They begged him to defer the date set (for the payment of the tribute they owed him) and he agreed, after setting the sum at 6,000 dinar instead of the 2,000 that he had
demanded
before that.
Arab-Historians-of-the-Crusades
R, X, 321-6)
When Jawali? 1 reached Makisi? n he freed the Frankish count who was a prisoner in Mosul and whom he had brought with him. The Count's name was Baldwin, and he was lord of Edessa, Saru? j, and other towns; he had spent all this time (from 1104-1108) in prison, offering enormous sums as ransom but unable to gain his freedom. Now after having been in prison for almost five years, Jawali? released him and gave him robes of honour. It was agreed that his ransom should be a certain sum of dinar, the release of the Muslims held captive by him, and a promise to help Jawali? , when requested, with all that his armies, his presence and his money could offer. When the terms had been agreed Jawali? sent the Count to the fort of Ja'bar, into the custody of its ruler Salim ibn Malik, until the arrival of his nephew Joscelin, a gallant Frankish knight and Prince of Tall Bashi? r; he had been captured
The Turkish ami? r who seized Mosul from Chekermi? sh, the captor of Baldwin.
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Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 13
at the same battle as the Count but had ransomed himself for 20,000 dinar. Joscelin came to Ja'bar as hostage for the Count, who went to Antioch in freedom. Then Jawali? released Joscelin, accepting as hostages in his place his and the Count's brothers-in-law, and sending Joscelin to join the Count and strengthen his resolve to release his prisoners, pay the ransom and fulfil his other obligations. When Joscelin reached Manbij he captured and sacked it. Some of Jawali? 's men who were with him reproached him with a violation of his undertaking, but he replied that what he did to this city was no affair of theirs.
The Count, free and safely back in Antioch, was given 30,000 dinar, horses, arms, and clothing, by Tancred, who had taken over the city while the Count was in prison. Now Baldwin applied to Tancred to restore the city to him, but met with no response. He moved to Tall Bashi? r, where the arrival of Joscelin, released by Jawali? , delighted and encouraged him. Meanwhile Tancred was preparing to attack him before he had time to muster his army and collect reinforcements, and before Jawali? could come to his aid. These men used to fight one-another and then after the contest would meet to dine and talk. 1
The Count freed a hundred and sixty Muslim prisoners, all from the county of Aleppo. He gave them clothes and sent them on their way. Tancred returned to Antioch with the problem of Edessa still unresolved. Baldwin and Joscelin made a series of raids on Tancred's forts, with the help of Kawasi? l, an Armenian who controlled Ru'ba? n, Kaisu? m and other forts north of Aleppo, and whose army was a miscellaneous band including a number of Muslim renegades. Baldwin's reinforcements from him numbered 2,000 cavalry and 2,000 infantry, all converts. Tancred prepared to fight, and sent the Patriarch of Edessa, whose status, like that of the Caliph among Muslims, commanded everyone's obedience, to mediate about Edessa. A group of metropolitans and priests gave evidence that Bohemond, Tancred's uncle, who had been planning to return to Europe, told Tancred to restore the city to the Count on his release from prison. So on 9 safar (501/29 September 1108) Tancred restored Edessa to Baldwin. Baldwin crossed the Euphrates and gave Jawali? 's emissaries the money and men he had promised, together with a number of prisoners from Harra? n and elsewhere as a douceur. At Saru? j Jawali? 's emissaries repaired a mosque belonging to three hundred poor Muslims. The governor of Saru? j was a convert from Isla? m, and Jawali? 's men heard him speaking ill of Isla? m and beat him up. This led to a brawl. The whole matter was referred to the Count, who said, 'This man is of no use either to you or to us', and had him killed.
In safar of the next year (502/September 1109) a battle was fought between Jawali? Saqau and Tancred the Frank, Prince of Antioch. The cause was a letter sent by Ridwa? n (of Aleppo) to Tancred of Antioch, putting him on his guard against Jawali? by informing him of Jawali? 's treacherous plot to attack Aleppo. Ridwa? n said that with Jawali? in Aleppo Tancred's Franks would no longer be able to maintain their hold on Syria. He asked for Tancred's help and co-operation in repulsing him. Tancred welcomed this appeal and set out from Antioch with six hundred cavalry sent by Pvidwa? n. When Jawali? heard the news he sent to Baldwin of Edessa to ask for his help in return for the rest of the ransom money. Baldwin left Edessa and met Jawali? at Manbij. At this moment news reached Jawali? that the Sul-tan's army1 had taken Mosul and seized all the money and treasure that Jawali?
The Muslim historian is struck by the chivalry of these medieval knights.
The Seljuqid Sultan Muhammad ibn Maliksha? h (1104-17), the feudal overlord of all these ami? rs.
1 1
14 Arab Historians of the Crusades
had there. This was a heavy blow to him, and many of his followers abandoned him, among them the Atabeg Zangi ibn Aq Sunqu? r and Bakta? sh an-Nahawandi. Jawali? had a thousand cavalry left, as well as a band of volunteers who had attached themselves to him. When the two armies were drawn up outside Tall Bashi? r, Tancred had 1,500 of his own cavalry, six hundred from Ridwa? n, and infantry as well. Jawali? put the ami? rs Aqsiya? n and Alunta? sh al-Abarri on his right, Badra? n ibn Sa? daqa, Ispahba? d Sabau and Sunqur Dira? z on his left, and in the centre the two Franks, Count Baldwin and Joscelin. In the battle that followed the men from Antioch charged the Count of Edessa, and after some violent fighting Tancred forced the enemy's centre to retreat. But Jawali? 's left wing charged the infantry from Antioch and killed so many of them that Tancred's defeat seemed certain. At this point some of Jawali? 's men fell on the chargers belonging to Baldwin, Joscelin and certain others, mounted them and galloped off. Jawali? rode after them to bring them back to the fight, but they did not owe him obedience since the loss of Mosul, and refused to turn back. When he realized that they would not obey him he was afraid to stay at his post, and led his army in a retreat. Ispahba? d Sabau made for Syria; Badra? n ibn Sa? daqa for the fortress of Ja'bar; Ibn Chekermi? sh for Jazirat Ibn 'Umar, and Jawali? himself for Rahba. Many Muslims were killed and their possessions taken by Tancred. The Frankish armies unleashed all their ferocity on the Muslims. Baldwin and Joscelin fled to Tall Bashi? r, and many of the Muslims sought refuge with them. They were well treated: the wounded were cared for, the naked clothed, and all set on their way home.
CHAPTER THREE
The extracts from Ibn al-Qala? nisi that follow give a vivid first-hand account of the fall of the Syrian coastal cities (Tripoli, Beiru? t, Sidon, and later, Tyre), and of the effect on Isla? m's spiritual capital of the influx of Frankish invaders into the empire. Muslim public opinion, alarmed by the tales of the Syrian refugees, demanded substantial military action by the central authorities; the Caliph and the Seljuqid Sultan, who, as usual, 'promised to provide'.
THE FALL OF TRIPOLI (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 163-4)
In sha'ba? n of 502/March 1109 Bertrand,1 the son of Saint-Gilles (who was attacking Tripoli) arrived by sea from his homeland with sixty vessels carrying Franks and Genoese, and encamped under the city walls. He was contesting the claims of Saint-Gilles' nephew, the Count of Cerdagne. Tancred supported Cerdagne and Baldwin supported Bertrand. Baldwin succeeded in making peace between them, and Cerdagne and his men returned to 'Arqa. In a field there he encountered a Frank. He was about to kill him, but the Frank struck back and killed Cerdagne. When Bertrand was told he sent men to take over 'Arqa from the dead man's followers.
After this the Franks turned their full attention to Tripoli. They brought up all their troops to attack it and to press the inhabitants to surrender. This continued from the beginning of sha'ba? n until 11 dhu l-hijja (6 March to 12 July 1109). They brought siege-towers against the walls, and when the inhabitants saw this display of force they lost heart and were sure that there was no hope for them. This state of mind led to despair when the Egyptian fleet was late in bringing supplies and reinforcements, delayed, by God's will, by lack of provisions and contrary winds. The Franks pressed their advantage, stormed the ramparts and took the city by force on Monday 11 dhu l-hijja/12 July 1109. They sacked the city, captured the men and enslaved the women and children. They seized an immense quantity of loot and treasure as well as the contents of the city library,1 works of art and heirlooms belonging to the local notables. The lives of the governor and his soldiers were spared. They had in fact asked for safe-conduct out of the city before it was taken, and after its
Here and elsewhere the text has 'Raymond', confusing the son with his father, Raymond of Saint- Gilles. The father died in 1105, still vainly hoping to become Lord of Tripoli, and was succeeded by his cousin's son, William-Jordan, Count of Cerdagne, until Bertrand arrived to contest his claim. Dar al-'ilm, literally 'house of learning', which was both a library and a college, and the pride of the Banu 'Amma? r, the ami? rs of Tripoli. Juba? il, the ancient Byblos (the Gibelet of the Crusaders), had in fact already been taken by Saint-Gilles in 1104 (see above). The reference here must be to Ja? bala (Zibel), which lies north of Tripoli and south of Laodicea.
1
1
16 Arab Historians of the Crusades
capture they were allowed to go free. They soon arrived in Damascus, but the rest of the population was subjected to terrible ordeals and cruel tortures, its possessions confiscated and its hidden treasures dragged to light. The Franks and Genoese agreed each to take a third of the land and booty and to leave a third for Bertrand. As for Baldwin, they put aside from the total a share that would satisfy him.
After Tancred's failure to achieve his aim by supporting Cerdagne he had turned back and laid siege to Baniya? s, which made a treaty with him in shawwa? l/May of the year 1109. Then he attacked the city of Juba? il, where Fakhr al-Mulk ibn 'Amma? r (ami? r of Tripoli) was staying. Supplies were very short and the citizens hard-pressed. On Friday 22 dhu l-hijja/ 23 July 1109 they began negotiations with Tancred. He offered them their lives in exchange for the city, and they accepted his terms. Fakhr al-Mulk got away with his life and promises that he would be treated with respect and consideration by the Franks.
Soon after this the Egyptian fleet arrived. In manpower, number of vessels and quantity of equipment and stores it was larger than any that had ever sailed from an Egyptian port. It brought enough men, money and supplies to keep Tripoli's besiegers at bay for a year, as well as supplies for the rest of the Egyptian territories in Syria. The fleet reached Tyre eight days after the fall of Tripoli, by God's will. So the supplies were unloaded at Tyre and distributed throughout the various regions, which was a help to the people of Tyre, Sidon and Beiru? t, who had been complaining of their lack of resources and weakness in the face of Frankish aggression. But the fleet could delay no longer, and set sail with the next fair wind for Egypt.
THE FALL OF BEIRU? T (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 167-8)
In this year (503/1109-10) Tancred and his minions swarmed out of Antioch and over the surrounding regions of Syria. They took Tarsus, imprisoned the governor and overran the district. After returning to Antioch they set out again for Shaizar, and demanded a tribute of 10,000 dinar, after devastating the province. Next they besieged Hisn al-Akra? d, and when the garrison surrendered went on to 'Aqra. Meanwhile Baldwin and Saint-Gilles' son were blockading Beiru? t by land and sea, and while Tancred was on his way back to Antioch Joscelin of Tall Bashi? r went to Beiru? t to strengthen Baldwin's hand and to ask for his help against the ami? r Mawdu? d's army, which was threatening Edessa. The Franks set to work to build a siege-tower to use against the walls of Beiru? t, but as soon as it was finished and put into service the Muslims smashed it to pieces with stones flung from catapults. The Franks began to build another, and Saint-Gilles' son undertook to provide a third.
At this moment twelve Egyptian men-of-war appeared, overwhelmed the Frankish fleet, capturing some of the ships, and brought provisions into Beiru? t. This helped the inhabitants to recover their enthusiasm. Then Baldwin sent to Suwaidiyya1 to ask for the help of the Genoese fleet there. Forty ship-loads of troops duly arrived at Beiru? t, and the Franks mustered all their forces, on land and sea, for an assault on the city on Friday 21 shawwa? l/13 May 1110. They brought up the two siege-towers and fought ferociously. In
The port of Antioch.
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Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 17
the end the defenders lost heart, seeing no escape from certain death. In the evening the Franks made a breakthrough and forced their way into the city. The governor fled with a few companions, but they were brought back by the Franks, the whole party executed and the money they had with them confiscated. The city was sacked, the inhabitants captured and enslaved and their money and goods seized. A short time later a party of 300 cavalry arrived to assist the city. When they came to the Jordan they met a small band of Franks, turned tail and fled into the mountains, where many of them perished.
From Beiru? t Baldwin led his army to besiege the city of Sidon, and forced the inhabitants to surrender.
They begged him to defer the date set (for the payment of the tribute they owed him) and he agreed, after setting the sum at 6,000 dinar instead of the 2,000 that he had demanded before that. Then he returned to Jerusalem for the pilgrimage.
THE FALL OF SIDON (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 171)
In this year (503/1109-10) news came of the arrival by sea of a Frankish King2 with more than sixty ships full of pilgrims and soldiers for the war against Isla? m. They made for Jerusalem, and King Baldwin came out to meet them and to decide with them their plans for the invasion of the Muslim empire. From Jerusalem they went to besiege Sidon, and from 3 rabi? ' II (504/19 October 1110) they blockaded the city by land and sea. The Egyptian fleet was still at Tyre, but could not come to Sidon's aid. The Franks spent several days building a siege-tower covered with brushwood, matting and fresh ox-hides, to repulse stones and Greek fire. They mounted the tower on wheels, and on the day of battle they provided it with weapons and water and vinegar to put out fires. Then they moved into attack with it. The sight of it filled the people of Sidon with despair, for they feared a fate like that of Beirut. The qadi of the city and a group of elders came out and appeared before the Franks to ask Baldwin to spare their lives. He guaranteed the safety of the citizens and the army, as well as of their possessions, and promised that any who wanted to go to Damascus should be free to leave Sidon. Reassured by Baldwin's oath the governor, the treasurer and all the armed forces of the city, as well as many of the citizens, left and went to Damascus. This was on 20 jumada I 504/4 December 1110, after a siege lasting forty-seven days. Baldwin restored the city to order, installed a garrison and then returned to Jerusalem. A short while later he returned to Sidon and imposed a tax of more than 20,000 dinar on the remaining Muslim inhabitants, taxing their last penny and reducing them to poverty. They used force to extort money from those they knew to be concealing some.
THE EFFECTS IN BAGHDA? D OF THE EVENTS IN SYRIA (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 173)
In jumada II 5O4/November-December 1110 the Sultan Ghiya? th ad-Dunya wa d-Din Muhammad ibn Maliksha? h travelled from Hamadha? n to Baghda? d. Messengers and messages
Sigurd I, King of Norway.
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18 Arab Historians of the Crusades
reached him there from Syria reporting on the situation there, the movements of the Franks after their retreat from the Euphrates, and events in Sidon, A? tharib and the province of Aleppo. On the first Friday of sha'ba? n a Hashimite Shari? f 1 from Aleppo appeared in the Sultan's mosque at Baghda? d, with a group of sufis, merchants and lawyers, and began to beseech aid for Syria. They made the preacher come down from the pulpit and then smashed it to pieces. They wept and groaned for the disaster that had befallen Isla? m with the arrival of the Franks, for the men who had died and the women and children who had been sold into slavery. They made such a commotion that the people could not offer the obligatory prayers. To calm them, the servers and ima? ms promised, on the Caliph's behalf, that troops would be sent to support Isla? m against the infidel. On the following Friday the men came back and repeated their noisy laments and cries for help, in the Caliph's mosque. Not long after this the Sultan's sister, who was the wife of the Caliph, arrived in Baghda? d from Isfaha? n, bringing a train of endless and indescribable splendour: jewels, rich furnishings, horses and trappings, clothes and equipage, slaves and pages, handmaids and servants. The Shari? f's cries for help disturbed the gaiety and joyousness of the occasion. The Caliph, the Prince of the Faithful al-Mustazhir bi-lla? h, was extremely annoyed and wanted to arrest the offenders and punish them severely. But the Sultan intervened, pardoned the offenders and ordered the ami? rs and army commanders to return to their posts and prepare to march in the Holy War against the infidel enemies of God. 2
In jumada II/December 1110-January 1111 an ambassador arrived from the Byzantine Emperor3 with valuable gifts, and letters inviting the Muslims to unite with him to drive the Franks out of Syria. He called on them to rouse themselves and summon all their energies to strike before the damage was beyond repair and reached too serious proportions. He for his part had already tried by force to prevent the Frankish armies from passing through his lands into Islamic territory. But if their armies and reinforcements came pouring into the Muslim empire by the direct route, necessity would force him to treat with them and allow them to pass through his lands, and to help them to achieve their aims and objects. He begged and prayed that all would unite to combat the Franks and would make common cause with him to extirpate them from these realms.
THE SIEGE OF TYRE (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 178-81)
In this year (505/1111-12) Baldwin assembled the largest army he could muster and marched on Tyre. Its governor 'Izzal-Mulk and the people of Tyre hurriedly wrote to the Ata-beg of Damascus, Zahi? r ad-Din (Tughtiki? n) asking for his help and offering to hand the city over to him. They begged him not to delay in sending a large contingent of his Turks
A true or presumed descendant of Muhammad; a privileged class that enjoyed great prestige among the Muslims.
Baghda? d at this time contained two rulers: the 'Abbasid Caliph, the nominal sovereign and leader of orthodox Isla? m, and the Seljuqid Sultan, the real ruler of Persia, Ira? q and feudal lands in Syria. Unity between the two, sometimes strengthened by marriage bonds, was not always perfect. Alexius Comnenus (1081-1118).
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2
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Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 19
to their aid and assistance, for if help did not come soon they would be forced to hand the city over to the Franks, as they despaired of getting any help from al-Afdal in Egypt. 1 The Ata-beg responded at once and sent to Tyre a large contingent of Turks, fully equipped, and consisting of more than 200 cavalry and skilled archers. Voluntary foot-soldiers from the surrounding region, from Mount 'A? mila and even from Damascus arrived at Tyre in large numbers, while the Ata-beg sent further reinforcements.
As for Baldwin, when he heard of the Ata-beg's interest in Tyre he hastily surrounded the city with all the troops at his disposal. This was on 25 jumada I 505/29 November 1111. He ordered his men to cut down all the trees and date-palms and to build permanent living- quarters under the city walls. Several vain attempts were made to take the city by storm. It was said that in one day's fighting the citizens used 20,000 arrows.
When Zahi? r ad-Din heard that the Franks had besieged Tyre he came down from Damascus as far as Baniya? s and sent out flying columns and bands of foot-soldiers to raid the Frankish provinces, with licence to kill, pillage, burn, destroy, and in every way to create difficulties for the Franks and lure them away from the city while reinforcements were brought up. But the reinforcements failed to get into the city. Zahi? r ad-Din went to attack the great fortress at al-Habi? s, across the Jordan, took it after some fierce fighting and killed its garrison. Meanwhile the Franks had begun work on two wooden towers for use against the walls of Tyre. Time and again Zahi? r ad-Din tried to hinder them by coming down to attack them, so that the garrison inside Tyre could come out and fire the towers; the Franks realized what he was trying to do, and dug trenches all round their position. They set guards over the trenches and the towers and were able to ignore his manoeuvres as well as his raids into their territories.
Winter came on, causing little harm to the Franks on the hard, sandy region where their camp was sited, but bringing much suffering to the Turkish army. None the less they continued their raids and their efforts to cut the Frankish supply lines and intercept their convoys. They cut the bridge on the road to Sidon to prevent reinforcements from arriving by that route. The Franks reverted to bringing in all their supplies by sea. When Zahi? r ad-Din heard what they were doing he took a section of the army round to the north side of the city, over-running the area outside the city walls. A number of sailors were killed and about twenty ships fired where they lay drawn up on the shore. Meanwhile Tughtiki? n did not omit to send letters to the people of Tyre encouraging them and urging them to keep up their resistance to the Frankish attacks.
In about eleven weeks the building of the two towers and their battering-rams was completed. On 10 sha'ba? n/11 February the Franks brought them into use against the city walls, and battle raged around them. The smaller of the two was more than forty cubits high; the larger, more than fifty. On I ramada? n/2 March the people of Tyre made a sortie and attacked the two towers with Greek fire, wood, pitch, and the means to set fire to them. They failed to set fire directly to either of their objectives, but they started a blaze near the smaller one in a place where the Franks could not extinguish it, and the wind blew it on to the tower. In spite of the fierce struggle put up by the men inside the tower, it burnt down. The Muslims
The Fatimid vizier, mentioned above, who should have been the first to come to the aid of these
1
coastal towns, which were all nominally Egyptian.
20 Arab Historians of the Crusades
took a lot of booty from it: cuirasses, shields and other things, and then the fire caught the other tower. When the Muslims realized that the Franks, occupied with fighting the fire in the towers, had given up their attack on the walls, they too let the attack from the ramparts drop. Then the Franks turned on them, drove them back from the towers, extinguished the fires, and set a large detachment of picked guards to protect the towers and the catapults.
Until the end of ramada? n the Franks kept up their attack on the city. They brought one of the towers up close to the wall, filling in the three trenches in front of it. The Muslims broke through the wall at the point where the Frankish. tower faced it and started a fire there. The props caught fire, the wall fell down in front of the tower, and it was no longer possible to bring the tower up close under the wall and assault the city from there. The wall where they had attacked it was quickly repaired, while the towers to either side of it dominated it and prevented the mobile tower from getting any closer on that side. So the Franks cleared away the accumulation of rubble and dragged the tower up to another part of the city wall, which they began to batter with rams slung in the tower. The wall cracked, stones fell out in places, and the defenders were on the brink of disaster. Then an officer of the fleet from Tripoli, an experienced, intelligent and observant man, thought of making iron hooks to pinion the heads and sides of the rams when they struck the wall, by means of ropes guided by men from the walls, so that the pull on them caused the towers to heel over. The Franks themselves were forced to cut down some of the rams for fear of destroying the tower. At other times the ram would bend and break, and at other times it was smashed to pieces by two boulders roped together and flung from the walls. The Franks made several rams, which were all smashed in the same way. Each one was sixty cubits long, with a block of iron at one end weighing more than twenty pounds, and was attached to the tower with ropes.
Again and again the rams were repaired and the tower brought up to the wall again. Then the sailor of whom we spoke invented another weapon. A long beam of unseasoned timber was set up on the wall in front of the tower. At the top of it, forming a cross,1 another beam forty cubits long swung on pulleys worked by a winch in the manner of a ship's mast, at the direction of whoever was operating the machine. At one end of the pivoting beam was an iron spar, and at the other end ropes running on pulleys, by means of which the operators could hoist buckets of dung and refuse and empty them over the Franks working in the tower, and so prevent their working the rams. The Franks found themselves working under great difficulties and unable to keep up the attack. Then the sailor had grape-panniers and baskets filled with oil, pitch, wood-shavings, resin and cane-bark, set on fire and hoisted up, in the manner described, to the level of the Frankish tower. The flames caught the top of the tower, and as fast as the Franks put them out with vinegar and water, the Muslims hurried to send over more fire-buckets; they also poured small vessels of boiling oil over the tower to feed the flames. The fire grew and spread, overcame the two men working at the top of the tower, killing one and forcing the other to go down, enveloped the top platform and crept down to the next and then the next, consuming the wooden structure and overcoming the men working on the platforms. Unable to extinguish it, the Franks in and around the tower fled. The citizens of Tyre came out, raided the tower, and took away vast quantities of arms, equipment and supplies.
A T-cross, as the context makes clear.
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Part One: From Godfrey to Saladin 21
The Franks despaired of taking the city and began to withdraw. They burnt down the encampment that they had built and many of the ships drawn up on the shore, from which they had taken masts, rudders and implements to build the towers. In all they had about two hundred vessels of all sizes, of which about thirty were men-of-war. They loaded some with their light baggage and left Tyre on 10 shawwa? l/10 April 1112. The siege had lasted for four and a half months. The Franks went to Acre and from there dispersed to their cities. The people of Tyre emerged from their city to reap the reward of their victory. The Turks who had been sent to help them returned to Damascus, less about twenty men killed in the fighting, and there received their pay1 and their monthly stipends. There is no other case of a Frankish tower being burnt down, as this one was, from top to bottom. This achievement was partly due to the tower's being the same height as the ramparts,2 for if their heights had been different the lower of the two would have been destroyed.
Tyre lost 400 men, and the Franks about 2,000, according to reliable witnesses. The people of Tyre took back the offer they had made to Tughtiki? n to hand over the city to him, but he simply said: 'I did what I did for the love of God and his Muslims, not in hope of money and power. ' This noble deed brought him blessings and gratitude, and he promised that in a similar situation he would be quick to help them. Then, after labouring hard and battling with the Franks until God freed Tyre of its troubles, he returned to Damascus. The citizens of Tyre began to rebuild their walls where the Franks had broken them down, restored the trenches to their former shape and size, and fortified the city. The volunteer infantry dispersed. 1
1
2
The 'there' may refer to Damascus, on their return, or it could mean 'during the war', i. e. at Tyre itself.
Literally 'the two towers', referring to the mobile tower and the section of the city wall that looked down on it. The same word is used here for both, which is sometimes confusing.
After this successful defence, Tughtiki? n helped and protected Tyre on other occasions, but was
1
finally forced to yield to the Crusaders in 1124.
CHAPTER FOUR
The first serious blow to the Franks came not from Baghda? d but from the united action of Ilghazi, the Artuqid ami? r of Mardi? n, and Tughtiki? n, Ata-beg of Damascus. In 1119 Ilghazi made a surprise attack on the Norman Prince Roger of Antioch at Bala? t (or Sarmada? , to the west of Aleppo) and defeated and killed him after a violent battle. Two accounts of it are given here: first that of Kama? l ad-Din, the most faithful and accurate record of the events, and then Ibn al-Qala? nisi's version, in which he comments on the failure of the Muslims to recapture Antioch, left unprotected during the crisis.
THE DEFEAT AND DEATH OF ROGER OF ANTIOCH AT BALA? T
(KAMA? L AD-DIN, 11, 187-90)
Ilghazi and Tughtiki? n went together to Mardi? n and from there sent messages to the Muslim armies and to Turcoman soldiers far and near, to join them in the great army they were mustering. In 513/1119 Ilghazi and more than 40,000 men crossed the Euphrates at the Badaya? and Sanja fords. The troops dispersed over the regions of Tall Bashi? r and Tall Khalid, killing and looting where they could. Messengers arrived from Aleppo begging Ilghazi to hurry there as the Franks were raiding al-Atharib, south of Aleppo, and morale was low. Ilghazi marched through Marj Dabiq, Maslamiyya and Qinnasri? n, and by the end of safar 513/June 1119 his bands of raiders had entered Frankish territory in the region of ar-Ruj and taken the near-by fort of Qastu? n. Sir Roger (Sirja? l), ruler of Antioch, assembled the Frankish and Armenian armies and made straight for the iron bridge (over the Orontes) and went from there to take up his position at Bala? t, between two mountains near the Sarmada? pass, north of al-A? tharib. He encamped there on Friday 9 rabi? ' 1/20 June 1119.
The (Muslim) ami? rs grew tired of the long delay while Ilghazi awaited the arrival of Tughtiki? n so that they could agree on a plan of action. They goaded Ilghazi into an immediate encounter with the enemy. He made all the ami? rs and commanders renew their oath to fight bravely, to stand firm without retreating, and to offer their lives in the Holy War. To this they cheerfully swore. The Muslims, drawn up in echelon formation, left their tents at Qinnasri? n on Friday 16 rabi? ' I/ 27 June, and passed the night close to the Frankish army, which was building a fort to dominate the Tall 'Afri?
When Jawali? 1 reached Makisi? n he freed the Frankish count who was a prisoner in Mosul and whom he had brought with him. The Count's name was Baldwin, and he was lord of Edessa, Saru? j, and other towns; he had spent all this time (from 1104-1108) in prison, offering enormous sums as ransom but unable to gain his freedom. Now after having been in prison for almost five years, Jawali? released him and gave him robes of honour. It was agreed that his ransom should be a certain sum of dinar, the release of the Muslims held captive by him, and a promise to help Jawali? , when requested, with all that his armies, his presence and his money could offer. When the terms had been agreed Jawali? sent the Count to the fort of Ja'bar, into the custody of its ruler Salim ibn Malik, until the arrival of his nephew Joscelin, a gallant Frankish knight and Prince of Tall Bashi? r; he had been captured
The Turkish ami? r who seized Mosul from Chekermi? sh, the captor of Baldwin.
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at the same battle as the Count but had ransomed himself for 20,000 dinar. Joscelin came to Ja'bar as hostage for the Count, who went to Antioch in freedom. Then Jawali? released Joscelin, accepting as hostages in his place his and the Count's brothers-in-law, and sending Joscelin to join the Count and strengthen his resolve to release his prisoners, pay the ransom and fulfil his other obligations. When Joscelin reached Manbij he captured and sacked it. Some of Jawali? 's men who were with him reproached him with a violation of his undertaking, but he replied that what he did to this city was no affair of theirs.
The Count, free and safely back in Antioch, was given 30,000 dinar, horses, arms, and clothing, by Tancred, who had taken over the city while the Count was in prison. Now Baldwin applied to Tancred to restore the city to him, but met with no response. He moved to Tall Bashi? r, where the arrival of Joscelin, released by Jawali? , delighted and encouraged him. Meanwhile Tancred was preparing to attack him before he had time to muster his army and collect reinforcements, and before Jawali? could come to his aid. These men used to fight one-another and then after the contest would meet to dine and talk. 1
The Count freed a hundred and sixty Muslim prisoners, all from the county of Aleppo. He gave them clothes and sent them on their way. Tancred returned to Antioch with the problem of Edessa still unresolved. Baldwin and Joscelin made a series of raids on Tancred's forts, with the help of Kawasi? l, an Armenian who controlled Ru'ba? n, Kaisu? m and other forts north of Aleppo, and whose army was a miscellaneous band including a number of Muslim renegades. Baldwin's reinforcements from him numbered 2,000 cavalry and 2,000 infantry, all converts. Tancred prepared to fight, and sent the Patriarch of Edessa, whose status, like that of the Caliph among Muslims, commanded everyone's obedience, to mediate about Edessa. A group of metropolitans and priests gave evidence that Bohemond, Tancred's uncle, who had been planning to return to Europe, told Tancred to restore the city to the Count on his release from prison. So on 9 safar (501/29 September 1108) Tancred restored Edessa to Baldwin. Baldwin crossed the Euphrates and gave Jawali? 's emissaries the money and men he had promised, together with a number of prisoners from Harra? n and elsewhere as a douceur. At Saru? j Jawali? 's emissaries repaired a mosque belonging to three hundred poor Muslims. The governor of Saru? j was a convert from Isla? m, and Jawali? 's men heard him speaking ill of Isla? m and beat him up. This led to a brawl. The whole matter was referred to the Count, who said, 'This man is of no use either to you or to us', and had him killed.
In safar of the next year (502/September 1109) a battle was fought between Jawali? Saqau and Tancred the Frank, Prince of Antioch. The cause was a letter sent by Ridwa? n (of Aleppo) to Tancred of Antioch, putting him on his guard against Jawali? by informing him of Jawali? 's treacherous plot to attack Aleppo. Ridwa? n said that with Jawali? in Aleppo Tancred's Franks would no longer be able to maintain their hold on Syria. He asked for Tancred's help and co-operation in repulsing him. Tancred welcomed this appeal and set out from Antioch with six hundred cavalry sent by Pvidwa? n. When Jawali? heard the news he sent to Baldwin of Edessa to ask for his help in return for the rest of the ransom money. Baldwin left Edessa and met Jawali? at Manbij. At this moment news reached Jawali? that the Sul-tan's army1 had taken Mosul and seized all the money and treasure that Jawali?
The Muslim historian is struck by the chivalry of these medieval knights.
The Seljuqid Sultan Muhammad ibn Maliksha? h (1104-17), the feudal overlord of all these ami? rs.
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14 Arab Historians of the Crusades
had there. This was a heavy blow to him, and many of his followers abandoned him, among them the Atabeg Zangi ibn Aq Sunqu? r and Bakta? sh an-Nahawandi. Jawali? had a thousand cavalry left, as well as a band of volunteers who had attached themselves to him. When the two armies were drawn up outside Tall Bashi? r, Tancred had 1,500 of his own cavalry, six hundred from Ridwa? n, and infantry as well. Jawali? put the ami? rs Aqsiya? n and Alunta? sh al-Abarri on his right, Badra? n ibn Sa? daqa, Ispahba? d Sabau and Sunqur Dira? z on his left, and in the centre the two Franks, Count Baldwin and Joscelin. In the battle that followed the men from Antioch charged the Count of Edessa, and after some violent fighting Tancred forced the enemy's centre to retreat. But Jawali? 's left wing charged the infantry from Antioch and killed so many of them that Tancred's defeat seemed certain. At this point some of Jawali? 's men fell on the chargers belonging to Baldwin, Joscelin and certain others, mounted them and galloped off. Jawali? rode after them to bring them back to the fight, but they did not owe him obedience since the loss of Mosul, and refused to turn back. When he realized that they would not obey him he was afraid to stay at his post, and led his army in a retreat. Ispahba? d Sabau made for Syria; Badra? n ibn Sa? daqa for the fortress of Ja'bar; Ibn Chekermi? sh for Jazirat Ibn 'Umar, and Jawali? himself for Rahba. Many Muslims were killed and their possessions taken by Tancred. The Frankish armies unleashed all their ferocity on the Muslims. Baldwin and Joscelin fled to Tall Bashi? r, and many of the Muslims sought refuge with them. They were well treated: the wounded were cared for, the naked clothed, and all set on their way home.
CHAPTER THREE
The extracts from Ibn al-Qala? nisi that follow give a vivid first-hand account of the fall of the Syrian coastal cities (Tripoli, Beiru? t, Sidon, and later, Tyre), and of the effect on Isla? m's spiritual capital of the influx of Frankish invaders into the empire. Muslim public opinion, alarmed by the tales of the Syrian refugees, demanded substantial military action by the central authorities; the Caliph and the Seljuqid Sultan, who, as usual, 'promised to provide'.
THE FALL OF TRIPOLI (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 163-4)
In sha'ba? n of 502/March 1109 Bertrand,1 the son of Saint-Gilles (who was attacking Tripoli) arrived by sea from his homeland with sixty vessels carrying Franks and Genoese, and encamped under the city walls. He was contesting the claims of Saint-Gilles' nephew, the Count of Cerdagne. Tancred supported Cerdagne and Baldwin supported Bertrand. Baldwin succeeded in making peace between them, and Cerdagne and his men returned to 'Arqa. In a field there he encountered a Frank. He was about to kill him, but the Frank struck back and killed Cerdagne. When Bertrand was told he sent men to take over 'Arqa from the dead man's followers.
After this the Franks turned their full attention to Tripoli. They brought up all their troops to attack it and to press the inhabitants to surrender. This continued from the beginning of sha'ba? n until 11 dhu l-hijja (6 March to 12 July 1109). They brought siege-towers against the walls, and when the inhabitants saw this display of force they lost heart and were sure that there was no hope for them. This state of mind led to despair when the Egyptian fleet was late in bringing supplies and reinforcements, delayed, by God's will, by lack of provisions and contrary winds. The Franks pressed their advantage, stormed the ramparts and took the city by force on Monday 11 dhu l-hijja/12 July 1109. They sacked the city, captured the men and enslaved the women and children. They seized an immense quantity of loot and treasure as well as the contents of the city library,1 works of art and heirlooms belonging to the local notables. The lives of the governor and his soldiers were spared. They had in fact asked for safe-conduct out of the city before it was taken, and after its
Here and elsewhere the text has 'Raymond', confusing the son with his father, Raymond of Saint- Gilles. The father died in 1105, still vainly hoping to become Lord of Tripoli, and was succeeded by his cousin's son, William-Jordan, Count of Cerdagne, until Bertrand arrived to contest his claim. Dar al-'ilm, literally 'house of learning', which was both a library and a college, and the pride of the Banu 'Amma? r, the ami? rs of Tripoli. Juba? il, the ancient Byblos (the Gibelet of the Crusaders), had in fact already been taken by Saint-Gilles in 1104 (see above). The reference here must be to Ja? bala (Zibel), which lies north of Tripoli and south of Laodicea.
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capture they were allowed to go free. They soon arrived in Damascus, but the rest of the population was subjected to terrible ordeals and cruel tortures, its possessions confiscated and its hidden treasures dragged to light. The Franks and Genoese agreed each to take a third of the land and booty and to leave a third for Bertrand. As for Baldwin, they put aside from the total a share that would satisfy him.
After Tancred's failure to achieve his aim by supporting Cerdagne he had turned back and laid siege to Baniya? s, which made a treaty with him in shawwa? l/May of the year 1109. Then he attacked the city of Juba? il, where Fakhr al-Mulk ibn 'Amma? r (ami? r of Tripoli) was staying. Supplies were very short and the citizens hard-pressed. On Friday 22 dhu l-hijja/ 23 July 1109 they began negotiations with Tancred. He offered them their lives in exchange for the city, and they accepted his terms. Fakhr al-Mulk got away with his life and promises that he would be treated with respect and consideration by the Franks.
Soon after this the Egyptian fleet arrived. In manpower, number of vessels and quantity of equipment and stores it was larger than any that had ever sailed from an Egyptian port. It brought enough men, money and supplies to keep Tripoli's besiegers at bay for a year, as well as supplies for the rest of the Egyptian territories in Syria. The fleet reached Tyre eight days after the fall of Tripoli, by God's will. So the supplies were unloaded at Tyre and distributed throughout the various regions, which was a help to the people of Tyre, Sidon and Beiru? t, who had been complaining of their lack of resources and weakness in the face of Frankish aggression. But the fleet could delay no longer, and set sail with the next fair wind for Egypt.
THE FALL OF BEIRU? T (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 167-8)
In this year (503/1109-10) Tancred and his minions swarmed out of Antioch and over the surrounding regions of Syria. They took Tarsus, imprisoned the governor and overran the district. After returning to Antioch they set out again for Shaizar, and demanded a tribute of 10,000 dinar, after devastating the province. Next they besieged Hisn al-Akra? d, and when the garrison surrendered went on to 'Aqra. Meanwhile Baldwin and Saint-Gilles' son were blockading Beiru? t by land and sea, and while Tancred was on his way back to Antioch Joscelin of Tall Bashi? r went to Beiru? t to strengthen Baldwin's hand and to ask for his help against the ami? r Mawdu? d's army, which was threatening Edessa. The Franks set to work to build a siege-tower to use against the walls of Beiru? t, but as soon as it was finished and put into service the Muslims smashed it to pieces with stones flung from catapults. The Franks began to build another, and Saint-Gilles' son undertook to provide a third.
At this moment twelve Egyptian men-of-war appeared, overwhelmed the Frankish fleet, capturing some of the ships, and brought provisions into Beiru? t. This helped the inhabitants to recover their enthusiasm. Then Baldwin sent to Suwaidiyya1 to ask for the help of the Genoese fleet there. Forty ship-loads of troops duly arrived at Beiru? t, and the Franks mustered all their forces, on land and sea, for an assault on the city on Friday 21 shawwa? l/13 May 1110. They brought up the two siege-towers and fought ferociously. In
The port of Antioch.
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the end the defenders lost heart, seeing no escape from certain death. In the evening the Franks made a breakthrough and forced their way into the city. The governor fled with a few companions, but they were brought back by the Franks, the whole party executed and the money they had with them confiscated. The city was sacked, the inhabitants captured and enslaved and their money and goods seized. A short time later a party of 300 cavalry arrived to assist the city. When they came to the Jordan they met a small band of Franks, turned tail and fled into the mountains, where many of them perished.
From Beiru? t Baldwin led his army to besiege the city of Sidon, and forced the inhabitants to surrender.
They begged him to defer the date set (for the payment of the tribute they owed him) and he agreed, after setting the sum at 6,000 dinar instead of the 2,000 that he had demanded before that. Then he returned to Jerusalem for the pilgrimage.
THE FALL OF SIDON (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 171)
In this year (503/1109-10) news came of the arrival by sea of a Frankish King2 with more than sixty ships full of pilgrims and soldiers for the war against Isla? m. They made for Jerusalem, and King Baldwin came out to meet them and to decide with them their plans for the invasion of the Muslim empire. From Jerusalem they went to besiege Sidon, and from 3 rabi? ' II (504/19 October 1110) they blockaded the city by land and sea. The Egyptian fleet was still at Tyre, but could not come to Sidon's aid. The Franks spent several days building a siege-tower covered with brushwood, matting and fresh ox-hides, to repulse stones and Greek fire. They mounted the tower on wheels, and on the day of battle they provided it with weapons and water and vinegar to put out fires. Then they moved into attack with it. The sight of it filled the people of Sidon with despair, for they feared a fate like that of Beirut. The qadi of the city and a group of elders came out and appeared before the Franks to ask Baldwin to spare their lives. He guaranteed the safety of the citizens and the army, as well as of their possessions, and promised that any who wanted to go to Damascus should be free to leave Sidon. Reassured by Baldwin's oath the governor, the treasurer and all the armed forces of the city, as well as many of the citizens, left and went to Damascus. This was on 20 jumada I 504/4 December 1110, after a siege lasting forty-seven days. Baldwin restored the city to order, installed a garrison and then returned to Jerusalem. A short while later he returned to Sidon and imposed a tax of more than 20,000 dinar on the remaining Muslim inhabitants, taxing their last penny and reducing them to poverty. They used force to extort money from those they knew to be concealing some.
THE EFFECTS IN BAGHDA? D OF THE EVENTS IN SYRIA (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 173)
In jumada II 5O4/November-December 1110 the Sultan Ghiya? th ad-Dunya wa d-Din Muhammad ibn Maliksha? h travelled from Hamadha? n to Baghda? d. Messengers and messages
Sigurd I, King of Norway.
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reached him there from Syria reporting on the situation there, the movements of the Franks after their retreat from the Euphrates, and events in Sidon, A? tharib and the province of Aleppo. On the first Friday of sha'ba? n a Hashimite Shari? f 1 from Aleppo appeared in the Sultan's mosque at Baghda? d, with a group of sufis, merchants and lawyers, and began to beseech aid for Syria. They made the preacher come down from the pulpit and then smashed it to pieces. They wept and groaned for the disaster that had befallen Isla? m with the arrival of the Franks, for the men who had died and the women and children who had been sold into slavery. They made such a commotion that the people could not offer the obligatory prayers. To calm them, the servers and ima? ms promised, on the Caliph's behalf, that troops would be sent to support Isla? m against the infidel. On the following Friday the men came back and repeated their noisy laments and cries for help, in the Caliph's mosque. Not long after this the Sultan's sister, who was the wife of the Caliph, arrived in Baghda? d from Isfaha? n, bringing a train of endless and indescribable splendour: jewels, rich furnishings, horses and trappings, clothes and equipage, slaves and pages, handmaids and servants. The Shari? f's cries for help disturbed the gaiety and joyousness of the occasion. The Caliph, the Prince of the Faithful al-Mustazhir bi-lla? h, was extremely annoyed and wanted to arrest the offenders and punish them severely. But the Sultan intervened, pardoned the offenders and ordered the ami? rs and army commanders to return to their posts and prepare to march in the Holy War against the infidel enemies of God. 2
In jumada II/December 1110-January 1111 an ambassador arrived from the Byzantine Emperor3 with valuable gifts, and letters inviting the Muslims to unite with him to drive the Franks out of Syria. He called on them to rouse themselves and summon all their energies to strike before the damage was beyond repair and reached too serious proportions. He for his part had already tried by force to prevent the Frankish armies from passing through his lands into Islamic territory. But if their armies and reinforcements came pouring into the Muslim empire by the direct route, necessity would force him to treat with them and allow them to pass through his lands, and to help them to achieve their aims and objects. He begged and prayed that all would unite to combat the Franks and would make common cause with him to extirpate them from these realms.
THE SIEGE OF TYRE (IBN AL-QALA? NISI, 178-81)
In this year (505/1111-12) Baldwin assembled the largest army he could muster and marched on Tyre. Its governor 'Izzal-Mulk and the people of Tyre hurriedly wrote to the Ata-beg of Damascus, Zahi? r ad-Din (Tughtiki? n) asking for his help and offering to hand the city over to him. They begged him not to delay in sending a large contingent of his Turks
A true or presumed descendant of Muhammad; a privileged class that enjoyed great prestige among the Muslims.
Baghda? d at this time contained two rulers: the 'Abbasid Caliph, the nominal sovereign and leader of orthodox Isla? m, and the Seljuqid Sultan, the real ruler of Persia, Ira? q and feudal lands in Syria. Unity between the two, sometimes strengthened by marriage bonds, was not always perfect. Alexius Comnenus (1081-1118).
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to their aid and assistance, for if help did not come soon they would be forced to hand the city over to the Franks, as they despaired of getting any help from al-Afdal in Egypt. 1 The Ata-beg responded at once and sent to Tyre a large contingent of Turks, fully equipped, and consisting of more than 200 cavalry and skilled archers. Voluntary foot-soldiers from the surrounding region, from Mount 'A? mila and even from Damascus arrived at Tyre in large numbers, while the Ata-beg sent further reinforcements.
As for Baldwin, when he heard of the Ata-beg's interest in Tyre he hastily surrounded the city with all the troops at his disposal. This was on 25 jumada I 505/29 November 1111. He ordered his men to cut down all the trees and date-palms and to build permanent living- quarters under the city walls. Several vain attempts were made to take the city by storm. It was said that in one day's fighting the citizens used 20,000 arrows.
When Zahi? r ad-Din heard that the Franks had besieged Tyre he came down from Damascus as far as Baniya? s and sent out flying columns and bands of foot-soldiers to raid the Frankish provinces, with licence to kill, pillage, burn, destroy, and in every way to create difficulties for the Franks and lure them away from the city while reinforcements were brought up. But the reinforcements failed to get into the city. Zahi? r ad-Din went to attack the great fortress at al-Habi? s, across the Jordan, took it after some fierce fighting and killed its garrison. Meanwhile the Franks had begun work on two wooden towers for use against the walls of Tyre. Time and again Zahi? r ad-Din tried to hinder them by coming down to attack them, so that the garrison inside Tyre could come out and fire the towers; the Franks realized what he was trying to do, and dug trenches all round their position. They set guards over the trenches and the towers and were able to ignore his manoeuvres as well as his raids into their territories.
Winter came on, causing little harm to the Franks on the hard, sandy region where their camp was sited, but bringing much suffering to the Turkish army. None the less they continued their raids and their efforts to cut the Frankish supply lines and intercept their convoys. They cut the bridge on the road to Sidon to prevent reinforcements from arriving by that route. The Franks reverted to bringing in all their supplies by sea. When Zahi? r ad-Din heard what they were doing he took a section of the army round to the north side of the city, over-running the area outside the city walls. A number of sailors were killed and about twenty ships fired where they lay drawn up on the shore. Meanwhile Tughtiki? n did not omit to send letters to the people of Tyre encouraging them and urging them to keep up their resistance to the Frankish attacks.
In about eleven weeks the building of the two towers and their battering-rams was completed. On 10 sha'ba? n/11 February the Franks brought them into use against the city walls, and battle raged around them. The smaller of the two was more than forty cubits high; the larger, more than fifty. On I ramada? n/2 March the people of Tyre made a sortie and attacked the two towers with Greek fire, wood, pitch, and the means to set fire to them. They failed to set fire directly to either of their objectives, but they started a blaze near the smaller one in a place where the Franks could not extinguish it, and the wind blew it on to the tower. In spite of the fierce struggle put up by the men inside the tower, it burnt down. The Muslims
The Fatimid vizier, mentioned above, who should have been the first to come to the aid of these
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coastal towns, which were all nominally Egyptian.
20 Arab Historians of the Crusades
took a lot of booty from it: cuirasses, shields and other things, and then the fire caught the other tower. When the Muslims realized that the Franks, occupied with fighting the fire in the towers, had given up their attack on the walls, they too let the attack from the ramparts drop. Then the Franks turned on them, drove them back from the towers, extinguished the fires, and set a large detachment of picked guards to protect the towers and the catapults.
Until the end of ramada? n the Franks kept up their attack on the city. They brought one of the towers up close to the wall, filling in the three trenches in front of it. The Muslims broke through the wall at the point where the Frankish. tower faced it and started a fire there. The props caught fire, the wall fell down in front of the tower, and it was no longer possible to bring the tower up close under the wall and assault the city from there. The wall where they had attacked it was quickly repaired, while the towers to either side of it dominated it and prevented the mobile tower from getting any closer on that side. So the Franks cleared away the accumulation of rubble and dragged the tower up to another part of the city wall, which they began to batter with rams slung in the tower. The wall cracked, stones fell out in places, and the defenders were on the brink of disaster. Then an officer of the fleet from Tripoli, an experienced, intelligent and observant man, thought of making iron hooks to pinion the heads and sides of the rams when they struck the wall, by means of ropes guided by men from the walls, so that the pull on them caused the towers to heel over. The Franks themselves were forced to cut down some of the rams for fear of destroying the tower. At other times the ram would bend and break, and at other times it was smashed to pieces by two boulders roped together and flung from the walls. The Franks made several rams, which were all smashed in the same way. Each one was sixty cubits long, with a block of iron at one end weighing more than twenty pounds, and was attached to the tower with ropes.
Again and again the rams were repaired and the tower brought up to the wall again. Then the sailor of whom we spoke invented another weapon. A long beam of unseasoned timber was set up on the wall in front of the tower. At the top of it, forming a cross,1 another beam forty cubits long swung on pulleys worked by a winch in the manner of a ship's mast, at the direction of whoever was operating the machine. At one end of the pivoting beam was an iron spar, and at the other end ropes running on pulleys, by means of which the operators could hoist buckets of dung and refuse and empty them over the Franks working in the tower, and so prevent their working the rams. The Franks found themselves working under great difficulties and unable to keep up the attack. Then the sailor had grape-panniers and baskets filled with oil, pitch, wood-shavings, resin and cane-bark, set on fire and hoisted up, in the manner described, to the level of the Frankish tower. The flames caught the top of the tower, and as fast as the Franks put them out with vinegar and water, the Muslims hurried to send over more fire-buckets; they also poured small vessels of boiling oil over the tower to feed the flames. The fire grew and spread, overcame the two men working at the top of the tower, killing one and forcing the other to go down, enveloped the top platform and crept down to the next and then the next, consuming the wooden structure and overcoming the men working on the platforms. Unable to extinguish it, the Franks in and around the tower fled. The citizens of Tyre came out, raided the tower, and took away vast quantities of arms, equipment and supplies.
A T-cross, as the context makes clear.
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The Franks despaired of taking the city and began to withdraw. They burnt down the encampment that they had built and many of the ships drawn up on the shore, from which they had taken masts, rudders and implements to build the towers. In all they had about two hundred vessels of all sizes, of which about thirty were men-of-war. They loaded some with their light baggage and left Tyre on 10 shawwa? l/10 April 1112. The siege had lasted for four and a half months. The Franks went to Acre and from there dispersed to their cities. The people of Tyre emerged from their city to reap the reward of their victory. The Turks who had been sent to help them returned to Damascus, less about twenty men killed in the fighting, and there received their pay1 and their monthly stipends. There is no other case of a Frankish tower being burnt down, as this one was, from top to bottom. This achievement was partly due to the tower's being the same height as the ramparts,2 for if their heights had been different the lower of the two would have been destroyed.
Tyre lost 400 men, and the Franks about 2,000, according to reliable witnesses. The people of Tyre took back the offer they had made to Tughtiki? n to hand over the city to him, but he simply said: 'I did what I did for the love of God and his Muslims, not in hope of money and power. ' This noble deed brought him blessings and gratitude, and he promised that in a similar situation he would be quick to help them. Then, after labouring hard and battling with the Franks until God freed Tyre of its troubles, he returned to Damascus. The citizens of Tyre began to rebuild their walls where the Franks had broken them down, restored the trenches to their former shape and size, and fortified the city. The volunteer infantry dispersed. 1
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The 'there' may refer to Damascus, on their return, or it could mean 'during the war', i. e. at Tyre itself.
Literally 'the two towers', referring to the mobile tower and the section of the city wall that looked down on it. The same word is used here for both, which is sometimes confusing.
After this successful defence, Tughtiki? n helped and protected Tyre on other occasions, but was
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finally forced to yield to the Crusaders in 1124.
CHAPTER FOUR
The first serious blow to the Franks came not from Baghda? d but from the united action of Ilghazi, the Artuqid ami? r of Mardi? n, and Tughtiki? n, Ata-beg of Damascus. In 1119 Ilghazi made a surprise attack on the Norman Prince Roger of Antioch at Bala? t (or Sarmada? , to the west of Aleppo) and defeated and killed him after a violent battle. Two accounts of it are given here: first that of Kama? l ad-Din, the most faithful and accurate record of the events, and then Ibn al-Qala? nisi's version, in which he comments on the failure of the Muslims to recapture Antioch, left unprotected during the crisis.
THE DEFEAT AND DEATH OF ROGER OF ANTIOCH AT BALA? T
(KAMA? L AD-DIN, 11, 187-90)
Ilghazi and Tughtiki? n went together to Mardi? n and from there sent messages to the Muslim armies and to Turcoman soldiers far and near, to join them in the great army they were mustering. In 513/1119 Ilghazi and more than 40,000 men crossed the Euphrates at the Badaya? and Sanja fords. The troops dispersed over the regions of Tall Bashi? r and Tall Khalid, killing and looting where they could. Messengers arrived from Aleppo begging Ilghazi to hurry there as the Franks were raiding al-Atharib, south of Aleppo, and morale was low. Ilghazi marched through Marj Dabiq, Maslamiyya and Qinnasri? n, and by the end of safar 513/June 1119 his bands of raiders had entered Frankish territory in the region of ar-Ruj and taken the near-by fort of Qastu? n. Sir Roger (Sirja? l), ruler of Antioch, assembled the Frankish and Armenian armies and made straight for the iron bridge (over the Orontes) and went from there to take up his position at Bala? t, between two mountains near the Sarmada? pass, north of al-A? tharib. He encamped there on Friday 9 rabi? ' 1/20 June 1119.
The (Muslim) ami? rs grew tired of the long delay while Ilghazi awaited the arrival of Tughtiki? n so that they could agree on a plan of action. They goaded Ilghazi into an immediate encounter with the enemy. He made all the ami? rs and commanders renew their oath to fight bravely, to stand firm without retreating, and to offer their lives in the Holy War. To this they cheerfully swore. The Muslims, drawn up in echelon formation, left their tents at Qinnasri? n on Friday 16 rabi? ' I/ 27 June, and passed the night close to the Frankish army, which was building a fort to dominate the Tall 'Afri?
