No More Learning



## p. 319 (#355) ############################################

Xv]
THE CROSSING OF THE INDUS
319
fortified and garrisoned a place the Greeks call Orobatis, and Alexander,
accompanied by two Indian chieftains, 'Cophaeus' and 'Assagets'l, moved
about to take possession of various small towns between Pushkalāvati and
the Indus. But one great labour remained. The reduction of a certain
mountain citadel, which crowned Alexander's work during that winter,
always seemed to the Greeks the great glory of the campaign. The Greek
books described the siege and storming at greater length than any other
episode in this region. The story was started that Heracles had attempted
to storm that very rock and failed. Unfortunately, it has so far been
impossible to fit the Greek description of Aornus to any rocky height
noted in the country to-daya.
Aornus, we are told, was not far from the modern Amb
;
it was a
great isolated mass of rock, 6670 feet high, flat on the top with precipitous
sides, which on the south went down straight to the river Indus. On the
summit were woods and watersprings and fields whose cultivation could
keep a thousand men employed. It seems plain that an object of this kind
can hardly have escaped modern geographers in search of it. The inference
is that some particulars in the Greek account are due to imagination. But
when once we begin to trim it so as to suit the actual topography, it
depends on a more or less arbitrary selection which particulars we elimi.
nate and which we retain. There is at any rate no reason to doubt that
the final conquest of this mountain region did involve the reduction of
some exceptionally strong rock-citadel, in which fugitives of the defeated
tribes made a last stand. The citadel, when taken, was held for Alexander
by a garrison under the Indian Çaçigupta. The capture of Aornus had to
be followed by another short expedition further up into the hills, in pur-
suit of the flying defenders of the fortress. They were led by the brother of
the Assakenian chief killed in Massaga3 and had with them a herd of
fifteen war-elephants. To the Greeks the idea of getting hold of these ani-
mals, so strange and wonderful to them, of whose value in battle they had
probably formed an even exaggerated notion, made their pursuit the more
eager. The hills were deserted before them, and Alexander pushed on as
far as a town which the Greek books call Dyrta. It was found empty of
inhabitants. Alexander learnt that the fugitive prince was dead by the
evidence of his severed head, brought by some hillmen one day into
camp. He had fallen a victim to some hostile tribe or to his own
followers. Two bodies of light troops were detached to scour the hills yet
further, and Alexander himself turned back with the rest of his division
1 Anspach suggests, p.
65, note 200 that Cophaeus=rāja of the region about
Pushkala near the Cophen, and Assagetes=the rāja of the Assakenoi (successor of the
rāja killed in Massaga).
2 See the note in Vincent Smith, pp. 56, 57.
3 Arr. IV, 30, 5 ; Diod. XVII, 86 ; Curt. VIII, 12, 1. His name is variously given
as Aphrikes, Aphices, Erices in different texts.


## p. 320 (#356) ############################################

320
[cu.
ALEXANDER THE GREAT
to the Indus. Some natives of the region were caught by the Macedonians
on their way. They reported that the fugitives from Aornus and the
people of the hills had escaped into the country of Abhisāra, whose rāja
was watching the progress of the Yavanas with a doubtful mind. As
for the elephants, they had turned them loose in the country bordering
the Indus, more swampy in those days than it is now! An elephant
hunt accordingly followed ; Alexander had already, with his quick interest
in new things and his Macedonian sporting propensities, collected about
him Indians whose special business was elephant-hunting, and by their
means the scattered herd was driven in, and attached to the Macedonian
army”. The point at which Alexander's division struck the Indus on its
descent from the hills was some way above the point where Hephaestion
and Perdiccas had by this time constructed the bridge. Between the two,
the right bank of the river was largely overgrown with forest, which, if in
one way it impeded the advance of Alexander's division, in another way
helped the transport by furnishing timber for boats. Part of Alexander's
force floated down the river, and when he arrived at Hephaestion's bridge
the number of new boats was swelled by those brought down from up-
stream, The two divisions of the Yavana host now re-united for passage
into the heart of India. The place at which the bridge had been made has
been fixed by the most recent opinion at Ohind, about 16 miles above
Attock. The Greeks felt that they were crossing the threshold of a new
world. Sacrifices to the Greek gods, games and horse-races in their honour
on the river bank at Ohind marked their sense that they were about to
begin a new enterprise of formidable magnitude. Alexander was approach-
ing the bourne of the old Persian Empire, and it was evident that he meant
to press still onward towards the sunrise. The Greek diviners announced
that the omens were favourable. In the early dawn one day in the spring of
326 B. C. 3, the host began to defile over the bridge, the mingled line of many
races streaming all day into the Indian world. And the composition of the
army became now more singularly mixed by the contingents of native
Indian troops sent by the rāja of Takshaçilā, squadrons of Indian horse and
thirty elephants, endless trains moreover of oxen and sheep for sacrifice
and food, and silver brought in masses from his treasuries.
The rāja of Takshaçilā was now none other than Āmbhi himself ; for
the old rāja had not lived to see the Yavanas enter his city. The first act of
the new rāja had been to send a message of homage to Alexander ; he
would not assume his ancestral kingdom except pending the Great King's
pleasure. He would take his kingdom only from Alexander's hand.
As Alexander moved on Takshaçilā from the bridge, Āmbhi went out
1 Holdich, Gates of India, p. 122.
2 Cf. Diod. XVII, 86.
3 Strabo XV, C. 691. Cf. Vincent Smith, p. 61, note 1.


## p. 321 (#357) ############################################

Xv]
RECEPTION AT TAKSHAÇILĀ
321
to meet him in state at the head of the forces of his principality. For
a moment, when the Greeks saw an Indian army deployed across their
path, they suspected treachery. The rāja saw that there was trouble in
the ranks and galloped forward with a few attendants. He assured
Alexander through an interpreter that everything he had was his overlord's.
Alexander on his part ratified his assumption of the princedom'.
The gates of Takshaçilā were thrown open to the Europeans and the
Indian crowd watched, no doubt with a crowd's curiosity, the strange figures
and dresses which thronged their streets. But in one quarter the Greeks met
with an indifference which took them aback. At Takshaçilā, so far as we
know, the Greeks first noticed Indian ascetics. The report reached
Alexander himself of a strange set of men who were to be seen naked some.
where near the city, 'practising endurance', men commanding a great rever-
ence among the people. It was no use his sending for them, since
they would certainly refuse to come : those who wished to learn their secret
must go to them. Alexander, however, on his side, felt he could not go to
them consistently with his dignity; so he chose an envoy, a Greek officer
named Onesicritus, who had been a disciple of the Cynic philosopher
Diogenes, a figure obviously akin to the Indian ascetics. Onesicritus, in the
book he afterwards wrote, gave an account of his interesting mission, and
we may still read it in Strabo's version”. He found fifteen ascetics some ten
miles from the city, sitting naked and motionless in a sun so burning
that one could not even walk over the stones with bare feet. Onesicritus
could only communicate with them through a series of three interpreters, but
he made them understand that the Yavana king would like to learn their
wisdom. The ascetic to whom he first addressed himself answered bluntly
that no one coming in the bravery of European clothes-cavalry cloak and
broad-bripimed hat and top boots, such as the Macedonians wore - could
learn their wisdom. To do that, he must strip naked and learn to sit on the
hot stones beside them. Another answered more mildly that it was really
very creditable for such a man as Alexander to desire to know something of
the deeper wisdom, but one must remember that to attempt to convey their
teaching through three interpreters, common men incapable of under-
standing more than the mere words, would be like trying to make water
flow clear through mud. They seem however to have made an attempt,
and then they asked Oaesicritus whether among the Yavanas there was
any teaching of this kind, and he told them about Pythagoras and
Socrates and his old master Diogenes. The ascetics seemed pleased, but
expressed regret that the wise men of the Greeks had clung to such
superfluities as clothes? . One of these ascetics was ultimately persuaded
by the rāja of Takshaçilā to accompany Alexander and return to clothes
1 Diod. XVII, 86 ; Curt. VIII, 12.
2 XV, C. 715.
3 Strabo xv, C. 714 f.


## p. 322 (#358) ############################################

322
[CH.
ALEXANDER THE GREAT
and a worldly life. His companions considered it an apostasy, and followed
him with reproaches. The name of this Indian, who remained a notable
figure in Alexander's entourage, was one which Plutarch reproduces as
'Sphines,' but the Greeks, catching among the Indian words of greeting
which he exchanged with his fellow-countrymen, the word kalyāna, lucky,
came to call him Kalanos.
At Takshaçilā Alexander held what would be called in modern India
a durbar. There were more Greek sacrifices and games.
Āmbhi and
a crowd of smaller chiefs from the country already dominated by the
Macedonian arms brought presents, and were granted extensions of territory
at the expense of such of their neighbours as had not submitted to the
European King of Kings. And Alexander bestowed presents also with
a large hand. In the train of the European army, wagons had come over
the mountains bringing from the storehouses of the old Persian kings vessels
of gold and silver, Babylonian and Persian embroideries, and many of
these now found a home in the palace of Takshaçilā. The Macedonian
captains were inclined to grumble at the munificence with which Alexander
treated his Indian vassal kings. But Alexander had come to feel himself,
one gathers, a man raised above distinctions of race, an Emperor of the
world, beneath whom all mankind was to be levelled and made one.
East of the Hydaspes (Jhelum) the Paurava king had been watching
the immense peril come near. He learnt of the alliance between his old
enemy of Takshaçilā and the Yavana conqueror. He learnt that other
princes of the land were tendering submission to the new power-his
own kinsman, for instance, another Paurava, whose territory lay still
further to the east, beyond the Acesines (Chenāb)? In that moment of
fear, the spirit of the great Paurava rose unshaken in the resolve to settle
his relations with the invader by the arbitrament of arms. It would be
a mistake to regard him as one who fought in the nationalist cause. The
Paurava does not seem to have been moved by any thought of
Indian solidarity against the European any more than the rāja of Takshaçilā.
It was not India that he was going to fight for ; it was his own honour
and his own kingdom His honour would not allow him to surrender
anything without a fair fight, and all his old ambitions of constructing
a great kingdom at the expense of neighbouring chiefs and the free tribes
would vanish into air, if he gave way to a power which had made
agreement with his rivals. And yet, if the Paurava was not a champion of
nationalism, India may well reckon the proud and brave prince among
her national heroes. Unhappily India has long forgotten his name.
We know of him only through the Greek books which call him Porus. It
would have seemed a strange fate to him, had any astrologer been able to
1 Arr, vii, 2, 4 ; Plut. Alex. 65 ; Strabo xv,
ç.
2 Arr. v, 21, 3.
714 f.


## p. 323 (#359) ############################################

xv]
THE ADVANCE TO THE HYDASPES
323
predict it -- to pass quickly out of the memory of his own people, and to be a
familiar name for centuries in lands of which he had no conception, away
to the West !
To meet the Europeans, the Paurava could draw upon the resources
of his own principality lying between the Hydaspes and the Acesines, full of
populous villages! . And if his immediate neighbours to east and west were
hostile, the rāja of Abhisāra was inclined to make common cause with him.
The prince had already, as we have seen, given shelter to the fugitives
from the Swāt Valley, and now messengers went to and fro between
him and the Paurava. He thought it politic however to play a double
game, and sent his brother to the durbar at Takshaçilā to convey presents
to Alexander and the announcement of his submission. And meanwhile
he prepared to send forces to join the Indian army mustering on the
Hydaspes
It was probably some wind of these intrigues which accelerated
Alexander's attack? . The Paurava for his part, had sent the Yavana con-
queror an open defiance. To the envoys who summoned him to meet
Alexander at Takshaçilā he had answered that he would meet Alexander
on his own frontiers, in arms. He soon learnt that in spite of the heats
of summer which now lay on the land, in spite of the near approach of
the rains, the European army had broken up from Takshaçilā and was in
full march for the passage of the Hydaspes. Alexander had left a
Macedonian garrison in Takshaçilā, and a Macedonian satrap, Philip the
son of Machatas, in the realm of Āmbhi'. Probably somewhere near the
place where is now the town of Jhelum the army of the Paurava gathered
on the banks of the Hydaspes in the spring of 326. Its numbers are
variously en®. They were perhaps not very far, more or less from
those of Alexander's army, though all our accounts agree in one point
-- that Alexander had a numerical superiority in cavalry.
The first body of Yavanas to appear on the river was, one gathers, the
advance guard sent on by Alexander, bringing in sections the boats which
1 Strabo XV, C. 698.
2 Diod. XVII, 87.
3 Curt. VIII, 13, 2.
4 This may have been the same Philip whom we heard of as commandant of the
garrison in Pushkalāvati. Anspach thinks it was not, note 200.
5 Dr Vincent Smith in an appendix (p. 78) defends the Jhelum site against the
Jalālpur site, preferred by Cunningham. A point in favcur of Jhelum is that it is
higher up and Alexander seems to have kept close to the hills. One does not see how.
ever that it can ever be possible to decide the question with our defective documents.
Most of the argument on the subject takes it for granted that the place where Alex.
ander crossed was above the camp of Porus. But our sources do not tell us whether it
was above or below. Gruf Yorck von Wartenburg and Delbrück prefer the hypothesis
that it was below. With this point uncertain, as it must remain, it seems idle to try
to be precise.
6 The numbers in the final battle, according to Arrian V. 15, 4, were 30,000 foot
O‘all that was any good, that is to say’), 4000 horse, 300 chariots, and 200 elephants.
See Delbrück, p. 184.


## p. 324 (#360) ############################################

324
[CH.
ALEXANDER THE GREAT
had been used on the Indus. These were fitted together again on the
Hydaspes, and a little fleet could soon be described in moorings across the
river. The king with the main army was on the road. The Paurava seems
to have thrown one body of troops into the country opposite under his
nephew 'Spitaces,' to contest Alexander's advance in some narrow place
of the hills, through which the road from Takshaçilā runs. It was, of
course, a mere preliminary skirmish, and a manoeuvre of the Macedonian
horse threw back the Indians in some confusion? . Presently the great host
of the Yavanas was seen drawn up on the other side. The eyes watching
from the left bank could make out the royal tent and the uniform of the
body-guards and even the figure of the marvellous man himself moving
to and fro among his captains. They could see too a body of 5000 Indians,
their countrymen, sent by Āmbhi to fight by the side of the Macedonians.
Nothing divided the Indian army from the conquerors of the world but
the breadth of the Hydaspes. That however was a serious obstacle. The
river at this seasonwas rising as the snows began to melt in the
Himālayas. Along the left bank the Paurava kept a sharp watch on all
possible landing-places. His elephants especially would deter the Europeans,
by their terror as well as by their solid bulk, from landing. To land in
the face of such opposition might well seem an impossibility, even for
Yavanas. But for the Paurava it meant the necessity of unremitting
vigilance ; it meant the continuous minute scrutiny of every movement
on the opposite bank. He was now to show whether he had the general's
genius for divining the purposes of the enemy from chance indications.
The difficulty was that movement in the opposite camp seemed perpe-
tual. Over and over again there were concentrations at this point or that,
as if an immediate attack were to be made, and then, when the nerves of the
defenders were strung up to the highest pitch of expectancy, nothing hap-
pened. Was the dreadful foe really brought to a standstill by an obstacle such
as he had never yet encountered ? Or were these abortive movements pur-
posed feints to throw the defenders off their guard ? For the foreigners at
any rate it must make things worse when rain storms came on? - tropical de.
luges such as they could never have experienced before, with only such shel-
ter as a camp allows—and the swollen river swelled yet higher. Some indi-
1 The exact route of Alexander from Takshaçilā to the Hydaspes is unknown.
See Vincent Smith, p. 63, note.
2 Polyaen IV, 3, 21.
3 Dr Vincent Smith's disquisition on the date of the battle (p. 85 f. ) suffers from
one important datum having been left out-Strabo's statement, on the authority of
Nearchus, that the Macedonian army was on the Acesines at the time of the summer
solstice (XV, C. 692). This would support Arrian's statement that the battle was in
the month of Munychion, i. e. probably about the middle of May, not in July as Dr.
Vincent Smith computes. (See Anspach, note 124. )
4 According to Mr. Pearson (see Bibliography) the regular rain do not begin in
this part till July.


## p.
325 (#361) ############################################

xv]
THE CROSSING OF THE HYDASPES
325
cations seemed to show that this state of suspense might be protracted for
months, that the Yavanas had given up the thought of attempting to cross
in the present state of the river, and were going to wait for the winter
when it would become fordable. It was certain from the reports of spies
that great stores of provisions were being brought up, as if for a long halt? .
Then alarms at night began. In the intervals of the rain the noise of
cavalry mustering could be heard on the further bank, the shoutings of
words of command, the songs which the Yavanas sang in battle to their
own gods ; and at the sound of it, on the left bank the great elephants
would swing through the darkness to their stations, and the lines of Indians
stand ready with sword and bow. And still nothing happened. The night
alarm became almost a piece of routine.
One daybreak, after a night of storm and violent rain, outposts came
galloping in with the tiding that boats crowded with horses and armed
men had been sighted rounding the end of a wooded island some twenty
miles away from the Indian camp. A body of Yavanas had succeeded
in reaching an undefended part of the left bank! The first outposts who
reported sighting the boats were soon followed by others who had seen
the enemy getting firm foot upon the land.
From the Greek books we know more than the Paurava could know
of the movements which had taken place in the European army on that
terrific night. While the rain poured in torrents and the lightnings struck
men down here and there in the European columns, the king with a strong
division? - Macedonian horse and foot, horsemen from Balkh and Bukhāra,
light-armed Balkan mountaineers and archers-moved to a point about
seventeen miles from the European camp, where the fleet of river- boats
was in readiness. As it drew near day, the storm abated, and in the first
light the laden boats pushed off. In any cirsumstances, to embark upon
an unknown river, swollen in flood, would have been sufficiently venture-
some. A single bark carried the king and several of his great captains,
.
men who in after days were destined themselves to rule great tracts of the
earth and to plot against each other's lives Perdiccas, the future Regent,
Ptolemy, one day to be king of Egypt, Lysimachus, to be king of Thrace
and
carry the Macedonian arms into what is now Roumania, Seleucus, who
would inherit Alexander's Asiatic empire. With so much history was one
boat big, which in the early light of that gray morning swayed upon
1 Schubert points out that if Alexander was trying to keep the Indians in expec.
tation of an immediate attack he can hardly have tried at the same time to persuade
them that he was going to remain stationary for a long time. If they got this impres.
sion from the arrival of provisions, it was not therefore due to design on his part.
2 Some 31,000 men, if Arrian's figure are accepted, Of course, if Delbrück's
estimate of 30,000 for the whole of Alexander's army is right, Arrian's number must be
very much exaggerated.


## p. 326 (#362) ############################################

326
(CH.
ALEXANDER THE GREAT
the blind eddies of an Indian river. It was one of the moments when
Alexander threw himself upon luck, as represented by the chance play of
natural forces. The point from which the boats put out hod the
advantage- it was chosen for that reason- of being hidden from the
watchers on the opposite bank by a wooded island in mid stream. It was not
till the boats approached land that they came in sight, an'l sent the outposts
galloping back to the Paurava. It was instantly clear that everything was
a question of time : could the Indians reach the place where the Europeans
had landed before the Europeans were ready to receive them? And here
the luck of natural accidents came in. The Europeans soon discovered
that the recent rain had cut off the place where they were from the proper
shore by a swollen channel ; they had landed on what was now fractically
an island. All depended on whether the channel was fordable. If it was
not, the Europeans were caught in a trap. The question remained doubt-
ful, as at point after point attempts were made, and the water proved too
deep. Then a point was found where it was just possible for a man to
cross, going into the strong current above his breast, and there men and
horses struggled through. Onesicritus recorded words, which, he said,
burst from the king in the stress of that moment. They show a curious
point of contact between the European then and the European now. For
to-day India sees in the European some one living and moving and acting
in its midst, whilst the public opinion which governs him, for which he
really cares, is the opinion of a society thousands of miles away. At that
moment, Onesicritus said, Alexander suddenly exclaimed, as the thought
struck him that he was going through all this for the sake of a fame, which
meant that people would talk and write about him at Athens !
When the Paurava received tidings of the landing of the Yavanas, he
could not yet tell from which direction the main attack would come. For
the enemy's camp could be described as usual just opposite - the royal tent,
bodies of European soldiery, of horsemen from the Kandahār highlands and
the Hindu Kush, and the Indian troops of the hostile rājas. The Paurava
must not relax his guard on the adjacent landing-places, whatever
force he might detach to deal with the body of Yavanas who had got across.
As a matter of fact, Alexander had left a force including two Macedonian
phalanxes, in the camp under Craterus, with orders to attempt the passage
as soon as they should see the Indians thrown into confusion by his own
attack, and another body of troops with Meleager at a point half way
between the camp and the place of embarkation”. The division which
1 Plutarch, Alex. 60.
2 If Arrian's figures are right, the force left in ramp would have numbered about
17,000 foot and 1800 horse, and the division with Meleager about 30,000 foot and 2000
horse. Delbrück considers that the number given for Alexander's division, 11,000, is
correct åld makes it the basis of his calculation.


## p. 327 (#363) ############################################

Xv]
THE BATTLE OF THE HYDASPES
327
crossed the river with Alexander numbered about 11,000 men. The
Paurava remained stationary with the bulk of his army, but in order to
meet with all possible speed the Europeans who had landed, he detached a
force of 2000 mounted men and 120 chariots under the command of his
son. The young prince found a body of Europeans already drawn up on
the shore. As he came nearer, detachments of horse broke from the enemy's
lines and swept towards him. But instead of the shock of the encounter,
a hail of arrows descended upon the Indian cavalry ; for the men who
came against them carried bows and could shoot in full career. They were
not Yavanas, but the men from the steppes of Central Asia, who by custom
fought in this elusive fashion. Behind them, however, Alexander was keep-
ing his European squadrons in reserve, till he knew whether he had the
main force of the Paurava before him or only a detachment. Then the
Indians received the charge of the Macedonian horse, squadron after squa-
dron, and at their head flashed the person of the terrible king. The Indian
horsemen were overpowered, and could only throw their lives away in the
unequal battle. Four hundred are said to have fallen ; the young prince
was among the slain. All the 120 chariots, running headlong into the mud,
were captured!
The return of the shattered squadrons to camp told the Paurava that
no river separated Alexander and himself any more, that the hour of
supreme crisis was come. He determined to move practically the whole of
his force against the division with the king. Only a small body of troops
(four or five hundred foot soldiers and thirty-five elephants) were left to hold
the river-bank against the division with Craterus. The Indian army arrived
in time to draw up in battle order before the Europeans engaged them.
Some of the pictorial features of the battle which followed we can
gather from our Greek texts. But their account is too confused, in part
perhaps through the mistakes of copyists, to allow us to reconstruct it as a
military operation. Not knowing whether it was above or below the Indian
camp that Alexander had landed, we do not know whether the right or the
left of the Indian line rested upon the river ; and yet that would be an
essential point in understanding what happened. We know at any rate that
the strength of the Indians was in the two hundred elephants -an
to which the Europeans had no parallel and which was apt to terrify the
foreign borses – whilst the superiority of the Europeans was in cavalry.
A picture of the Indian line of battle is given us. The elephants were
drawn up along the front like bastions in a wall. They enemy would be
1 Anspach supposes that the son of Porus was already near the spot with 60
chariots and 1000 horse when Alexander landed, and that, finding a larger body had
crossed than he could cope with, he sent for help to his cousin Spitaces, who was hold.
ing a post lower down opposite Meleager ; Spitaces brought up 60 more chariots and
another 1000 horse.
arm


## p. 328 (#364) ############################################

328
(CH.
ALEXANDER THE GREAT
obliged, either to attack the unfamiliar monsters directly, or go in between
them to get at the masses of Indian foot behind. The line of foot projected
on each side beyond the elephants, and, beyond the foot cavalry was
stationed to guard either flank, with chariots in front of them. An image
of some god, Krishna or Indra, was held aloft before the ranks! In the
midst of his army the Indian prince had his seat upon an elephant of
exceptional size, his own magnificent frame encased in a hauberk of cunning
workmanship, which left nothing but his right shoulder bare - visible to
all and surveying all. The Indian army waited, a great stationary mass,
whilst the monotonous yet exciting rhythm of the drums and the trumpet-
ing of the elephants filled the air, to see how the more mobile European
force opposed to it would develop the attack. As in the former fight
that morning, it was a cloud of 1000 mounted archers from Central Asia,
which first rolled out upon the Indian left and covered the cavalry there
with flights of arrows. Their arrows might bave been answered more
effectually from the Indian ranks, were it not that the rain. rotten slush
underfoot made it impossible for the Indian archers to get a firm rest for
their long bows. To repel this attack the Indian cavalry on the left wing
began to execute some wheeling movement, but while it was still incomplete
the Macedonian horse-guards, led by Alexander himself bore down upon
them. The battle, so much we can say, was decided by the cavalry.
Alexander's onset was supported by another body of European horse under
the Macedonian Coenus. What exactly the manoeuvre of Coenus was is
obscure ; the phrases in our authorities are of doubtful interpretation, and
what is offered in printed texts is sometimes the conjectural emendation of
a modern editor". The Indian cavalry was unable to hold its own against
the Macedonian horse, practised in a hundred fights over half Asia. The
irretrievable defeat of the Indian cavalry threw the infantry into confusion,
and the crush in the centre made the elephants a terror to their own side.
When the European infantry came into action, all resistance had become
hopeless, and what followed was not fighting, but butchery. Between the
broken squadrons of horse plunging amongst them and the rushes of the
maddened elephants, the Indian army was reduced to a bewildered mob3.
1 Curt. VIII, 14, 11.
2 E. g. in the Teubner text of Curtius by Hedicke 'Ccenus ingenti vi in laevum
cornu invehitur,' VIII, 14, 17, is emended into ‘a laevo cornu invehitur.
3 For the battle see especially Schubert, Die Porus-Schlacht in Rhein. Mus. , Neue
Folge, LVI (1901), p. 543 f. He attempts to disentangle the parts of Ptolemy and
- Aristobulus in Arrian's account. One critical question bearing on a reconstruction of
the battle is the value to be attached to the 'Letter of Alexander'cited by Plutarch.
Schubert holds it to be a later fabrication based on Clitarchus Delbrück (Gesch. der
Kriegskunst, 1, p. 189) maintains that although not the work Alexander himself, it
was an official bulletin given out in his name. G. Veith in Klio, VIII (1908), pp. 131 ff.
defends against Schubert the general consistency of Arrian's narrative.


## p. 329 (#365) ############################################

XV]
ALEXANDER MEETS PORUS
329
a
A part of the mob surged backwards in a wild attempt to regain the camp
from which they had set out, and a certain number succeeded in getting
through the cruel ring of the enemy's cavalry. But by now the division of
Craterus had crossed the river, and these exhausted fugitives therefore only
found new bodies of Macedonians, fresh and unbreathed, barring their way.
They were mown down with a possibility of escape or resistance. Among
the thousands who, the Greek books affirm, perished on that day-'were
the two sons of Porus, Spitaces the “monarch" of that district all the great
captains of Porus. '
The prince himself from the back of his huge elephant had seen his
army turned to confusion around him. The Greek historians, to whom
India must owe it, if she knows anything to day about this her heroic son,
observe that, unlike the Persian monarch in a similar case, he did not turn
to flight. So long as any body of men in that seething mass preserved any
appearance of order, the Paurava kept his elephant where the darts were
flying. One gashed his bare right shoulder. When all hope was
over, the royal elephant turned and made its way from the place of carnage.
The Paurava had not gone far when man came galloping after him.
Coming within earshot, he shouted to the prince to have his elephant halted :
he brought a message from the Yavana king. The Paurava recognised the
hated face of the rāja of Takshaçilā. Then he turned round in his seat, and,
with what strength his wounded arm could gather, threw a jevelin? . Āmbhi
evaded it and galloped back to his overlord. Presently the Paurava was
overtaken again by other horsemen, calling to him to stop and receive
Alexander's message. Among them he saw a certain 'Meroes,' whom he
believed to be still his friend. Loss of blood had brought on intolerable
thirst. It came to the Paurava that he had done all that honour required,
that he might yield to destiny. The elephant was halted and he alighted.
The envoys of Alexander gave him to drink. Then he bade them conduct
him to the king.
As the little party neared the Macedonian lines, the Paurava saw the
conqueror of the world come galloping out to meet him. It was an instance
of two strong men, from diverse ends of the earth, coming face to face.
Alexander, whose romantic vein was easily touched, was all admiration, the
Greek books, say, for an antagonist so splendid in person, so brave and
proud. There is no Indian historian to tell us what the Paurava felt, when
he looked on Alexander. But we gather that from their meeting the Paurava
gave this unparalleled man his full loyalty, as vassal and friend. Their con-
versation at this their first meeting is recorded. The Paurava was made to
1 Head, Historia Numorum (2nd ed. ), p. 833 suggests that the coin figured in Pl.
1, 16, may give an actual representation of this encounter (v. inf. pp. 349. 50).


## p. 330 (#366) ############################################

330
(CH.
ALEXANDER THE GREAT
"
understand that Alexander desired him to indicate himself the treatment he
would wish to receive. 'Act as a king,' the Indian said. But the interpreter
explained that Alexander was not satisfied ; he wanted something more
precise. "When I said "As a king,"l the Paurava replied, 'everything was
contained in that. '
The principality of the Paurava was now in the hands of Alexander to
order as seemed good to him. The Paurava was reinstated in his former
dignity. He was only required to regard himself as the member of a world-
realm under Alexander. In all groupings of mankind, - in the family, the
nation, the empire, the constituent units have to sacrifice something of
their independence in order to share in the greatness and strength of the
group. And in such a realm as Alexander now conceived, a realm including
already so many races and nations, in which European and Asiatic should
stand on one footing, it might well seem to a proud Indian prince that he
and his people could accept their place without shame. He entered
it as
the peer of the Macedonian chiefs, he might claim to be the
conquerors, and of the princes and nobles of Irān, who had given their
allegiance to the new King of Kings. That his new position meant amity
with the rāja of Takshaçilā was probably the thing which the Paurava
found most bitter. But that Alexander sweetened, so far as he could, by
giving him a great enlargement of dominion towards the east.
Here too Alexander, pursuing his fixed policy, was determined
to strengthen the bonds which knit his empire together by planting cities of
European men. On what had been the field of battle, they began to trace
out the walls of a Nicaea, a 'City of Victory', and on the opposite bank of
the river, whence Alexander had put out in the gray of that eventful
morning, the site of a city was marked, to be called Bucephala, after
the king's stalwart old horse Bucephalus, who had come so far to lay his
bones.
Here again the Indians saw the Yavanas honour their gods in their own
peculiar fashion - the sacrifices of thanksgiving for victory, the obsequies of
the slain, the horse-racing and the running, wrestling and boxing of
naked men. To the Sun especially Alexander made offerings on this
occasion, whose grace, he deemed, had opened for him the way to the
Orient? . Then the army turned once more to the business of war. The
state of things, as we saw, which the Europeans found in the Punjab was
one of extreme division, free tribes everywhere maintaining their separate
independence against princes like Āmbhi and the Paurava. The first
effect of the Macedonian conquest, as it has been of other conquests,
was internal unification. It seemed good policy to recognise a certain
number of native princes, and make their authority really effective over
1 Diod. XVII, 89 ; Curt. IX, 1, 1.


## p. 331 (#367) ############################################

Xv]
POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN THE PUNJAB
331
large spheres. Even to the west of the Acesines (Chenāb), the next river
after the Hydaspes (Jhelum), there was a people with thirty-seven towns
of over 5000 inhabitants- the Greeks give their name as Giausai or
Glauganikai - which had held their independence against the Paurava.
But it was a different matter, when the summons was brought by the
conquerors of the Paurara, when they saw the wave of European and
Central-Asian cavalry sweeping over their fields, columns of Macedonian
footmen and Ihracian archers marching against them. They surrendered,
and the principality of the Paurava was extended over their land.
There was
no power in the north-west of India, after the battle
on the Hydaspes, which could meet the Europeans in the open field, as
the Paurava had done. The only chance lay in the fact that the intrusive
power, although a far-reaching one-a camp on the move - could not
be everywhere at once, and, if it could not be met, it could often be
defied at a distance. The rapid conquest had been anything but secure.
Even Lefore Alexander had left Takshaçilā a rebellion in the Kandahār
region, which had been joined by the chief of a neighbouring part of India-,
had been suppressed, and now, whilst Alexander was encamped among the
rivers of the Punjab, the hill tribes of the Swāt Valley threw off fear
and renounced allegiance. We may perhaps gather from a sentence in
a Greek textº that the satrap Nicanor was killed. The Indian Çaçigupta,
who held the fortress of Aornus for Alexander, sent urgent messages to the
Punjab. Macedonian forces came up in time to beat down the revolt,
from the neighbouring satrapy on the west under the Irānian Tyriespes, and
from the realm of Āmbhi under Philip? But even if this revolt was
suppressed, it was an indication of disruptive forces below the surface.
The rāja of Abhisāra, who had been too late to help the Paurava,
thought well to renew his assurances of loyalty to Alexander. A body of
envoys from Kashmir, headed by the rāja's brother, arrived in camp
with presents which included forty elephants. They would also seem
to have brought back to Alexander his envoy Nicocles, whom the rāja had
retained by him, so long as the issue of the conflict with Porus was
doubtfult. Alexander, however, could now be satisfied with nothing short
of the rāja's own presence, and gave the envoys to understand that it
would be as well for him to come, or Alexander might come to look for
him.
When the satrap of Parthia, a Persian, had brought down a body of
Thracian reinforcements from Irān, Alexander moved across the Acesines
1 Cursius VIII, 13, 4. The Indian chief's name is Samaxus in the MS. : Hedicke
emends conjecturally Damaraxus.
2 Arrian V, 20, 7.
3 Acc. to Anspach, note 200, Philip, the governor of Pushkala, not=Philip the
satrap.
4 Au anon. Epit. Alex. M. rer. Çest. II, $ 55 f (Fleckeisen's Jahrbücher für klass,
Philol. XXVI, Supp. 1901, p.