, a skinner
of London, who became mayor in 1461. In it he entered ballads
and rules of medicine, notes on the chase, the weather, etc. ,
besides a city chronicle. There are several of these, of which
Fabyan's is the best; all are extremely meagre, but Gregory's
account of his own days reflects the cheerfulness of a man who
has weathered hard times successfully, and it has the freedom
of a private diary. Not only are there hints of a humane
pity, then rare, for the misfortunes of 'meek innocents' or of a
brave old soldier, but touches of humour quite as unusual. Though
a fifteenth century writer, he jokes: the description of Cade's
‘sympylle and rude mayny' is really comical, weening they had
wit and wisdom to guide all England just because they had
gotten London by 'a mysse happe of cuttynge of ii sory cordys
that nowe be alteryde. ' They entrenched, like soldiers, but they
kept not discipline, 'for als goode was Jacke Robyn as John at
the Noke, for alle were as hyghe as pyggsfete. ' He may tag
the proper moral over 'thys wrecchyde and fals trobely worlde';
but he tells how the earl of Wiltshire, held the handsomest knight
in England, set the king's banner against a house end and fought
manly with the heels, for he was afeared of losing of beauty; how
a preacher at Paul's Cross once preached the truth before the
1 He chronicled the events of 1461–71.
## p. 303 (#321) ############################################
Private Letters
303
king, but all the great reward he had was riding of eightscore
mile in and out, and all his friends full sorry for him; how Sir
Andrew Trollope cut a joke; how the mayor strove to collect
supplies for queen Margaret, but the mob, learning its destina-
tion, pillaged the convoy; it was Sir John Wenlock's cook who
, attacked the victuals, 'but as for the mony I wot not howe hit
was departyd, I trowe the pursse stale the mony. ' If he makes
but the briefest mention of the famous tournament of lord Scales,
he does 'aftyr heryng'-'ax of em that felde the strokys, they
can telle
you best. '
Still less to be considered as literature, yet even more in-
teresting in themselves, are the private letters which prove that
ordinary people were conversant with pen and ink without
intervention of scribes : 'Mastresse Annes, I am prowd that ye
can reed Inglyshe wherfor I prey yow aqweynt yow with thys
my lewd hand. Even the correspondence addressed to Henry IV
and Henry V, the latter very considerable in quantity, was
certainly not all done through secretaries; and it is of interest
to notice that Henry IV appears to have preferred to be
addressed in French Chance has preserved a private letter
from one of Henry V's soldiers' to his 'felous and frendys,'
describing how 'alle the ambassadors that we dele wyth ben
yncongrue, that is, in olde maner of speche in Englond, "they
ben double and fals,”' and they had made the king a beau
nient, or cypher. He is fain of peace and begs his friends to
pray that he may soon come 'oute of thys unlusty soundyour's
lyf yn to the lyf of Englond. '
Though the epistles of the learned are usually couched in
Latin, provost Millington and bishops like Gray and Bekynton
could be extremely forcible in English, and even the university
of Oxford addressed English to the House of Commons", to great
ladies and even, sometimes, to noblemen. A kind of testimonial
to the famous Sir John Talbot, then lord lieutenant of Ireland, was
addressed to Henry V by all the principal inhabitants of the Pale
in very careful English, urging his claims upon the king in respect
of his energy against 'your Irishe Enimies and English Rebels. '
The corporate towns, too, were accustomed to send missives to
one another or to the great nobles; but the compositions of the
town clerks, e. g. of Caerleon or Youghal, are on a different plane
from those of the universities
· Paston Letters, No. 688.
>
9 1420.
3 1439.
## p. 304 (#322) ############################################
304 English Prose in the XV th Century
The famous collection of letters and business papers pre-
served by the Pastons furnishes a detailed picture of three
generations of a well-to-do Norfolk family, their friends and
enemies, their dependents and noble patrons. At first John
Paston and his devoted wife Margaret, afterwards their sons,
are the leading correspondents, and the cares of property form
the topic. John Paston inherited from his father, a worthy judge,
considerable estates and was ambitious of acquiring more; but
the cupidity of the nobles of the district kept him in continual
difficulties. The old judge used to say that 'whosoever should
dwell at Paston should have need to know how to defend himself,'
and had placed his sons to study at the inns of court, since the
only help against violence lay in the intricacies of the law, with
which every age, class and sex was acquainted. The letters,
accordingly, trace the endeavours of John Paston, and, after him,
of his sons, to form such a combination of royal favour, local
intrigue and bribery as to procure effective legal protection
against those who seized their manors by armed force. This
main thread of interest is interwoven with every sort of business.
We should scarcely gather that the crown of England lay in the
scales of civil war. What the correspondence reveals is a state
of anarchy in which jurymen are terrorised, gentlemen of repute
waylaid by ruffians after church or market, or even dragged
from the Christmas dinner at home to be murdered by the way-
side; when a sheriff professedly friendly dare not accept a bribe,
because he cannot safely take more than £100 (i. e. over £1000
present value), and lord Moleynes (Paston's foe) is a great lord
who can do him more harm than that; when the duke of Suffolk's
retainers attack dame Margaret in her husband's house with
bows and handguns, pans of fire and scaling ladders, break in the
gates, undermine the house-front, cut asunder the great timbers
and carry the courageous woman forth to watch them destroy it.
In the midst of such turmoil, business is conducted regularly.
We see the squires and their stewards incessantly riding to and
fro, letting farms and holding manor courts, attending markets
or elections at Norwich, trying to curry favour at the court of
the duke of Norfolk, complimenting the duchess or giving her
waiting-woman a jewel, above all visiting London, where lawyers
may be found and, possibly, the appointment of sheriff or under-
sheriff manipulated. Letters come by messengers, with plate
and money concealed in parcels ; sometimes tokens are mentioned,
for a seal might be stolen by the token that my mother bath
## p. 305 (#323) ############################################
The Paston Letters
305
the key but it is broken. ' Countless commissions are given for
grocery or dress. Treacle of Genoa' is sought whenever sickness
is rife, cinnamon and sugar, dates and raisins 'of Coruns' must
be priced to see if they be better cheap' than in Norwich. If
Paston once orders a doublet all of worsted for the honour of
Norfolk '—which is almost like silk '—his wife prays that he will
do his cost on her to get something for her neck, for she had
to borrow her cousin's device to visit the queen among such
fresh gentlewomen, 'I durst not for shame go with my beds. '
The family acts together, like a firm, against the rest of
the world; husband and wife are working partners, mother and
brothers can be counted on to take trouble; the confidential ser-
vants are staunch, and not one seems to have betrayed his master,
though gratitude is not a marked trait of the next generation,
Nor does it seem surprising that the daughter, Margery, neglected
as her upbringing had been-Paston had grudged outlay on his
elder children-should have fallen in love with the steward,
Richard Calle, and, after two years of home persecution, insisted
that she had betrothed herself to him and would marry him-
'to sell kandyll and mustard in Framlyngham,' as her angry
brother cried. Her mother immediately turned her out of the
house and left her to the reluctant charity of a stranger. Every
relationship of life, indeed, was of the commercial nature:
marriages were bargains, often driven by the parents without
intervention of the persons concerned, as had been the case with
John and Margaret. The wardship of children was purchased,
as a speculation. There is a widow fallen,' writes one brother
to another, or, 'I heard where was a goodly young woman to
marry. . . which shall have £200,' or, 'whether her mother will
deal with me. ' Paston's hard old mother, dame Agnes, sends
to ask at the inns of court if her son Clement 'hath do his
dever in lernyng,' and, if not, to pray his tutor to 'trewly
belassch hym tyl he will amend, and so did the last maystr and
the best that evir he had, att Caumbrege”. The tutor's fee
was to be ten marks. Several of the lads went to Cambridge,
one to Oxford and one to Eton, where he stayed till he was
nineteen; the inns of court came later, for some at least; then,
one was placed in the household of the duke of Norfolk for a
time, and another remained long in the service of the earl of
Oxford, the one courteous nobleman of this correspondence.
1 Forty years earlier it needed a royal writ to compel the Cambridge students
to attend lectures.
E. L. II.
CH. XII.
20
## p. 306 (#324) ############################################
306 English Prose in the XV th Century
Daughters were merely encumbrances, difficult to marry with
little dowry, expensive to bring up in the correct way by
boarding with a gentle family. Keeping them at home was a
disagreeable economy. Dame Agnes so maltreated her daughter
Elizabeth, beating her several times a week, and even twice in
a day, forbidding her to speak to anyone, and taunting her,
that her sister-in-law besought Paston to find her a husband.
‘My moder. . . wold never so fayn to have be delyvered of her
as she woll now. ' Parental authority was so unquestioned that,
years after Paston's death, his sons, grown men, and one, at
least, married, were boarding with their mother and treated like
children. Dame Margaret leaned on her chaplain, one James
Gloys, and quarrels were picked to get John and Edmund out
of the house. “We go not to bed unchidden lightly. ' 'Sir
James and I be tweyn. We fyll owt be for my modyr with
"thow proud prest” and “thow proud sqwyer. "' The priest
was always ‘chopping' at him provokingly, but 'when he hathe
most unfyttynge wordys to me I smylle a lytyll and tell hym
it is good heryng of thes old talys. ' Thus (1472) writes John,
a husband and father, to his elder brother, also named John,
a young knight about court in London'.
With this younger generation a rather lighter tone becomes
apparent in the letters. Sir John was of a somewhat shallow
and unpractical character, his brother a man of high spirits
and good temper; and it would seem as if, after Towton field,
the dead weight of terrorism had begun to lighten. The decade
after 1461 was less anarchical than that which preceded it, and
the young men sometimes have leisure for slighter concerns than
sales and debts, lawsuits and marriage bargains. Sir John took
an interest in books, his brother in hawking, and he merrily
threatens his elder 'to call upon yow owyrly, nyghtly, dayly,
dyner, soper, for thys hawk,' which he suggests might be pur-
chased of a certain grocer 'dwelling right over against the well
with 2 buckets' near St Helen's. When Sir John at length sends a
poor bird, it is with admirable temper that the disappointed brother
thanks him for his 'dylygence and cost. . . well I wot your labore
and trowbyll was as myche as thow she had ben the best of
the world, but. . . she shall never serve but to lay eggys. ' Sir John
had a better taste in the points, laces and hats about which his
brothers and he were so particular. Their friendliness is the most
amiable thing in the letters. The one sign of parental affection
· Letters, Nos. 697, 702.
## p. 307 (#325) ############################################
Copyists and Booksellers
307
in them comes from the younger John, who was sent in the princess
Margaret's train (1468) to the court of Charles the Bold. ('I hert
never of non lyek to it save Kyng Artourys cort. ) He is anxious
about his 'lytell Jak’ and writes home ‘modyr I beseche yow that
ye wolbe good mastras to my lytell man and to se that he go to scole. '
Humour was, apparently, invented in London, for the brothers and
their town friends have many a jest, crude as these often are. Some-
times we have a touch of slang—'He wolde bear the cup evyn,
as What-calle-ye-hym seyde to Aslake' (i. e. be fair). "Put in
hope of the moon schone in the water. If the tailor will not
furnish a certain gown, 'be cryst, calkestowe over hys hed (f a
double caul) that is schoryle (churl) in Englysche, yt is a terme
newe browthe up with my marschandis of Norwych,' says John the
younger, who addresses his knightly brother as 'lansmann' and
'mynher,' and jests on having nearly 'drownke to myn oysters,'
i. e. been murdered. Many a good colloquial expression never
found its way into literature, 'to bear him on hand' is common
for ‘to accuse'; 'cup-shotten,' 'shuttle-witted' are good terms? .
The scanty notices, during the fifteenth century, of the making
and selling of books no more indicate a general lack of them
than the names of Fortescue and Pecock represent the literature
in demand. The monasteries had long ceased to supply the
market, and professional scribes were employed. The stationers'
guild, in existence much earlier, was incorporated in 1403, and
had a hall in Milk street. Paternoster Rewe' was well known.
In Oxford, scribes, parchmenters, illuminators and bookbinders
were distinct from stationers before 1373, and, apparently, in
Cambridge also. Other book centres were Bury and Lincoln,
where king John of France had made purchases of many expensive
books in the preceding century, and, probably, several other
cathedral or scholastic cities had store of books. Prices were
stable, and materials cheap: in the fourteenth century a dozen
skins of parchment cost 38. , through most of the fifteenth century a
quaternion of parchment was 3d. and the writing of it 16d. , i. e. 2d.
a page, but small-paged books could be copied at id. the page.
Sometimes a limner charged by the number of letters, at id. or
4d. the hundred, according to quality, no doubt. Legal documents
were paid for at special rates. The trade does not seem to have
.
been very remunerative, for the scrivener who did a good deal
1 A curious instance of the fluid state of the vocabulary is the use by nearly all the
colloquial writers of me, short for men, or they—'causeth me to set the lease be us'-
while scholarly writers are beginning to use it for I, meseemeth, eto.
ដ
水
ben
lebo
16
20—2
## p. 308 (#326) ############################################
308 English Prose in the XV th Century
of copying for Sir John Paston writes from sanctuary to beg
for payment and would be grateful for the gift of an old
gown. At the universities, however, regulations may have
succeeded in 'protecting' the scribes. As early as 1373, Oxford
reduced the excessive number of booksellers' by forbidding
outsiders who were bringing volumes of great value from other
places, to expose any books for sale at more than half-a-mark
cheap text-books they might sell, but the university stationers
were not to have their accustomed profits taken from them by
competition. Not that students usually possessed their own
books, though William Paston sent to London for his brother's
‘nominal' and 'book of sophistry'; the tutors or the stationers
loaned or hired out books at regular charges. Certainly, the large
Latin volumes made for the colleges were much more expensive
than Paston's purchases. These handsome folios and quartos, as
a rule, cost from 408. to 508. , always calculated in marks (138. 4d. ),
and were, usually, standard theological works, although Peter-
house", which ventured upon books of natural science and a
Vergil, seems to have smuggled FitzRalph's revolutionary sermon
into the works of Augustine, and Ockham's Defensor into a com-
mentary. Prices, of course, varied according to the beauty of the
volume, a primer for a princess might cost 638. 6d. , one Bible cost
‘not over 5 mark, so I trowe he wyl geve it,' while another cost
but 268. 8d. Several of the Pastons had books and were chary
of lending them; Anne possessed The Siege of Thebes, Walter,
The Book of Seven Sages, John mentions The Meeting of the
Duke and the Emperor, and Sir John had a library of English
books.
These books are of different kinds, and often, as then was
usual, included various works by several hands—the volume which
contained two of Chaucer's poems contained also Lydgate's The
Temple of Glass and The Grene Knight Another included The
Dethe of Arthur begynyng at Cassabelaun, Guy of Warwick,
Richard 'Cur de Lyon' and a Chronicle to Edwarde the iii.
One was didactic, comprising a book about the mass, Meditations
of Chylde Ypotis? and the Abbey of the Holy Ghost, a recent
devotional work. Several are old fashioned ballads—Guy & Col-
bronde (an Anglo-Norman tale), A Balade of the Goos (probably
Lydgate's). Troylus appears alone, and De Amicitia was lent to
William of Worcester, Fastolf's ill-requited scholar-servant, who
· The catalogue names eighteen different scriveners.
• A medieval form of Epictetus.
## p. 309 (#327) ############################################
Sir John Paston
309
>
afterwards translated it. One book is mentioned as 'in preente,
The Pleye off the Chessl.
Sir John, indeed, was in the fashion in patronising literature
and the drama, for he complained that one of his servants whom
he had kept 'thys three yer to pleye Seynt Jorge and Robin Hod
and the Shryff off Notyngham' had suddenly deserted him : 'he
is “goon into Bernysdale,” ' like the sturdy outlaw in the ballad to
which this is an early allusion. But his taste is still medieval:
romances of the old kind were shortly to go out of fashion. Up to
the close of the century, however, such books, along with useful
manuals of all kinds, were, evidently, plentiful enough, as may be
gathered from the number of scriveners and their poor pay; Sir
John Paston had bought his volume of chronicle and romances
from 'myn ostesse at The George,' and one or two had been given
by his friends; even the niggardly Fastolf had translations
executed for him, like the Lady Margaret or the duchess of
Burgundy; literature had become an amusement
· Cf. Catalogue in No. 869, Paston Letters.
## p. 310 (#328) ############################################
CHAPTER XIII
THE INTRODUCTION OF PRINTING INTO ENGLAND
AND THE EARLY WORK OF THE PRESS
WITH the advent of printing, books, from being expensive
and the property of the few, became cheap and were scattered
far and wide. The change was gradual, for an increased demand
for books could not grow up at once; but, by the time printing was
introduced into England, the art was widespread and books were
freely circulated. From a study of the productions of the various
presses of different countries can be determined, more or less
accurately, the general requirements of the reading public. This
is especially the case in England, where no books were printed for
exportation. It is proposed, therefore, in the present chapter to
examine the work produced by the earlier English printers as a
means of ascertaining the general literary taste of the period in
this country.
It was soon after the year 1450 that the first products of the new
art appeared at Mainz. In 1465, two German printers, Sweynheym
and Pandartz, migrated to Italy, setting up a press at Subiaco and
moving, two years later, to Rome. Switzerland followed soon after
Italy, and, in 1470, the first French press began work at Paris.
In all these cases, the first printers had been Germans. The
northern Netherlands, which have persistently claimed to be the
birth-place of printing, have no authentic date earlier than 1471,
when two native printers began work at Utrecht. Belgium and
Austria-Hungary follow in 1473 and Spain in 1474.
