If I had spoken, one
of the most honest and able men * in the Irish Parliament would probably have thought my observation an endeavor to sow dissension, which he was resolved
to prevent, - and one of the most ingenious and one
of the most amiable men t that ever graced yours or
any House of Parliament might have looked on it as
a chimera.
of the most honest and able men * in the Irish Parliament would probably have thought my observation an endeavor to sow dissension, which he was resolved
to prevent, - and one of the most ingenious and one
of the most amiable men t that ever graced yours or
any House of Parliament might have looked on it as
a chimera.
Edmund Burke
?
?
?
LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
217
land discovering by a progressive experience that none
of the concessions actually made were followed by the
consequences they had dreaded, their fears from what
they were yet to yield would considerably diminish.
But that to which I attached myself the most particularly was, to fix the principle of a free trade in all
the ports of these islands, as founded in justice, and
beneficial to the whole, but principally to this, the seat
of the supreme power. And this I labored to the
utmost of my might, upon general principles, illustrated by all the commercial detail with which my little inquiries in life were able to furnish me. I ought to forget such trifling things as those, with all concerning myself; and possibly I might have forgotten
them, if the Lord Advocate of Scotland had not, in a
very flattering manner, revived them in my memory,
in a full House in this session. He told me that my
arguments, such as they were, had made him, at the
period I allude to, change the opinion with which he
had come into the House strongly impressed. I am
sure that at the time at least twenty more told me
the same thing. I certainly ought not to take their
style of compliment as a testimony to fact; neither
do I. But all this showed sufficiently, not what they
thought of my ability, but what they saw of my zeal.
I could say more in proof of the effects of that zeal,
and of the unceasing industry with which I then acted, both in my endeavors which were apparent and
those that were not so visible. Let it be remembered
that I showed those dispositions while the Parliament
of England was in a capacity to deliberate and in a
situation to refuse, when there was something to be
risked here by being suspected of a partiality to Ireland, when there was an honorable danger attending
? ? ? ? 218 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
the profession of fiiendship to you, which heightened
its relish, and made it worthy of a reception in manly minds. But as for the awkward and nauseous parade of debate without opposition, the flimsy device
of tricking out necessity and disguising it in the habit of choice, the shallow stratagem of defendinlg by argument what all the world must perceive is yielded
to force, - these are a sort of acts of friendship whiclh
I am sorry that any of my countrymen should require
of their real friends. They are things not to my taste;
and if they are looked upon as tests of friendship, I
desire for one that I may be considered as an eniemy.
What party purpose did my conduct answer at
that time? I acted with Lord N. I went to all the
ministerial meetings, - and lie and his associates in
office will do me the justice to say, that, aiming at the
concord of the empire, I made it my business to give
his concessions all the value of which they were capable, whilst some of those who were covered with his favors derogated from them, treated them with contempt, and openly threatened to oppose them. If I had acted with my dearest and most valued friends,
if I had acted with time Marquis of Rockingham or
the Duke of Richmond, in that situation, I could not
have attended more to their honlor, or endeavored
more earnestly to give efficacy to the measures I had
taken in common with them. The return which I,
and all who acted as I did, have met with from him,
does not make me repent the conduct which I then
held.
As to the rest of the gentlemen with whom I have
the honor to act, they did not then, or at anly other
time, make a party affair of Irish politics. That
nlatter was always taken up without concert; but,
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 219
in general, from the operation of our known liberal
principles in government, in commerce, in religion,
in everything, it was taken up favorably for Ireland.
Where some local interests bore hard upon the inembers, they acted oin the sense of their constituents, upon ideas which, though I do not always follow,
I cannot blame. However, two or three persons,
high in opposition, and high in public esteem, ran
great risks in their boroughs on that occasion. But
all this was without anly particular plan. I need
not say, that Ireland was in that affair much obliged
to the liberal mind and enlarged understanding of
Charles Fox, to Mr. Thomas Townshend, to Lord
Midleton, and others. On reviewing that affair,
which gave rise to all the subsequent manlleuvres,
I am convinced that the whole of what has this day
been done might have then been effected. But then
the minister must have taken it up as a great plan
of national policy, and paid with his person in every
lodgment of his approach. He must have used that
influence to quiet prejudice, which he has so often
used to corrupt principle: and I know, that, if he
had, he must have succeeded. Many of the most
active in opposition would have given him an unequivocal support. The corporation of London, and
the great body of the London West India merchants
and planters, which forms the greatest mass of that
vast interest, were disposed to fall in with such a
plan. They certainly gave no sort of discountenance
to what was done or what was proposed. But these
are not the kind of objects for which our ministers
bring out the heavy artillery of the state. Therefore, as things stood at that time, a great deal more
was not practicable.
? ? ? ? 220 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
Last year another proposition was brought out for
the relief of Ireland. . It was started without any
communication with a single person of activity in
the country party, and, as it should seem, without
any kind of concert with government. It appeared
to me extremely raw and undigested. The behavior of Lord N. , on the opening of that business,
was the exact transcript of his conduct on the Irish
question in the former session. It was a mode of
proceeding which his nature has wrought into the
texture of his politics, and which is inseparable from
them. He chose to absent himself on the proposition and during the agitation of that business,although the business of the House is that alone for which he has any kind of relish, or, as I am
told, can be persuaded to listen to with any degree
of attention. But he was willing to let it take its
course. If it should pass without any considerable
difficulty, he would bring his acquiescence to tell
for merit in Ireland, and he would have the credit,
out of his indolence, of giving quiet to that couintry. If difficulties should arise on the part of England, he knew that the House was so well trained that he might at his pleasure call us off from the
hottest scent. As he acted in his usual manner and
upon his usual principle, opposition acted upon theirs,
and rather generally supported the measure. As to
myself, I expressed a disapprobation at the practice
of bringing imperfect and indigested projects into the
House, before means were used to quiet the clamors which a misconception of what we were doing
might occasion at home, and before measures were
settled with men of weiglht and autlhority in Ireland,
in order to render our acts useful and acceptable
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 221
to that country. I said, that the only thing which
could make the influence of the crown (enormous
without as well as within the House) in any degree
tolerable was, that it might be employed to give
something of order and system to the proceedings
of a popular assembly; that government being so
situated as to have a large range of prospect, and
as it were a bird's-eye view of everything, they might
see distant dangers and distant advantages which
were not so visible to those who stood onl the common level; they might, besides, observe them, from this advantage, in their relative and combined state,
which people locally instructed and partially informed
could behold only in an insulated and unconnected
manner; -but that for many years past we suffered
under all the evils, without any one of the advantages of a government influence; that the business
of' a minister, or of those who acted as such, had
been still further to contract the narrowness of men'S;
ideas, to confirm inveterate prejudices, to inflame
vulgar passions, and to abet all sorts of popular
absurdities, in order the better to destroy popular
rights and privileges; that, so far from methodizing
the business of the House, they had let all things
run into an inextricable confusion, and had left affairs of the most delicate policy wholly to chance. After I had expressed myself with the warmth I
felt on seeing all government and order buried under
the ruins of liberty, and after 1 had made my protest
against the insufficiency of the propositions, I supported the principle of enlargement at which they aimed, though short and somewlhat wide of the mark,
g- iving, as my sole reason, that the more frequently these matters came into discussion, the more it
? ? ? ? 222 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
would tend to dispel fears and to eradicate prejudices.
This was the only part I took. The detail was in
the hands of Lord Newhaven and Lord Beauchamp,
with some assistance from Earl Nugent and some independent gentlemen of Irish property. The dead
weight of the minister being removed, tile House
recovered its tone and elasticity. We had a temporary appearance of a deliberative character. The
business was debated freely on both sides, and with
sufficient temper. And the sense of the members
being influenced by nothing but what will naturally
influence men unbought, their reason and their prejudices, these two principles had a fair conflict, and
prejudice was obliged to give way to reason. A majority appeared, on a division, in favor of the propositions.
As these proceedings got out of doors, Glasgow
and Manchester, and, I think, Liverpool, began to
move, but in a manner much more slow and lallnguid
than formerly. Nothing, in my opinion, would have
been less difficult than entirely to have overborne
their opposition. The London West India trade was,
as on the former occasion, so on this, perfectly liberal
and perfectly quiet; and there is abroad so much respect for the united wisdom of the House, whllen supposed to act upon a fair view of a political situation, that I scarcely ever remember any considerable uncasiness out of doors, when the most active members,
and those of most property and consideration in the
minority, have joined themselves to tile administra.
tion. Many factious people in the towns I mentioned
began, indeed, to revile Lord North, and to reproach
his neutrality as treacherous and ungrateful to those
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 223
who had so heartily and so warmly entered into all
his views with regard to America. That noble lord,
whose decided character it is to give way to the latest
and nearest pressure, without ally sort of regard to
distant consequences of any kind, thought fit to appear, on this signification of the pleasure of those his
worthy friends and partisans, and, putting himself at
the head of the posse seaccarii, wholly regardless of
the dignity and consistency of our miserable House,
drove the propositions entirely out of doors by a majority newly summoned to duty.
In order to atone to Ireland for this gratification
to Manchester, he graciously permitted, or rather forwarded, two bills, - that for encouraging the growth
of tobacco, and that for giving a bounty on exportation of hemp from Ireland. They were brougllt in
by two very worthy members, and on good principles; but I was sorry to see them, and, after expressillg my doubts of their propriety, left the House. Little also [else? ] was said upon them. My objections were two: the first, that the cultivation of
those weeds (if one of them could be at all cultivated to profit) was adverse to the introduction of
a good course of agriculture; the other, that the encouragement given to them tended to establish that
mischievous policy of considering Ireland as a country of staple, and a producer of raw materials.
When the rejectionl of the first propositions and the
acceptance of the last had jointly, as it was natural,
raised a very strong discontent in Ireland, Lord Rockingham,who firequently said that there never seemed
a more opportune time for the relief of Irelalnd than
that moment when Lord North had rejected all rational propositions for its relief, without consultillg, I
? ? ? ? 224 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
believe, any one living, did what he is not often very
willing to do; but he thought this an occasion of
magnitude enough to justify an extraordinary step.
He went into the closet, and made a strong representation on the matter to the king, which was not ill received, and I believe produced good effects. He then
made the motion in the House of Lords which you
may recollect; but he was content to withdraw all
of censure which it contained, on the solemnl promise
of ministry, that they would in the recess of Parliament prepare a plan for the benefit of Ireland, and
have it in readiness to produce at the next meeting.
You may recollect that Lord Gower became in a particular manner bound for the fulfilling this ellgagement. Even this did not satisfy, and most of the minority were very unwilling that Parliament should be prorogued until something effectual on the subject
should be done, - particularly as we saw that the distresses, discontents, and armaments of Ireland were increasing every day, and that we are not so much lost
to common sense as not to know the wisdom and efficacy of early concession in circumstances such as ours.
The session was now at an end. The ministers,
instead of attending to a duty that was so urgent on
them, employed themselves, as usual, in endeavors to
destroy the reputation of those who were' bold enough
to remind them of it. They caused it to be industriously circulated through the nation, that the distresses
of Ireland were of a nature hard to be traced to the
true source, that they had been monstrously magnified, and that, in particular, the official reports from
Ireland had given the lie (that was their phrase) to
Lord Rockingham's representations: and attributing
the origin of the Irish proceedings wholly to us, they
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 225
asserted that everything done in Parliament upon
the subject was with a view of stirring up rebellion;
"that neither the Irish legislature nor their Constituents had signified any dissatisfaction at the relief
obtained in the session preceding the last; that, to
convince both of the impropriety of their peaceable
conduct, opposition, by making demands in the name
of Ireland, pointed out what she might extort from
Great Britain; that the facility with which relief was
(formerly) granted, instead of satisfying opposition,
was calculated to create new demands; these denlands, as they interfered with the commerce of
Great Britain, were certain of being opposed, --a
circumstance which could not fail to create that desirable confusion which suits the views of the party;
that they (the Irish) had long felt their own misery,
without knowing well from whence it came; our worthy
patriots, by pointing out Great Britain as the cause of
Irish distress, may have some chance of rousing Irish
resentment. " This I quote from a pamphlet as perfectly contemptible in point of writing as it is false in
its facts and wicked in its design: but as it is written
under the authority of ministers, by one of their principal literary pensioners, and was circulated with
great diligence, and, as I am credibly informed, at a
considerable expense to the public, I use the words of
that book to let you see in what manner the friends
and patrons of Ireland, the heroes of your Parliament, represented all efforts for your relief here,
what means they took to dispose the minds of the
people towards that great object, and what encouragement they gave to all who should choose to exert
themselves in your favor. Their unwearied endeavors were not wholly without success, and the unthinkVOL. VI. 15
? ? ? ? 226 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
ing people in many places became ill-affected towards
us on this account. For the ministers proceeded in
your affairs just as they did with regard to those of
America. They always represented you as a parcel
of blockheads, without sense, or even feeling; that all
your words were only the echo of faction here; and
(as you have seen above) that you had not understanding enough to know that your trade was cramped by restrictive acts of the British Parliament, unless we
had, for factious purposes, given you the information.
They were so far from giving the least intimation of
the measures which have since taken place, that those
who were supposed the best to know their intentions
declared them impossible in the actual state of the
two kingdoms, and spoke of nothing but an act of
union, as the only way that could be found of giving
freedom of trade to Ireland, consistently with the
interests of this kingdom. Even when the session
opened, Lord North declared that he did not know
what remedy to apply to a disease of the cause of
which he was ignorant; and ministry not being then
entirely resolved how far they should submit to your
energy, they, by anticipation, set the above author
or some of his associates to fill the newspapers with
invectives against us, as distressing the minister by
extravagant demands in favor of Ireland.
I need not inform you, that everything they asserted of the steps taken in Ireland, as the result of
our machinations, was utterly false and groundless.
For myself, I seriously protest to you, that I neither
wrote a word or received a line upon any matter
relative to the trade of Ireland, or to the politics of it,
from the beginning of the last session to the day that
I was honored with your letter. It would be an af
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 227
front to the talents in the Irish Parliament to say one
word more.
What was done in Ireland during that period, in
and out of Parliament, never will be forgotten. You
raised an army new in its kind and adequate to its
purposes. It effected its end without its exertion. It
was not under the authority of law, most certainly,
but it derived from an authority still higher; and as
they say of faith, that it is not contrary to reason, but
above it, so this army did not so much contradict the
spirit of the law as supersede it. What you did in
the legislative body is above all praise. By your proceeding with regard to the supplies, you revived the grand use and characteristic benefit of Parliament,
which was on the point of being entirely lost amongst
us. These sentiments I never concealed, and never
shall; and Mr. Fox expressed them with his usual
power, when he spoke on the subject.
All this is very honorable to you. But in what
light must we see it? How are we to consider your
armament without commission from the crown, when
some of the first people in this kingdom have been refused arms, at the time they did not only not reject, but solicited the king's commissions? Here to arm
and embody would be represented as little less than
high treason, if done on private authority: with you
it receives the thanks of a Privy Counsellor of Great
Britain, who obeys the Irish House of Lords in that
point with pleasure, and is made Secretary of State,
the moment he lands here, for his reward. You
shortened the credit given to the crown to six months;
you hung up the public credit of your kingdom by a
thread; you refused to raise any taxes, whilst you
confessed the public debt and public exigencies to
? ? ? ? 228 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
be great and urgent beyond example. You certainly
acted in a great style, and on sound and invincible
principles. But if we in the opposition, which fills
Ireland with such loyal horrors, had even attempted,
what we never did even attempt, the smallest delay or
the smallest limitation of supply, in order to a constitutional coercion of the crown, we should have been
decried by all the court and Tory mouths of this kingdom, as a desperate faction, aiming at the direct ruin
of the:country, and to surrender it bound hand and
foot to a foreign enemy. By actually doing what we
never ventured to attempt, you have paid your court
with such address, and have won so much favor with
his Majesty and his cabinet, that they have, of their
special grace and mere motion, raised you to new
titles, and, for the first time, in a speech from the
throne, complimented you with the appellation of
"faithful and loyal," --and, in order to insult our
low-spirited and degenerate obedience, have thrown
these epithets and your resistance together in our
teeth! What do you think were the feelings of every
man who looks upon Parliament in an higher light
than that of a market-overt for legalizing a base traffic of votes and pensions, when he saw you employ
such means of coercion to the crown, in order to
coerce our Parliament through that medium? Howmuch his Majesty is pleased with his part of the civility must be left to his own taste. But as to us, you declared to the world that you knew that the way of
bringing us to reason was to apply yourselves to the
true source of all our opinions and the only motive to
all our conduct! Now, it seems, you think yourselves
affronted, because a few of us express some indignation at the minister who has thought fit to strip us
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 229
stark naked, and expose the true state of our poxed
and pestilential habit to the world! Think or say
what you will in Ireland, I shall ever think it a crime
hardly to be expiated by his blood. He might, and
ought, by a longer continuance or by an earlier meeting of this Parliament, to have given us the credit of
some wisdom in foreseeing and anticipating an approaching force. So far from it, Lord Gower, coming out of his own cabinet, declares that one principal cause of his resignation was his not being able to prevail on the present minister to give any sort of application to this business. Even on the late meeting of Parliament, nothing determinate could be drawn from
him, or from any of his associates, until you had actually passed the short money bill, - which measure
they flattered themselves, and assured others, you
would never come up to. Disappointed in their expectation at [of? ] seeing the siege raised, they surrendered at discretion.
Judge, my dear Sir, of our surprise at finding your
censure directed against those whose only crime was
in accusing the ministers of not having prevented
your demands by our graces, of not having given
you the natural advantages of your country in the
most ample, the most early, and the most liberal
manner, and for not having given away authority
in such a manner as to insure friendship. That you
should make the panegyric of the ministers is what I
~xpected; because, in praising their bounty, you paid
t just compliment to your own force. But that you;hould rail at us, either individually or collectively,
s what I can scarcely think a natural proceeding. I,an easily conceive that gentlemen might grow frightrned at what they had done, - that they might im
? ? ? ? 230 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
agine they had undertaken a business above their direction, -that, having obtained a state of independence for their country, they meant to take the deserted helm into their own hands, and supply by their very real abilities the total inefficacy of the nominal
government. All these might be real, and might be
very justifiable motives for their reconciling themselves cordially to the present court system. But I
do not so well discover the reasons that could induce
them, at the first feeble dawning of life in this country, to do all in their power to cast a cloud over it,
and to prevent the least hope of our effecting the necessary reformations which are aimed at in our Constitution and in our national economy.
But, it seems, I was silent at the passing the resolutions. Why, what had I to say? If I had
thought them too much, I should have been accused
of all endeavor to inflame England. If I should represent them as too little, I should have been charged
with a design of fomenting the discontents of Ireland
into actual rebellion. The Treasury bench represented that the affair was a matter of state: they represented it truly. I therefore only asked whether they
knew these propositions to be such as would satisfy
Ireland; for if they were so, they would satisfy me.
This did not indicate that I thought them too ample.
In this our silence (however dishonorable to Parliament) there was one advantage, - that the whole
passed, as far as it is gone, with complete unanimity,
and so quickly that there was no time left to excite
any opposition to it out of doors. In the West India
business, reasoning on what had lately passed in the
Parliament of Ireland, and on the mode in which it
was opened here, I thought I saw much matter of
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 231
perplexity. But I have now better reason than ever
to be pleased with my silence.
If I had spoken, one
of the most honest and able men * in the Irish Parliament would probably have thought my observation an endeavor to sow dissension, which he was resolved
to prevent, - and one of the most ingenious and one
of the most amiable men t that ever graced yours or
any House of Parliament might have looked on it as
a chimera. In the silence I observed, I was strongly
countenanced (to say no more of it) by every gentleman of Ireland that I had the honor of conversing with in London. The only word, for that reason,
which I spoke, was to restrain a worthy county member, j who had received some communication from a great trading place in the county he represents, which,
if it had been opened to the House, would have led
to a perplexing discussion of one of the most troublesome matters that could arise in this business. I got up to put a stop to it; and I believe, if you knew
what the topic was, you would commend my discretion.
That it should be a matter of public discretion in
me to be silent on the affairs of Ireland is what on all
accounts I bitterly lament. I stated to the House
what I felt; and I felt, as strongly as human sensibility can feel, the extinction of my Parliamentary capacity, where I wished to use it most. When I
came into this Parliament, just fourteen years ago, -
into this Parliament, then, in vulgar opinion at least,
the presiding council of the greatest empire existing,
(and perhaps, all things considered, that ever did
exist,) obscure and a stranger as I was, I consid* Mr. Grattan.
? t Mr. Hussey Burgh: Mr. Stanley, member for Lancashire.
? ? ? 232 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
ered myself as raised to the highest dignity to which
a creature of our species could aspire. In that opinion, one of the chief pleasures in my situation, what was first and uppermost in my thoughts, was the
hope, without injury to this country, to be somewhat useful to the place of my birth and education,
which in many respects, internal and external, I
thought ill and impolitically governed. But when I
found that the House, surrendering itself to the guidance of an authority, not grown out of an experienced wisdom and integrity, but out of the accidents of court
favor, had become the sport of the passions of men at
once rash and pusillanimous, -that it had even got
into the habit of refusing everything to reason and
surrendering everything to force, all my power of
obliging either my country or individuals was gone,
all the lustre of my imaginary rank was tarnished,
and I felt degraded even by my elevation. I said
this, or something to this effect. If it, gives offence
to Ireland, I am sorry for it: it was the reason I
gave for my silence; and it was, as far as it went,
the true one.
With you, this silence of mine and of others was
represented as factious, and as a discountenance to
the measure of your relief. Do you think us children? If it had been our wish to embroil matters,
and, for the sake of distressing ministry, to commit
the two kingdoms in a dispute, we had nothing to do
but (without at all condemning the propositions) to
have gone into the commercial detail of the objects
of them. It could not have been refused to us: and
you, who know the nature of business so well, must
know that this would have caused such delays, and
given rise during that delay to such discussions, as
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 233
all the wisdom of your favorite minister could never
have settled. But, indeed, you mistake your men.
We tremble at the idea of a disunion of these two
nations. The only thing in which we differ with you
is this, - that we do not think your attaching yourselves to the court and quarrelling with the independent part of this people is the way to promote the union of two free countries, or of holding them
together by the most natural and salutary ties.
You will be frightened, when you see this long
letter. I smile, when I consider the length of it myself. I never, that I remember, wrote any of the
same extent. But it shows me that the reproaches
of the country that I once belonged to, and in which
I still have a dearness of instinct more than I can
justify to reason, make a greater impression on me
than I had imagined. But parting words are admitted to be a little tedious, because they are not
likely to be renewed. If it will not be making yourself as troublesome to others as I am to you, I shall
be obliged to you, if you will show this, at their
greatest leisure, to the Speaker, to your excellent
kinsman, to Mr. Grattan, Mr. Yelverton, and Mr.
Daly: all these I have the honor of being personally known to, except Mr. Yelverton, to whom I am
only known by my obligations to him. If you
live in any habits with my old friend, the Provost,
I shall be glad that he, too, sees this my humble
apology.
Adieu! once more accept my best thanks for the
interest you take in me. Believe that it is received
by an heart not yet so old as to have lost its susceptibility. A11 here give you the best old-fashioned
? ? ? ? 234 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
wishes of the season; and believe me, with the greatest truth and regard, My dear Sir,
Your most faithful and obliged humble servant,
EDMUND BURKE.
BEACONSFIELD, New Year's Day, 1780.
I am frightened at the trouble I give you and our
friends; but I recollect that you are mostly lawyers,
and habituated to read long, tiresome papers - and,
where your friendship is concerned, without a fee;
I am sure, too, that you will not act the lawyer in
scrutinizing too minutely every expression which my
haste may make me use. I forgot to mention my
friend O'Hara, and others; but you will communicate it as you please.
? ? ? ? LETTE R
TO JOHN MERLOTT, ESQ. *
DEAR SIR,-I am very unhappy to find that
my conduct in the business of Ireland, on a former occasion, had made many to be cold and indifferent who would otherwise have been warm in my favor. I really thought that events would have produced a quite contrary effect, and would have proved
to all the inhabitants of Bristol that it was no desire
of opposing myself to their wishes, but a certain
knowledge of the necessity of their affairs, and a
tender regard to their honor and interest, which induced me to take the part which I then took. They
placed me in a situation which might enable me to
discern what was fit to be done, on a consideration
of the relative circumstances of this country and all
its neighbors. This was what you could not so well
do yourselves; but you had a right to expect that
I should avail myself of the advantage which I derived from your favor. Under the impression of
this duty and this trust, I had endeavored to render, by preventive graces and concessions, every act
of power at the same time an act of lenity, - the
result of English bounty, and not of English timidity
and distress. I really flattered myself that the events
*An eminent merchant in the city of Bristol, of which Mr. Burke
was one of the representatives in Parliament. - It relates to the same
subject as the preceding Letter.
? ? ? ? 236 LETTER TO JOHN MERLOTT, ESQ.
which have proved beyond dispute the prudence of
such a maxim would have obtained pardon for me,
if not approbation. But if I have not been so fortunate, I do most sincerely regret my great loss,with this comfort, however, that, if I have disobliged my constituents, it was not in pursuit of any sinister interest or any party passion of my own, but in
endeavoring to save them from disgrace, along with
the whole community to which they and I belong.
I shall be concerned for this, and very much so;
but I should be more concerned, if, in gratifying a
present humor of theirs, I had rendered myself unworthy of their former or their future choice. I
confess that I could not bear to face my constituents
at the next general election, if I had been a rival
to Lord North in the glory of having refused some
small, insignificant concessions, in favor of Ireland,
to the arguments and supplications of English members of Parliament, - and in the very next session,
on the demand of forty thousand Irish bayonets, of
having made a speech of two hours long to prove
that my former conduct was founded upon no one
right principle, either of policy, justice, or commerce.
I never heard a more elaborate, more able, more convincing, and more shameful speech. The debater
obtained credit, but the statesman was disgraced
forever. Amends were made for having refused
small, but timely concessions, by an unlimited and
untimely surrender, not only of every one of the
objects of former restraints, but virtually of the
whole legislative power itself which had made them.
For it is not necessary to inform you, that the unfortunate Parliament of this kingdom did not dare
to qualify the very liberty she gave of trading with
? ? ? ? LETTER TO JOHN MERLOTT, ESQ. 237
her own plantations, by applying, of her own authority, any one of the commercial regulations to the
new traffic of Ireland, which bind us here under the
several Acts of Navigation. We were obliged to refer them to the Parliament of Ireland, as conditions,
just in the same manner as if we were bestowing
a privilege of the same sort on France and Spain,
or any other independent power, and, indeed, with
more studied caution than we should have used, not
to shock the principle of their independence. How
the minister reconciled the refusal to reason, and the
surrender to arms raised in defiance of the prerogatives of the crown, to his master, I know not: it has
probably been settled, in some way or other, between
themselves. But however the king and his ministers
may settle the question of his dignity and his rights,
I thought it became me, by vigilance and foresight,
to take care of yours: I thought I ought rather to
lighten the ship in time than expose it to a total
wreck. The conduct pursued seemed to me without weight or judgment, and more fit for a member
for Banbury than a member for Bristol. I stood,
therefore, silent with grief and vexation, on that day
of the signal shame and humiliation of this degraded
king and country. But it seems the pride of Ireland, in the day of her power, was equal to ours,
when we dreamt we were powerful too. I have been
abused there even for my silence, which was construed into a desire of exciting discontent in England. But, thank God, my letter to Bristol was in print, m7 sentiments on the policy of the measure
were known and determined, and such as no man
could think me absurd enough to contradict. When
I am no longer a free agent, I am obliged in the crowd
? ? ? ? 238 LETTER TO JOHN MERLOTT, ESQ.
to yield to necessity: it is surely enough that I silently submit to power; it is enough that I do not foolishly affront the conqueror; it is too hard to
force me to sing his praises, whilst I am led in triumph before him, -- or to make the panegyric of our own minister, who would put me neither in a condition to surrender with honor or to fight with the smallest hope of victory. I was, I confess, sullen and
silent on that day,- and shall continue so, until I
see some disposition to inquire into this and other
causes of the national disgrace. If I suffer in my
reputation for it in Ireland, I am sorry; but it neither does nor can affect me so nearly as my suffering in Bristol for having wished to unite the interests of
the two nations in a manner that would secure the
supremacy of this.
Will you have the goodness to excuse the length
of this letter? My earnest desire of explaining myself in every point which may affect the mind of
any worthy gentleman in Bristol is the cause of it.
To yourself, and to your liberal and manly notions,
I know it- is not so necessary. Believe me,
My dear Sir,
Your most faithful and obedient humble servant,
EDMUND BURKE.
BEACONSFIELD, April 4th, 1780.
To JOHN MERLOTT, Esq. , Bristol.
? ? ? ? LETTERS AND REFLECTIONS ON THE
EXECUTIONS OF THE RIOTERS IN 1780.
? ? ? ? LETTERS.
To the Lord Chancellor.
IY LORD, -- I hope I am not too late with the
-I,1 inclosed slight'observations. If the execution
already ordered cannot be postponed, might I venture to recommend that it should extend to one only? and then the plan suggested in the inclosed
paper may, if your Lordship thinks well of it, take
place, with such improvements as your better judgment may dictate. As to fewness of the executions, and the good effects of that policy, I cannot, for my
own part, entertain the slightest doubt.
If you have no objection, and think it may not occupy more of his Majesty's time than such a thing is worth, I should not be sorry that the inclosed was put
into the king's hands.
I have the honor to be, my Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient humble servant,
EDMUND BURKE.
CHARLES STREET, July 10, 1780.
To the Earl Bathurst, Lord President of the Council.
MY LORD,I came to town but yesterday, and therefore did
not learn more early the probable extent of the executions in consequence of the late disturbances. I VOL. Vl. 16
? ? ? ? 242 LETTERS ON THE EXECUTIONS
take the liberty of laying before you, with the sincerest deference to your judgment, what appeared to me very early as reasonable in this business. Further
thoughts have since occurred to me. I confess my
mind is under no small degree of solicitude and anxiety on the subject; I am fully persuaded that a proper use of mercy would not only recommend the
wisdom and steadiness of government, but, if properly used, might: be made a means of drawing out the principal movers in this wicked business, who have
hitherto eluded your scrutiny. I beg pardon for this
intrusion, and have the honor to be, with great regard and esteem,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient humble servant,
EDMUND BURKE.
CHARLES STREET, July 18, 1780.
To Sir Grey Cooper, Bart. *
DEAR SIR,According to your desire, I send you a copy of the
few reflections on the subject of the present executions which occurred to me in the earliest period of the late disturbances, and which all my experience
and observation since have most strongly confirmed.
The executions, taking those which have been made,
which are now ordered, and which may be the natural consequence of the convictions in Surrey, will be undoubtedly too many to answer any good purpose.
Great slaughter attended the suppression of the tumults, and this ought to be taken in discount from
the execution of the law. For God's sake entreat of
* One of the Secretaries of the Treasury.
? ? ? ? OF THE RIOTERS IN 1780. 243
Lord North to take a view of the sum total of the
deaths, before any are ordered for execution; for by
not doing something of this kind people are decoyed
in detail into severities they never would have dreamed
of, if they had the whole in their view at once. The
scene in Surrey would have affected the hardest heart
that ever was in an human breast. Justice and mercy have not such opposite interests as people are apt to imagine. I saw Lord Loughborough last night.
He seemed strongly impressed with the sense of what
necessity obliged him to go through, and I believe
will enter into our ideas on the subject. On this matter you see that no time is to be lost. Before a final determination, the first thing I would recommend is,
that, if the very next execution cannot be delayed,
(by the way, I do not see why it may not,) it may be
of but a single person, and that afterwards you should
not exceed two or three; for it is enough for one riot,
where the very act of Parliament on which you pro.
ceed is rather a little hard in its sanctions and its
construction: not that I mean to complain of the lat.
ter as either new or strained, but it was rigid from
the first.
I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
EDMUND BURKE.
Tuesday, 18th July, 1780.
I really feel uneasy on this business, and should
consider it as a sort of personal favor, if you do some,
thing to limit the extent and severity of the law on
this point. Present my best compliments to Lord
North, and if he thinks that I have had wishes to be
serviceable to government on the late occasion, I shall
? ? ? ? 244 LETTERS ON THE EXECUTIONS.
on my part think myself abundantly rewarded, if a
few lives less than first intended should be saved
[taken? ]; I should sincerely set it down as a personal ob)ligation, though the thing stands upon general and strong reason of its own. * * It appears by the following extract from a letter written by the
Earl of Mansfield to Mr. Burke, dated the 17th July, 1780, that these
Reflections had also been communicated to him: -" I have received
the honor of your letter and very judicious thoughts. Having been so
greatly injured myself, I have thought it more decent not to attend
the reports, and consequently have not been present at any deliberation upon the subject. "
? ? ? ? SOME THOUGHTS
ON THE APPROACHING EXECUTIONS,
HUMBLY OFFERED TO CONSIDERATION.
AS the number of persons convicted on account
A-i- of the late unhappy tumults will probably exceed what any one's idea of vengeance or example would deliver to capital punishment, it is to be
wished that the whole business, as well with regard
to the number and description of those who are to
suffer death as with regard to those who shall be
delivered over to lighter punishment or wholly pardoned, should be entirely a work of reason.
It has happened frequently, in cases of this nature,
that the fate of the convicts has depended more upon the accidental circumstance of their being brought earlier or later to trial than to any steady principle
of equity applied to their several cases. Without
great care and sobriety, criminal justice generally begins with anger and ends in negligence. The first that are brought forward suffer the extremity of the
law, with circumstances of mitigation of their case;
and after a time, the most atrocious delinquents escape merely by the satiety of punishment.
In the business now before his Majesty, the following thoughts are humbly submitted.
If I understand the temper of the public at this
moment, a very great part of the lower and some of
? ? ? ? 246 THOUGHTS ON THE
the middling people of this city are in a very critical
disposition, and such as ought to be managed with
firmness and delicacy. In general, they rather approve than blame the principles of the rioters, though
the better sort of them are afraid of the consequences
of those very principles which they approve. This
keeps their minds in a suspended and anxious state,
which may very easily be exasperated by an inljudicious severity into desperate resolutions, - or by
weak measures on the part of government it may
be encouraged to the pursuit of courses which may
be of the most dangerous consequences to the public.
There is no doubt that the approaching executions
will very much determine the future conduct of those
people. They ought to be such as will humble, not
irritate. Nothing will make government more awful
to them than to see that it does not proceed by chance
or under the influence of passion.
It is therefore proposed that no execution should
be made until the number of persons which government thinks fit to try is completed. When the whole
is at once under the eye, an examination ought to be
made into the circumstances of every particular convict; and six, at the very utmost, of the fittest examples may then be selected for execution, who ought to be brought out and put to death on one and the
same day, in'six different places, and in the most
solemn manner that can be devised. Afterwards
great care should be taken that their bodies may not
be delivered to their friends, or to others who may
make them objects of compassion or even veneration:
some instances of the kind have happened with regard to the bodies of those killed in the riots. The
rest of the malefactors ought to be either condemned,
? ? ? ? APPROACHING EXECUTIONS.
land discovering by a progressive experience that none
of the concessions actually made were followed by the
consequences they had dreaded, their fears from what
they were yet to yield would considerably diminish.
But that to which I attached myself the most particularly was, to fix the principle of a free trade in all
the ports of these islands, as founded in justice, and
beneficial to the whole, but principally to this, the seat
of the supreme power. And this I labored to the
utmost of my might, upon general principles, illustrated by all the commercial detail with which my little inquiries in life were able to furnish me. I ought to forget such trifling things as those, with all concerning myself; and possibly I might have forgotten
them, if the Lord Advocate of Scotland had not, in a
very flattering manner, revived them in my memory,
in a full House in this session. He told me that my
arguments, such as they were, had made him, at the
period I allude to, change the opinion with which he
had come into the House strongly impressed. I am
sure that at the time at least twenty more told me
the same thing. I certainly ought not to take their
style of compliment as a testimony to fact; neither
do I. But all this showed sufficiently, not what they
thought of my ability, but what they saw of my zeal.
I could say more in proof of the effects of that zeal,
and of the unceasing industry with which I then acted, both in my endeavors which were apparent and
those that were not so visible. Let it be remembered
that I showed those dispositions while the Parliament
of England was in a capacity to deliberate and in a
situation to refuse, when there was something to be
risked here by being suspected of a partiality to Ireland, when there was an honorable danger attending
? ? ? ? 218 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
the profession of fiiendship to you, which heightened
its relish, and made it worthy of a reception in manly minds. But as for the awkward and nauseous parade of debate without opposition, the flimsy device
of tricking out necessity and disguising it in the habit of choice, the shallow stratagem of defendinlg by argument what all the world must perceive is yielded
to force, - these are a sort of acts of friendship whiclh
I am sorry that any of my countrymen should require
of their real friends. They are things not to my taste;
and if they are looked upon as tests of friendship, I
desire for one that I may be considered as an eniemy.
What party purpose did my conduct answer at
that time? I acted with Lord N. I went to all the
ministerial meetings, - and lie and his associates in
office will do me the justice to say, that, aiming at the
concord of the empire, I made it my business to give
his concessions all the value of which they were capable, whilst some of those who were covered with his favors derogated from them, treated them with contempt, and openly threatened to oppose them. If I had acted with my dearest and most valued friends,
if I had acted with time Marquis of Rockingham or
the Duke of Richmond, in that situation, I could not
have attended more to their honlor, or endeavored
more earnestly to give efficacy to the measures I had
taken in common with them. The return which I,
and all who acted as I did, have met with from him,
does not make me repent the conduct which I then
held.
As to the rest of the gentlemen with whom I have
the honor to act, they did not then, or at anly other
time, make a party affair of Irish politics. That
nlatter was always taken up without concert; but,
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 219
in general, from the operation of our known liberal
principles in government, in commerce, in religion,
in everything, it was taken up favorably for Ireland.
Where some local interests bore hard upon the inembers, they acted oin the sense of their constituents, upon ideas which, though I do not always follow,
I cannot blame. However, two or three persons,
high in opposition, and high in public esteem, ran
great risks in their boroughs on that occasion. But
all this was without anly particular plan. I need
not say, that Ireland was in that affair much obliged
to the liberal mind and enlarged understanding of
Charles Fox, to Mr. Thomas Townshend, to Lord
Midleton, and others. On reviewing that affair,
which gave rise to all the subsequent manlleuvres,
I am convinced that the whole of what has this day
been done might have then been effected. But then
the minister must have taken it up as a great plan
of national policy, and paid with his person in every
lodgment of his approach. He must have used that
influence to quiet prejudice, which he has so often
used to corrupt principle: and I know, that, if he
had, he must have succeeded. Many of the most
active in opposition would have given him an unequivocal support. The corporation of London, and
the great body of the London West India merchants
and planters, which forms the greatest mass of that
vast interest, were disposed to fall in with such a
plan. They certainly gave no sort of discountenance
to what was done or what was proposed. But these
are not the kind of objects for which our ministers
bring out the heavy artillery of the state. Therefore, as things stood at that time, a great deal more
was not practicable.
? ? ? ? 220 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
Last year another proposition was brought out for
the relief of Ireland. . It was started without any
communication with a single person of activity in
the country party, and, as it should seem, without
any kind of concert with government. It appeared
to me extremely raw and undigested. The behavior of Lord N. , on the opening of that business,
was the exact transcript of his conduct on the Irish
question in the former session. It was a mode of
proceeding which his nature has wrought into the
texture of his politics, and which is inseparable from
them. He chose to absent himself on the proposition and during the agitation of that business,although the business of the House is that alone for which he has any kind of relish, or, as I am
told, can be persuaded to listen to with any degree
of attention. But he was willing to let it take its
course. If it should pass without any considerable
difficulty, he would bring his acquiescence to tell
for merit in Ireland, and he would have the credit,
out of his indolence, of giving quiet to that couintry. If difficulties should arise on the part of England, he knew that the House was so well trained that he might at his pleasure call us off from the
hottest scent. As he acted in his usual manner and
upon his usual principle, opposition acted upon theirs,
and rather generally supported the measure. As to
myself, I expressed a disapprobation at the practice
of bringing imperfect and indigested projects into the
House, before means were used to quiet the clamors which a misconception of what we were doing
might occasion at home, and before measures were
settled with men of weiglht and autlhority in Ireland,
in order to render our acts useful and acceptable
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 221
to that country. I said, that the only thing which
could make the influence of the crown (enormous
without as well as within the House) in any degree
tolerable was, that it might be employed to give
something of order and system to the proceedings
of a popular assembly; that government being so
situated as to have a large range of prospect, and
as it were a bird's-eye view of everything, they might
see distant dangers and distant advantages which
were not so visible to those who stood onl the common level; they might, besides, observe them, from this advantage, in their relative and combined state,
which people locally instructed and partially informed
could behold only in an insulated and unconnected
manner; -but that for many years past we suffered
under all the evils, without any one of the advantages of a government influence; that the business
of' a minister, or of those who acted as such, had
been still further to contract the narrowness of men'S;
ideas, to confirm inveterate prejudices, to inflame
vulgar passions, and to abet all sorts of popular
absurdities, in order the better to destroy popular
rights and privileges; that, so far from methodizing
the business of the House, they had let all things
run into an inextricable confusion, and had left affairs of the most delicate policy wholly to chance. After I had expressed myself with the warmth I
felt on seeing all government and order buried under
the ruins of liberty, and after 1 had made my protest
against the insufficiency of the propositions, I supported the principle of enlargement at which they aimed, though short and somewlhat wide of the mark,
g- iving, as my sole reason, that the more frequently these matters came into discussion, the more it
? ? ? ? 222 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
would tend to dispel fears and to eradicate prejudices.
This was the only part I took. The detail was in
the hands of Lord Newhaven and Lord Beauchamp,
with some assistance from Earl Nugent and some independent gentlemen of Irish property. The dead
weight of the minister being removed, tile House
recovered its tone and elasticity. We had a temporary appearance of a deliberative character. The
business was debated freely on both sides, and with
sufficient temper. And the sense of the members
being influenced by nothing but what will naturally
influence men unbought, their reason and their prejudices, these two principles had a fair conflict, and
prejudice was obliged to give way to reason. A majority appeared, on a division, in favor of the propositions.
As these proceedings got out of doors, Glasgow
and Manchester, and, I think, Liverpool, began to
move, but in a manner much more slow and lallnguid
than formerly. Nothing, in my opinion, would have
been less difficult than entirely to have overborne
their opposition. The London West India trade was,
as on the former occasion, so on this, perfectly liberal
and perfectly quiet; and there is abroad so much respect for the united wisdom of the House, whllen supposed to act upon a fair view of a political situation, that I scarcely ever remember any considerable uncasiness out of doors, when the most active members,
and those of most property and consideration in the
minority, have joined themselves to tile administra.
tion. Many factious people in the towns I mentioned
began, indeed, to revile Lord North, and to reproach
his neutrality as treacherous and ungrateful to those
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 223
who had so heartily and so warmly entered into all
his views with regard to America. That noble lord,
whose decided character it is to give way to the latest
and nearest pressure, without ally sort of regard to
distant consequences of any kind, thought fit to appear, on this signification of the pleasure of those his
worthy friends and partisans, and, putting himself at
the head of the posse seaccarii, wholly regardless of
the dignity and consistency of our miserable House,
drove the propositions entirely out of doors by a majority newly summoned to duty.
In order to atone to Ireland for this gratification
to Manchester, he graciously permitted, or rather forwarded, two bills, - that for encouraging the growth
of tobacco, and that for giving a bounty on exportation of hemp from Ireland. They were brougllt in
by two very worthy members, and on good principles; but I was sorry to see them, and, after expressillg my doubts of their propriety, left the House. Little also [else? ] was said upon them. My objections were two: the first, that the cultivation of
those weeds (if one of them could be at all cultivated to profit) was adverse to the introduction of
a good course of agriculture; the other, that the encouragement given to them tended to establish that
mischievous policy of considering Ireland as a country of staple, and a producer of raw materials.
When the rejectionl of the first propositions and the
acceptance of the last had jointly, as it was natural,
raised a very strong discontent in Ireland, Lord Rockingham,who firequently said that there never seemed
a more opportune time for the relief of Irelalnd than
that moment when Lord North had rejected all rational propositions for its relief, without consultillg, I
? ? ? ? 224 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
believe, any one living, did what he is not often very
willing to do; but he thought this an occasion of
magnitude enough to justify an extraordinary step.
He went into the closet, and made a strong representation on the matter to the king, which was not ill received, and I believe produced good effects. He then
made the motion in the House of Lords which you
may recollect; but he was content to withdraw all
of censure which it contained, on the solemnl promise
of ministry, that they would in the recess of Parliament prepare a plan for the benefit of Ireland, and
have it in readiness to produce at the next meeting.
You may recollect that Lord Gower became in a particular manner bound for the fulfilling this ellgagement. Even this did not satisfy, and most of the minority were very unwilling that Parliament should be prorogued until something effectual on the subject
should be done, - particularly as we saw that the distresses, discontents, and armaments of Ireland were increasing every day, and that we are not so much lost
to common sense as not to know the wisdom and efficacy of early concession in circumstances such as ours.
The session was now at an end. The ministers,
instead of attending to a duty that was so urgent on
them, employed themselves, as usual, in endeavors to
destroy the reputation of those who were' bold enough
to remind them of it. They caused it to be industriously circulated through the nation, that the distresses
of Ireland were of a nature hard to be traced to the
true source, that they had been monstrously magnified, and that, in particular, the official reports from
Ireland had given the lie (that was their phrase) to
Lord Rockingham's representations: and attributing
the origin of the Irish proceedings wholly to us, they
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 225
asserted that everything done in Parliament upon
the subject was with a view of stirring up rebellion;
"that neither the Irish legislature nor their Constituents had signified any dissatisfaction at the relief
obtained in the session preceding the last; that, to
convince both of the impropriety of their peaceable
conduct, opposition, by making demands in the name
of Ireland, pointed out what she might extort from
Great Britain; that the facility with which relief was
(formerly) granted, instead of satisfying opposition,
was calculated to create new demands; these denlands, as they interfered with the commerce of
Great Britain, were certain of being opposed, --a
circumstance which could not fail to create that desirable confusion which suits the views of the party;
that they (the Irish) had long felt their own misery,
without knowing well from whence it came; our worthy
patriots, by pointing out Great Britain as the cause of
Irish distress, may have some chance of rousing Irish
resentment. " This I quote from a pamphlet as perfectly contemptible in point of writing as it is false in
its facts and wicked in its design: but as it is written
under the authority of ministers, by one of their principal literary pensioners, and was circulated with
great diligence, and, as I am credibly informed, at a
considerable expense to the public, I use the words of
that book to let you see in what manner the friends
and patrons of Ireland, the heroes of your Parliament, represented all efforts for your relief here,
what means they took to dispose the minds of the
people towards that great object, and what encouragement they gave to all who should choose to exert
themselves in your favor. Their unwearied endeavors were not wholly without success, and the unthinkVOL. VI. 15
? ? ? ? 226 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
ing people in many places became ill-affected towards
us on this account. For the ministers proceeded in
your affairs just as they did with regard to those of
America. They always represented you as a parcel
of blockheads, without sense, or even feeling; that all
your words were only the echo of faction here; and
(as you have seen above) that you had not understanding enough to know that your trade was cramped by restrictive acts of the British Parliament, unless we
had, for factious purposes, given you the information.
They were so far from giving the least intimation of
the measures which have since taken place, that those
who were supposed the best to know their intentions
declared them impossible in the actual state of the
two kingdoms, and spoke of nothing but an act of
union, as the only way that could be found of giving
freedom of trade to Ireland, consistently with the
interests of this kingdom. Even when the session
opened, Lord North declared that he did not know
what remedy to apply to a disease of the cause of
which he was ignorant; and ministry not being then
entirely resolved how far they should submit to your
energy, they, by anticipation, set the above author
or some of his associates to fill the newspapers with
invectives against us, as distressing the minister by
extravagant demands in favor of Ireland.
I need not inform you, that everything they asserted of the steps taken in Ireland, as the result of
our machinations, was utterly false and groundless.
For myself, I seriously protest to you, that I neither
wrote a word or received a line upon any matter
relative to the trade of Ireland, or to the politics of it,
from the beginning of the last session to the day that
I was honored with your letter. It would be an af
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 227
front to the talents in the Irish Parliament to say one
word more.
What was done in Ireland during that period, in
and out of Parliament, never will be forgotten. You
raised an army new in its kind and adequate to its
purposes. It effected its end without its exertion. It
was not under the authority of law, most certainly,
but it derived from an authority still higher; and as
they say of faith, that it is not contrary to reason, but
above it, so this army did not so much contradict the
spirit of the law as supersede it. What you did in
the legislative body is above all praise. By your proceeding with regard to the supplies, you revived the grand use and characteristic benefit of Parliament,
which was on the point of being entirely lost amongst
us. These sentiments I never concealed, and never
shall; and Mr. Fox expressed them with his usual
power, when he spoke on the subject.
All this is very honorable to you. But in what
light must we see it? How are we to consider your
armament without commission from the crown, when
some of the first people in this kingdom have been refused arms, at the time they did not only not reject, but solicited the king's commissions? Here to arm
and embody would be represented as little less than
high treason, if done on private authority: with you
it receives the thanks of a Privy Counsellor of Great
Britain, who obeys the Irish House of Lords in that
point with pleasure, and is made Secretary of State,
the moment he lands here, for his reward. You
shortened the credit given to the crown to six months;
you hung up the public credit of your kingdom by a
thread; you refused to raise any taxes, whilst you
confessed the public debt and public exigencies to
? ? ? ? 228 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
be great and urgent beyond example. You certainly
acted in a great style, and on sound and invincible
principles. But if we in the opposition, which fills
Ireland with such loyal horrors, had even attempted,
what we never did even attempt, the smallest delay or
the smallest limitation of supply, in order to a constitutional coercion of the crown, we should have been
decried by all the court and Tory mouths of this kingdom, as a desperate faction, aiming at the direct ruin
of the:country, and to surrender it bound hand and
foot to a foreign enemy. By actually doing what we
never ventured to attempt, you have paid your court
with such address, and have won so much favor with
his Majesty and his cabinet, that they have, of their
special grace and mere motion, raised you to new
titles, and, for the first time, in a speech from the
throne, complimented you with the appellation of
"faithful and loyal," --and, in order to insult our
low-spirited and degenerate obedience, have thrown
these epithets and your resistance together in our
teeth! What do you think were the feelings of every
man who looks upon Parliament in an higher light
than that of a market-overt for legalizing a base traffic of votes and pensions, when he saw you employ
such means of coercion to the crown, in order to
coerce our Parliament through that medium? Howmuch his Majesty is pleased with his part of the civility must be left to his own taste. But as to us, you declared to the world that you knew that the way of
bringing us to reason was to apply yourselves to the
true source of all our opinions and the only motive to
all our conduct! Now, it seems, you think yourselves
affronted, because a few of us express some indignation at the minister who has thought fit to strip us
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 229
stark naked, and expose the true state of our poxed
and pestilential habit to the world! Think or say
what you will in Ireland, I shall ever think it a crime
hardly to be expiated by his blood. He might, and
ought, by a longer continuance or by an earlier meeting of this Parliament, to have given us the credit of
some wisdom in foreseeing and anticipating an approaching force. So far from it, Lord Gower, coming out of his own cabinet, declares that one principal cause of his resignation was his not being able to prevail on the present minister to give any sort of application to this business. Even on the late meeting of Parliament, nothing determinate could be drawn from
him, or from any of his associates, until you had actually passed the short money bill, - which measure
they flattered themselves, and assured others, you
would never come up to. Disappointed in their expectation at [of? ] seeing the siege raised, they surrendered at discretion.
Judge, my dear Sir, of our surprise at finding your
censure directed against those whose only crime was
in accusing the ministers of not having prevented
your demands by our graces, of not having given
you the natural advantages of your country in the
most ample, the most early, and the most liberal
manner, and for not having given away authority
in such a manner as to insure friendship. That you
should make the panegyric of the ministers is what I
~xpected; because, in praising their bounty, you paid
t just compliment to your own force. But that you;hould rail at us, either individually or collectively,
s what I can scarcely think a natural proceeding. I,an easily conceive that gentlemen might grow frightrned at what they had done, - that they might im
? ? ? ? 230 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
agine they had undertaken a business above their direction, -that, having obtained a state of independence for their country, they meant to take the deserted helm into their own hands, and supply by their very real abilities the total inefficacy of the nominal
government. All these might be real, and might be
very justifiable motives for their reconciling themselves cordially to the present court system. But I
do not so well discover the reasons that could induce
them, at the first feeble dawning of life in this country, to do all in their power to cast a cloud over it,
and to prevent the least hope of our effecting the necessary reformations which are aimed at in our Constitution and in our national economy.
But, it seems, I was silent at the passing the resolutions. Why, what had I to say? If I had
thought them too much, I should have been accused
of all endeavor to inflame England. If I should represent them as too little, I should have been charged
with a design of fomenting the discontents of Ireland
into actual rebellion. The Treasury bench represented that the affair was a matter of state: they represented it truly. I therefore only asked whether they
knew these propositions to be such as would satisfy
Ireland; for if they were so, they would satisfy me.
This did not indicate that I thought them too ample.
In this our silence (however dishonorable to Parliament) there was one advantage, - that the whole
passed, as far as it is gone, with complete unanimity,
and so quickly that there was no time left to excite
any opposition to it out of doors. In the West India
business, reasoning on what had lately passed in the
Parliament of Ireland, and on the mode in which it
was opened here, I thought I saw much matter of
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 231
perplexity. But I have now better reason than ever
to be pleased with my silence.
If I had spoken, one
of the most honest and able men * in the Irish Parliament would probably have thought my observation an endeavor to sow dissension, which he was resolved
to prevent, - and one of the most ingenious and one
of the most amiable men t that ever graced yours or
any House of Parliament might have looked on it as
a chimera. In the silence I observed, I was strongly
countenanced (to say no more of it) by every gentleman of Ireland that I had the honor of conversing with in London. The only word, for that reason,
which I spoke, was to restrain a worthy county member, j who had received some communication from a great trading place in the county he represents, which,
if it had been opened to the House, would have led
to a perplexing discussion of one of the most troublesome matters that could arise in this business. I got up to put a stop to it; and I believe, if you knew
what the topic was, you would commend my discretion.
That it should be a matter of public discretion in
me to be silent on the affairs of Ireland is what on all
accounts I bitterly lament. I stated to the House
what I felt; and I felt, as strongly as human sensibility can feel, the extinction of my Parliamentary capacity, where I wished to use it most. When I
came into this Parliament, just fourteen years ago, -
into this Parliament, then, in vulgar opinion at least,
the presiding council of the greatest empire existing,
(and perhaps, all things considered, that ever did
exist,) obscure and a stranger as I was, I consid* Mr. Grattan.
? t Mr. Hussey Burgh: Mr. Stanley, member for Lancashire.
? ? ? 232 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
ered myself as raised to the highest dignity to which
a creature of our species could aspire. In that opinion, one of the chief pleasures in my situation, what was first and uppermost in my thoughts, was the
hope, without injury to this country, to be somewhat useful to the place of my birth and education,
which in many respects, internal and external, I
thought ill and impolitically governed. But when I
found that the House, surrendering itself to the guidance of an authority, not grown out of an experienced wisdom and integrity, but out of the accidents of court
favor, had become the sport of the passions of men at
once rash and pusillanimous, -that it had even got
into the habit of refusing everything to reason and
surrendering everything to force, all my power of
obliging either my country or individuals was gone,
all the lustre of my imaginary rank was tarnished,
and I felt degraded even by my elevation. I said
this, or something to this effect. If it, gives offence
to Ireland, I am sorry for it: it was the reason I
gave for my silence; and it was, as far as it went,
the true one.
With you, this silence of mine and of others was
represented as factious, and as a discountenance to
the measure of your relief. Do you think us children? If it had been our wish to embroil matters,
and, for the sake of distressing ministry, to commit
the two kingdoms in a dispute, we had nothing to do
but (without at all condemning the propositions) to
have gone into the commercial detail of the objects
of them. It could not have been refused to us: and
you, who know the nature of business so well, must
know that this would have caused such delays, and
given rise during that delay to such discussions, as
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ. 233
all the wisdom of your favorite minister could never
have settled. But, indeed, you mistake your men.
We tremble at the idea of a disunion of these two
nations. The only thing in which we differ with you
is this, - that we do not think your attaching yourselves to the court and quarrelling with the independent part of this people is the way to promote the union of two free countries, or of holding them
together by the most natural and salutary ties.
You will be frightened, when you see this long
letter. I smile, when I consider the length of it myself. I never, that I remember, wrote any of the
same extent. But it shows me that the reproaches
of the country that I once belonged to, and in which
I still have a dearness of instinct more than I can
justify to reason, make a greater impression on me
than I had imagined. But parting words are admitted to be a little tedious, because they are not
likely to be renewed. If it will not be making yourself as troublesome to others as I am to you, I shall
be obliged to you, if you will show this, at their
greatest leisure, to the Speaker, to your excellent
kinsman, to Mr. Grattan, Mr. Yelverton, and Mr.
Daly: all these I have the honor of being personally known to, except Mr. Yelverton, to whom I am
only known by my obligations to him. If you
live in any habits with my old friend, the Provost,
I shall be glad that he, too, sees this my humble
apology.
Adieu! once more accept my best thanks for the
interest you take in me. Believe that it is received
by an heart not yet so old as to have lost its susceptibility. A11 here give you the best old-fashioned
? ? ? ? 234 LETTER TO THOMAS BURGH, ESQ.
wishes of the season; and believe me, with the greatest truth and regard, My dear Sir,
Your most faithful and obliged humble servant,
EDMUND BURKE.
BEACONSFIELD, New Year's Day, 1780.
I am frightened at the trouble I give you and our
friends; but I recollect that you are mostly lawyers,
and habituated to read long, tiresome papers - and,
where your friendship is concerned, without a fee;
I am sure, too, that you will not act the lawyer in
scrutinizing too minutely every expression which my
haste may make me use. I forgot to mention my
friend O'Hara, and others; but you will communicate it as you please.
? ? ? ? LETTE R
TO JOHN MERLOTT, ESQ. *
DEAR SIR,-I am very unhappy to find that
my conduct in the business of Ireland, on a former occasion, had made many to be cold and indifferent who would otherwise have been warm in my favor. I really thought that events would have produced a quite contrary effect, and would have proved
to all the inhabitants of Bristol that it was no desire
of opposing myself to their wishes, but a certain
knowledge of the necessity of their affairs, and a
tender regard to their honor and interest, which induced me to take the part which I then took. They
placed me in a situation which might enable me to
discern what was fit to be done, on a consideration
of the relative circumstances of this country and all
its neighbors. This was what you could not so well
do yourselves; but you had a right to expect that
I should avail myself of the advantage which I derived from your favor. Under the impression of
this duty and this trust, I had endeavored to render, by preventive graces and concessions, every act
of power at the same time an act of lenity, - the
result of English bounty, and not of English timidity
and distress. I really flattered myself that the events
*An eminent merchant in the city of Bristol, of which Mr. Burke
was one of the representatives in Parliament. - It relates to the same
subject as the preceding Letter.
? ? ? ? 236 LETTER TO JOHN MERLOTT, ESQ.
which have proved beyond dispute the prudence of
such a maxim would have obtained pardon for me,
if not approbation. But if I have not been so fortunate, I do most sincerely regret my great loss,with this comfort, however, that, if I have disobliged my constituents, it was not in pursuit of any sinister interest or any party passion of my own, but in
endeavoring to save them from disgrace, along with
the whole community to which they and I belong.
I shall be concerned for this, and very much so;
but I should be more concerned, if, in gratifying a
present humor of theirs, I had rendered myself unworthy of their former or their future choice. I
confess that I could not bear to face my constituents
at the next general election, if I had been a rival
to Lord North in the glory of having refused some
small, insignificant concessions, in favor of Ireland,
to the arguments and supplications of English members of Parliament, - and in the very next session,
on the demand of forty thousand Irish bayonets, of
having made a speech of two hours long to prove
that my former conduct was founded upon no one
right principle, either of policy, justice, or commerce.
I never heard a more elaborate, more able, more convincing, and more shameful speech. The debater
obtained credit, but the statesman was disgraced
forever. Amends were made for having refused
small, but timely concessions, by an unlimited and
untimely surrender, not only of every one of the
objects of former restraints, but virtually of the
whole legislative power itself which had made them.
For it is not necessary to inform you, that the unfortunate Parliament of this kingdom did not dare
to qualify the very liberty she gave of trading with
? ? ? ? LETTER TO JOHN MERLOTT, ESQ. 237
her own plantations, by applying, of her own authority, any one of the commercial regulations to the
new traffic of Ireland, which bind us here under the
several Acts of Navigation. We were obliged to refer them to the Parliament of Ireland, as conditions,
just in the same manner as if we were bestowing
a privilege of the same sort on France and Spain,
or any other independent power, and, indeed, with
more studied caution than we should have used, not
to shock the principle of their independence. How
the minister reconciled the refusal to reason, and the
surrender to arms raised in defiance of the prerogatives of the crown, to his master, I know not: it has
probably been settled, in some way or other, between
themselves. But however the king and his ministers
may settle the question of his dignity and his rights,
I thought it became me, by vigilance and foresight,
to take care of yours: I thought I ought rather to
lighten the ship in time than expose it to a total
wreck. The conduct pursued seemed to me without weight or judgment, and more fit for a member
for Banbury than a member for Bristol. I stood,
therefore, silent with grief and vexation, on that day
of the signal shame and humiliation of this degraded
king and country. But it seems the pride of Ireland, in the day of her power, was equal to ours,
when we dreamt we were powerful too. I have been
abused there even for my silence, which was construed into a desire of exciting discontent in England. But, thank God, my letter to Bristol was in print, m7 sentiments on the policy of the measure
were known and determined, and such as no man
could think me absurd enough to contradict. When
I am no longer a free agent, I am obliged in the crowd
? ? ? ? 238 LETTER TO JOHN MERLOTT, ESQ.
to yield to necessity: it is surely enough that I silently submit to power; it is enough that I do not foolishly affront the conqueror; it is too hard to
force me to sing his praises, whilst I am led in triumph before him, -- or to make the panegyric of our own minister, who would put me neither in a condition to surrender with honor or to fight with the smallest hope of victory. I was, I confess, sullen and
silent on that day,- and shall continue so, until I
see some disposition to inquire into this and other
causes of the national disgrace. If I suffer in my
reputation for it in Ireland, I am sorry; but it neither does nor can affect me so nearly as my suffering in Bristol for having wished to unite the interests of
the two nations in a manner that would secure the
supremacy of this.
Will you have the goodness to excuse the length
of this letter? My earnest desire of explaining myself in every point which may affect the mind of
any worthy gentleman in Bristol is the cause of it.
To yourself, and to your liberal and manly notions,
I know it- is not so necessary. Believe me,
My dear Sir,
Your most faithful and obedient humble servant,
EDMUND BURKE.
BEACONSFIELD, April 4th, 1780.
To JOHN MERLOTT, Esq. , Bristol.
? ? ? ? LETTERS AND REFLECTIONS ON THE
EXECUTIONS OF THE RIOTERS IN 1780.
? ? ? ? LETTERS.
To the Lord Chancellor.
IY LORD, -- I hope I am not too late with the
-I,1 inclosed slight'observations. If the execution
already ordered cannot be postponed, might I venture to recommend that it should extend to one only? and then the plan suggested in the inclosed
paper may, if your Lordship thinks well of it, take
place, with such improvements as your better judgment may dictate. As to fewness of the executions, and the good effects of that policy, I cannot, for my
own part, entertain the slightest doubt.
If you have no objection, and think it may not occupy more of his Majesty's time than such a thing is worth, I should not be sorry that the inclosed was put
into the king's hands.
I have the honor to be, my Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient humble servant,
EDMUND BURKE.
CHARLES STREET, July 10, 1780.
To the Earl Bathurst, Lord President of the Council.
MY LORD,I came to town but yesterday, and therefore did
not learn more early the probable extent of the executions in consequence of the late disturbances. I VOL. Vl. 16
? ? ? ? 242 LETTERS ON THE EXECUTIONS
take the liberty of laying before you, with the sincerest deference to your judgment, what appeared to me very early as reasonable in this business. Further
thoughts have since occurred to me. I confess my
mind is under no small degree of solicitude and anxiety on the subject; I am fully persuaded that a proper use of mercy would not only recommend the
wisdom and steadiness of government, but, if properly used, might: be made a means of drawing out the principal movers in this wicked business, who have
hitherto eluded your scrutiny. I beg pardon for this
intrusion, and have the honor to be, with great regard and esteem,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient humble servant,
EDMUND BURKE.
CHARLES STREET, July 18, 1780.
To Sir Grey Cooper, Bart. *
DEAR SIR,According to your desire, I send you a copy of the
few reflections on the subject of the present executions which occurred to me in the earliest period of the late disturbances, and which all my experience
and observation since have most strongly confirmed.
The executions, taking those which have been made,
which are now ordered, and which may be the natural consequence of the convictions in Surrey, will be undoubtedly too many to answer any good purpose.
Great slaughter attended the suppression of the tumults, and this ought to be taken in discount from
the execution of the law. For God's sake entreat of
* One of the Secretaries of the Treasury.
? ? ? ? OF THE RIOTERS IN 1780. 243
Lord North to take a view of the sum total of the
deaths, before any are ordered for execution; for by
not doing something of this kind people are decoyed
in detail into severities they never would have dreamed
of, if they had the whole in their view at once. The
scene in Surrey would have affected the hardest heart
that ever was in an human breast. Justice and mercy have not such opposite interests as people are apt to imagine. I saw Lord Loughborough last night.
He seemed strongly impressed with the sense of what
necessity obliged him to go through, and I believe
will enter into our ideas on the subject. On this matter you see that no time is to be lost. Before a final determination, the first thing I would recommend is,
that, if the very next execution cannot be delayed,
(by the way, I do not see why it may not,) it may be
of but a single person, and that afterwards you should
not exceed two or three; for it is enough for one riot,
where the very act of Parliament on which you pro.
ceed is rather a little hard in its sanctions and its
construction: not that I mean to complain of the lat.
ter as either new or strained, but it was rigid from
the first.
I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
EDMUND BURKE.
Tuesday, 18th July, 1780.
I really feel uneasy on this business, and should
consider it as a sort of personal favor, if you do some,
thing to limit the extent and severity of the law on
this point. Present my best compliments to Lord
North, and if he thinks that I have had wishes to be
serviceable to government on the late occasion, I shall
? ? ? ? 244 LETTERS ON THE EXECUTIONS.
on my part think myself abundantly rewarded, if a
few lives less than first intended should be saved
[taken? ]; I should sincerely set it down as a personal ob)ligation, though the thing stands upon general and strong reason of its own. * * It appears by the following extract from a letter written by the
Earl of Mansfield to Mr. Burke, dated the 17th July, 1780, that these
Reflections had also been communicated to him: -" I have received
the honor of your letter and very judicious thoughts. Having been so
greatly injured myself, I have thought it more decent not to attend
the reports, and consequently have not been present at any deliberation upon the subject. "
? ? ? ? SOME THOUGHTS
ON THE APPROACHING EXECUTIONS,
HUMBLY OFFERED TO CONSIDERATION.
AS the number of persons convicted on account
A-i- of the late unhappy tumults will probably exceed what any one's idea of vengeance or example would deliver to capital punishment, it is to be
wished that the whole business, as well with regard
to the number and description of those who are to
suffer death as with regard to those who shall be
delivered over to lighter punishment or wholly pardoned, should be entirely a work of reason.
It has happened frequently, in cases of this nature,
that the fate of the convicts has depended more upon the accidental circumstance of their being brought earlier or later to trial than to any steady principle
of equity applied to their several cases. Without
great care and sobriety, criminal justice generally begins with anger and ends in negligence. The first that are brought forward suffer the extremity of the
law, with circumstances of mitigation of their case;
and after a time, the most atrocious delinquents escape merely by the satiety of punishment.
In the business now before his Majesty, the following thoughts are humbly submitted.
If I understand the temper of the public at this
moment, a very great part of the lower and some of
? ? ? ? 246 THOUGHTS ON THE
the middling people of this city are in a very critical
disposition, and such as ought to be managed with
firmness and delicacy. In general, they rather approve than blame the principles of the rioters, though
the better sort of them are afraid of the consequences
of those very principles which they approve. This
keeps their minds in a suspended and anxious state,
which may very easily be exasperated by an inljudicious severity into desperate resolutions, - or by
weak measures on the part of government it may
be encouraged to the pursuit of courses which may
be of the most dangerous consequences to the public.
There is no doubt that the approaching executions
will very much determine the future conduct of those
people. They ought to be such as will humble, not
irritate. Nothing will make government more awful
to them than to see that it does not proceed by chance
or under the influence of passion.
It is therefore proposed that no execution should
be made until the number of persons which government thinks fit to try is completed. When the whole
is at once under the eye, an examination ought to be
made into the circumstances of every particular convict; and six, at the very utmost, of the fittest examples may then be selected for execution, who ought to be brought out and put to death on one and the
same day, in'six different places, and in the most
solemn manner that can be devised. Afterwards
great care should be taken that their bodies may not
be delivered to their friends, or to others who may
make them objects of compassion or even veneration:
some instances of the kind have happened with regard to the bodies of those killed in the riots. The
rest of the malefactors ought to be either condemned,
? ? ? ? APPROACHING EXECUTIONS.
